LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

SAN  Diteo 


^ 


S5 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  SAN  DIEGO 


3  1822  02562  2424 


MODERN 
AND  CONTEMPORARY 

EUROPEAN  HISTORY 


.X 


BY 


J.  SALWYN  SCHAPIRO,  Ph.D. 

Associate  Professor  of  History  in  The  College  of  the  City  of  New  York 


UNDER     THE     EDITORSHIP     OF 

JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL,  Ph.D. 

Professor  of   History  in  Columbia  University 


HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 

BOSTON         NEW  YORK         CHICAGO 

®I)e  Ifittierjfiiiie  ptej^jj  Cambcibge 


COPYRIGHT,    :9l8,    BY  J.    SALWYN  SCHAPIRO 
ALL    RIGHTS    RESERVED 


SIXTH    IMPRESSION 


PRINTED   AT 

Cbe  IKibersilie  9^tei 

CAMBRIDGE    .    MASSACHUSETTS 
U    .    S    .   A 


TO 

PROFESSOR  WILLIAM  G.  McGUCKIN 

INSPIRING  TEACHER  AND  DEAR  FRIEND  WHO 

AWAKENED  IN  ME  THE  LOVE  FOR  THE 

STUDY  OF  HISTORY 


PREFACE 

The  present  volume  is  an  attempt  to  describe  in  brief 
compass  the  evolution  of  European  civilization  during  the 
nineteenth  century.  This  period,  which  historically  began 
with  Waterloo  and  ended  at  Liege,  is  truly  modern  history, 
for  the  problems  that  it  solved  and  the  problems  that  it 
left  unsolved  are  those  that  vitally  concern  the  present 
generation. 

Believing  that  the  main  function  of  history  is  to  explain 
the  present,  I  planned  in  writing  this  book  to  devote  in- 
creasingly more  attention  to  the  periods  as  they  approached 
our  own  time.  The  epoch  since  1870,  therefore,  occupies 
more  than  half  of  the  volume,  for  I  have  felt  that  it  was  of 
paramount  importance  in  a  history  of  modern  and  contem- 
porary Europe  to  describe  the  various  problems  that  con- 
fronted the  European  nations  at  the  beginning  of  the  twen- 
tieth century.  The  introductory  chapter  is  a  resume  of  the 
ancien  regime,  the  French  Revolution,  and  the  Napoleonic 
Empire;  and  it  was  written  for  the  purpose  of  reviewing 
the  antecedents  of  the  nineteenth  century,  that  the  reader 
might  not  plunge  into  this  period  without  preparation. 

At  one  time  the  problem  of  how  to  write  history  was  com- 
paratively simple.  It  was  solved  in  advance  for  the  prospec- 
tive historian :  all  that  he  had  to  do  was  to  write  a  chronolog- 
ical narrative  of  political  and  military  events.  Once  that 
was  accomplished  his  task  was  done.  But  that  method  of 
writing  history  is  no  longer  considered  adequate.  The  chron- 
ological narrative  in  its  very  simplicity  is  confusing.  It 
simplifies  too  much  by  chronicling  in  succession  various 
subjects  which,  though  closely  related,  cannot  be  clearly 
understood  unless  they  are  disentangled  and  treated  topi- 
cally. The  purely  political  history  was  based  on  the  theory 
that  man  is  essentially  a  "political  animal";  hence,  the  State 
was  not  merely  an  institution  created  by  him-,  but  the  sum 


VI  PREFACE 

total  of  all  his  ambitions,  ideals,  and  accomplishments. 
History,  then,  was  "past  politics."  But  this  interpretation 
erred  in  being  one-sided.  If  man  is  a  "political  animal,"  he 
is  also  a  social  and  economic  animal,  a  thinking  animal,  a 
religious  animal,  even  a  writing  animal.  In  this  volume  I 
have  endeavored  to  solve  two  problems:  (i)  a  modification 
of  the  chronological  order  in  such  a  way  as  to  permit,  in 
the  most  important  matters  at  least,  topical  treatment,  and 
(2)  the  inclusion  of  social,  economic,  and  cultural  matters 
with  the  military  and  political. 

"  It  is  the  unhappy  usage  of  our  schools  and  universities," 
writes  H.  G.  Wells,  "  to  study  the  history  of  mankind  only 
during  periods  of  mechanical  unprogressiveness.  The  his- 
torical ideas  of  Europe  range  between  the  time  when  the 
Greeks  were  going  about  the  world  on  foot  or  horseback  or 
in  galleys  or  sailing  ships  to  the  days  when  Napoleon,  Wel- 
lington, and  Nelson  were  going  about  at  very  much  the 
same  pace  in  much  the  same  vehicles  and  vessels.  At  the 
advent  of  steam  and  electricity  the  Muse  of  History  holds 
her  nose  and  shuts  her  eyes.  Science  will  study  and  get  the 
better  of  a  modern  disease,  as,  for  example,  sleeping  sick- 
ness, in  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  has  no  classical  standing,  but 
our  history  schools  would  be  shocked  at  the  bare  idea  of 
studying  the  effect  of  modern  means  of  communication  upon 
administrative  areas,  large  or  small."  This  reproach  can 
no  longer  be  cast  at  our  newer  textbooks  in  European  his- 
tory. In  the  present  volume  I  have  given  generous  space  to 
the  Industrial  and  Agricultural  Revolutions  and  to  their 
manifold  effects  upon  modern  life. 

Furthermore,  I  have  ventured  to  include  sections  on  lit- 
erature, a  feature  entirely  neglected  in  nearly  all  our  general 
histories  of  Europe.  Why  third-rate  politicians  like  Lord 
Liverpool  and  Ollivier  should  find  place  in  history,  and  lit- 
erary men  of  the  first  order  like  Thackeray  and  Hugo  should 
be  left  out,  has  always  appeared  to  me  an  anomaly.  Litera- 
ture has  never  been  so  removed  from  the  life  of  the  times 
that  the  historian  can  afford  to  neglect  it. 

A  history  of  nineteenth-century  Europe  would  be  incom- 


PREFACE 


Vll 


plete  without  an  explanation  of  significant  social  move- 
ments such  as  socialism,  syndicalism,  and  feminism,  that 
have  profoundly  influenced  the  ideals  and  lives  of  millions 
in  every  country.  Therefore  I  have  devoted  considerable 
space  to  explain  these  movements. 

Obviously  the  history  of  the  World  War  cannot  be  written 
now.  In  my  chapter  on  the  War,  I  have  merely  described 
in  brief  general  outline  important  campaigns  without  giving 
statistical  details. 

This  book  is  based  in  part  on  original  sources,  but  mainly 
on  a  wide  and  careful  reading  of  many  excellent  books  in 
the  field,  both  general  and  special,  and  on  a  fair  degree  of 
familiarity  gained  from  an  affectionate  study  of  the  liter- 
ature and  art  of  modern  and  contemporary  Europe. 

J.  Salwyn  Schapiro 

The  College  of  the  City  of  New  York 
Ju7ie,  19 1 8 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

The  teachers  of  history  in  America  owe  a  great  debt 
of  gratitude  to  Professor  James  Harv-ey  Robinson,  of  Co- 
lumbia University,  chief  protagonist  and  briUiant  inter- 
preter of  the  New  History.  In  his  History  of  Western 
Europe,  Professor  Robinson  produced  a  history  textbook 
that  is  at  the  same  time  a  work  of  original  scholarship. 
This  volume  was  the  first  of  its  kind  to  give  coherence  and 
viewpoint  to  complex  historical  material  and  to  emphasize 
social  and  cultural  elements.  After  Professor  Robinson,  no 
one  may  now  write  an  old-style  textbook,  a  compendium 
of  dry  facts,  mainly  political  and  military,  hastily  put 
together  by  hack  writer  or  tired  historian.  The  author  of 
this  book  is  proud  and  glad  to  acknowledge  indebtedness 
to  Professor  Robinson,  under  whose  suggestive  guidance  he 
began  his  graduate  studies  in  history. 

The  author  also  gratefully  acknowledges  his  debt  to 
Professor  James  T.  Shotwell,  of  Columbia  University,  his 
former  teacher  and  the  editor  of  this  volume,  whose  wide 
range  of  scholarship  has  been  at  his  ready  disposal  and 
whose  fertile  suggestions  have  greatly  assisted  him  in  pre- 
paring the  book.  Several  specialists  have  rendered  signal 
service  in  reading  chapters  that  fall  within  their  fields.  The 
author,  therefore,  desires  to  express  gratitude  to  Mr,  George 
Louis  Beer,  who  read  the  chapters  on  the  British  Empire 
and  the  Expansion  of  Europe;  to  his  colleagues.  Professor 
Stephen  P.  Duggan,  who  read  the  chapter  on  the  Near 
Eastern  Question;  Mr,  Alfonso  Arbib-Costa,  who  read 
the  chapters  on  Italy;  Professor  Joseph  Vincent  Crowne, 
who  read  the  chapter  on  Ireland;  and  Professor  Felix 
Grendon,  who  read  the  sections  on  English  literature;  to 
Professor  Carlton  H.  J.  Hayes,  of  Columbia  University,  who 
read  the  chapter  on  the  World  War;  and  to  Mr.  William 
English  Walling,  who  read  the  chapters  on  Russia. 


X  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

The  author  Is  deeply  grateful  to  his  colleague,  Dr.  Austin 
Baxter  Keep,  whose  sense  for  the  right  word  and  correct 
expression  has  been  manifest  in  his  painstaking  reading  of 
page  proofs.  Above  all,  he  wishes  to  acknowledge  his  debt 
to  his  dear  friend,  Mr.  Jacob  J.  Shufro,  who  spent  many 
weary  hours  revising  the  manuscript  and  reading  the 
galley  proofs.  Whatever  value  the  book  may  possess  in 
clarity- of  expression  is  in  no  small  degree  due  to  the  help 
of  Mr.  Shufro. 

Nor  can  the  author  conclude  without  a  word  of  tribute 
to  the  high  scholarship  and  character  of  his  valued  teacher, 
Henry  Phelps  Johnston,  now  Emeritus  Professor  of  His- 
tory in  The  College  of  the  City  of  New  York,  who  gra- 
ciously welcomed  him  as  his  colleague. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I.  Introduction t 

Europe  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  —  Government  — 
Religion  and  education  —  The  economic  system  —  The  intellectual 
revolution  —  The  French  Revolution  —  The  First  Empire  —  The 
heritage  of  the  French  Revolution. 

CHAPTER  H.  Restoration  and  Reaction 17 

The  Congress  of  Vienna  —  Suppression  of  Liberalism  —  The  Holy 
Alliance. 

CHAPTER  HI.  The  Industrial  Revolution 25 

The  domestic  system  —  Mechanical  inventions  —  Revolution  in 
transportation  —  Revolution  in  communication  —  Results  of  the 
Industrial  Revolution. 

CHAPTER  IV.  Old  England 45 

Political  conditions  —  Religious  conditions  —  Social  conditions  — 
The  agricultural  revolution. 

CHAPTER  V.  The  Making  of  Modern  England,  1815-67    .      .    57 

The  Great  Reform  Bill  of  1832  — The  Era  of  Reform  —  Political 
history  (1832-67)  —  Industrial  progress  —  Religious  reform  — 
Romantic  and  Victorian  literature. 

CHAPTER  VI.  Democracy  and  Reaction  in  France,  1815-52     .    8g 

Conservative  and  radical  elements  in  French  society  —  The  In- 
dustrial Revolution  —  The  Restoration  —  The  July  Monarchy  — 
The  Second  Republic  —  Overthrow  of  the  Second  Republic  —  Ro- 
mantic movement  in  French  literature. 

CHAPTER  VII.  Central  Europe,  1815-50 115 

Introduction  —  Prussia  —  The  German  Confederation  —  Young 
Germany  —  The  Zollverein  —  The  Revolution  of  1848  in  Prussia  — 
The  uprising  in  Austria  —  The  National  movement  —  Results  of 
the  Revolution  of  1848  —  Intellectual  development  —  Young  Ger- 
many in  literature. 

CHAPTER  VIII.  The  Second  French  Empire 145 

Period  of  absolute  rule  —  Social  and  economic  progress  —  The 
Empire  and  the  Church  —  The  Liberal  Empire  —  Foreign  policy 
—  Literature  during  the  Empire. 

CHAPTER  IX.  The  Unification  of  Germany 169 

Reaction  in  Prussia  —  The  patriotic  historians  —  Bismarck  —  The 
Seven  Weeks'  War  —  The  Franco-Prussian  War. 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  X.  Union  and  Democracy  in  Italy 195 

Causes  of  disunion  —  The  Restoration  —  Tiie  Carbonari  —  Young 
Italy  —  The  Revolution  of  1848  —  Cavour  —  Garibaldi  —  Rome. 

CHAPTER  XI.  The  Third  French  Republic 220 

Thiers  and  the  reconstruction  of  France  —  The  Commune  —  Gam- 
betta  and  the  triumph  of  the  Republic  —  Government  and  parties  — 
Political  history  (1879-96)  —  Economic  progress  —  The  Dreyfus 
Affair  —  Suppression  of  the  Congregations  —  Separation  of  Churclj 
and  State  —  Social  legislation  —  The  labor  movement  —  Political 
history  (1906-14)  —  Literature  under  the  Republic. 

CHAPTER  XII.  The  German  Empire 277 

Government  and  parties  —  Political  parties  — ■  The  army  —  Bis- 
marck as  Chancellor  —  Economic  progress  —  Results  of  the  Industrial 
Revolution  —  Reign  of  William  II — ^  Problem  of  the  non-Germans  — 
The  movement  for  popular  control  —  Deutsche  Kultur. 

CHAPTER  XIII.  Political  and  Social  Democracy  in  Great 
Britain,  1867-1914 324 

Government  and  parties  —  Political  history  (1867-1906)  —  Re- 
ligious and  educational  reforms  —  Advance  of  trade  unionism  — 
The  Land  Question  —  Social  England  —  Economic  progress  — 
Literature. 

CHAPTER  XIV.  The  Irish  Question 382 

Introduction  —  Catholic  Emancipation  —  The  Agrarian  question 
and  its  solution  —  Home  Rule. 

CHAPTER  XV.  The  British  Empire 399 

India  —  Egypt  —  The  crown  colonies  —  Canada  —  Australia  and 
New  Zealand  —  South  Africa  —  Imperial  Federation. 

CHAPTER  XVI.  Austria-Hungary,  1850-1914 424 

Establishment  of  the  Dual  Monarchy  —  Austria  and  her  race 
problems  —  Austria  (1867-1914)  —  Hungary  (1867-1914). 

CHAPTER  XVII.  The  Kingdom  of  Italy,  1870-19 14        .      .      .442 
Government  and   political   parties  —  Problems  after  unification 
—  Economic  and  social  progress  —  Political  history  (1870-1914)  — 
Foreign  policies  —  Literature  during  the  nineteenth  century. 

CHAPTER  XVIII.  The  Iberian  Peninsula 459 

Restoration  in  Spain  —  The  Revolutionary  movement  —  The 
dynastic  struggle  —  Political  history  of  Spain  (1885-1914)  —  Por- 
tugal. 

CHAPTER  XIX.  The  Scandinavian  Nations 472 

Denmark  —  Sweden  and  Norway  —  Scandinavian  literature. 

CHAPTER  XX.  Holland,  Belgium,  and  Switzerland    .      .      .  484 
The  Netherlands  —  Belgium  —  The  Swiss  Confederation. 

CHAPTER  XXI.  Russia,  1815-81 499 

Introduction  —  Reign  of  Alexander  I  (1801-25)  —  Reign  of 
Nicholas  I  (1825-55)  — Abolition  of  serfdom  —  Political  reforms  — 


CONTENTS  xiii 

The  Polish  Rebellion  —  The  Revolutionary  movement  —  The  Rus- 
sian novel. 

CHAPTER  XXII.  Russia  at  the  End  of  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury        524 

Reign  of  Alexander  III  (1881-94)  —  Races  in  Russia  —  Anti-Jewish 
legislation  —  The  Orthodox  Church  —  The  peasants  —  The  Intelli- 
gentsia —  System  of  government  —  The  Industrial  Revolution. 

CHAPTER  XXIII.  The  Russian  Revolution  of  1905     .      .      .  546 
Reform  movement  in  the  reign  of  Nicholas  II  —  The  general  strike 

—  Political  parties  —  The  Dumas  —  Failures  of  the  Revolution  — 
Successes  of  the  Revolution. 

CHAPTER  XXIV.  Revolutionary  Labor  Movements  .      .      .  570 
Socialism:  Introduction  —  The  Utopians  —  Karl  Marx  —  Criticism 
of   socialism  —  The   Socialist  International  —  Anarchism  —  Syndi- 
calism. 

CHAPTER  XXV.  The  Woman's  Movement 603 

Position  of  woman  in  society  —  Origin  of  feminism  —  Woman 
Suffrage  —  Progress  of  woman. 

CHAPTER  XXVI.  Science 611 

Geology  —  Evolution  —  Chemistry  —  Physics  —  Medicine  and 
surgery  —  Exploration. 

CHAPTER  XXVII.  The  Near  Eastern  Question  .  .  .  .621 
Introduction  —  Independence  of  Greece  (1821-29)  —  The  Crimean 
War  (1854-56)  — The  Russo-Turkish  War  (1877-78)  —  Bulgaria 
(1878-1912)  —  Rumania  (1878-1912)  —  Greece  (1832-1912)  — 
Serbia  and  Montenegro  (1878-1912) — Turkey  (1878-1912) — The 
Balkan  Wars  (1912-13). 

CHAPTER  XXVIII.  The  Expansion  of  Europe       .      .      .      .650 
The  new  Industrial   Revolution  —  The  new  imperialism  —  China 

—  Japan  —  Expansion  of  Russia  —  Africa  —  Results  of  imperialism. 

CHAPTER  XXIX.  International  Relations,  1870-1914      .      .  684 
The    Triple    Alliance  —  The    Dual    Alliance  —  Rivalry    between 
England  and  Germany  —  The  diplomatic  revolution  —  The  peace 
movement  —  Morocco  —  The  Bagdad  Railway  —  The  Balkans. 

CHAPTER  XXX.  The  World  War 709 

Introduction  —  Quarrel  between  Austria  and  Serbia  —  Russia 
and  Germany  —  Violation  of  Belgian  neutrality  —  The  Balkans  — 
Summary  of  causes  —  Military  strength  of  the  combatants  —  First 
Year  of  the  World  War  (August,  1914-July,  1915)  —  Second  Year 
of  the  World  War  (August,  1915-July,  1916)  —  Third  Year  of  the 
World  War  (August,  1916-July,  1917)  —  The  War  in  Asia  and  Africa 
(August,  1914-July,  1917)  —  Naval  operations  —  The  United  States 
and  the  War  —  The  Russian  Revolution  —  Peace  proposals  —  Great 
Britain  during  the  World  War  —  Germany  during  the  World  War  — 
France  during  the  World  War  — Fourth  Year  of  the  World  War 
(August,  1917-JuIy,  1918)  —  End  of  the  Worid  War  (August,  1918- 
November,  19 18). 


xiv  CONTENTS 

/APPENDIX  — 
Rulers  of  the  European  Nations  since  the  French  Revolution      i 

Popes  since  1775 :       iii 

^  Prime  Ministers  of  Great  Britain  since  1783    ...  iii 

Chancellors  of  the  German  Empire    ......  iv 

BIBLIOGRAPHY v 

INDEX xxxvii 


tece 


35 


MAPS 

1  Europe  in  1815  {colored) Frontisp 

2  Industrial  England 

3  Expansion  OF  Prussia  (co/ore J) 118 

4  Central  Europe  (18 15-1866)  {colored) 184 

5  Eastern  France  —  The  Franco-Prussian  War,  1870-71   .      .  191 

6  Unification  of  Italy  (i  815-1870)  {colored) 196 

7  France,  1914  {colored) 220 

8  The  German  Empire,  19 14  {colored) 278 

9  Industrial  Germany 298 

ID  The  United  Kingdom,  1914 .  370 

11  Canada  AND  Newfoundland,  1914        .      .      .      ,      .      .      .  409 

12  The  Southern  Pacific,  1914  {colored) 412 

13  Austria-Hungary,  1914  {colored) 424 

14  Races  in  Central  and  Eastern  Europe  {colored)  ,      ,      .      .  428 
^5  Partitions  of  Poland 502 

16  European  Russia,  19 14  {colored) .  524 

17  Southeastern  Europe  (18 15-1908)       .......  622 

18  The  Balkan  Nations,  19 14  {colored)      .      .      .      .      .      .      .  646 

19  Asia,  1914  {colored) 658 

20  Africa,  1914  {colored) 676 

21  The  Berlin-Bagdad  Railway 703 

22  Europe,  1914  {colored) 709 

23  Strategic  Railways  in  Germany   ,...„.,.  723 

24  The  Western  Front 726 

25  The  Eastern  Front 729 

26  The  Italian  Front 731 

27  The  German  Penetration  of  Russia,  1917-18       ....  747 

28  The  German  Offensives,  March-July,  1918         ....  769 


MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY 
EUROPEAN  HISTORY 

CHAPTER  I 

INTRODUCTION 
Europe  at  the  End  of  the  Eighteenth  Century 

Modern  history  is  of  comparatively  recent  origin.  The 
present  system  of  society,  with  its  industrial  organization, 
democratic  government,  and  scientific  outlook,  Contrasts  in 
is  a  product  of  conditions  that  came  into  exist-  eighteenth- 
ence  hardly  a  century  ago ;  for  in  spite  of  Colum-  ^^"  ^^^ 
bus,  Luther,  Copernicus,  and  Newton,  the  life  and  thought 
of  the  average  person  in  Europe  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century  were  not  very  much  different  from  that  of  his  an- 
cestors in  the  later  Middle  Ages.  It  is  true  that  the  medi- 
eval system  had  received  mighty  blows  at  the  hands  of  the 
Humanists  of  the  Renaissance  and  of  the  Protestants  of  the 
Reformation ;  that  the  classics  had  received  full  recognition 
in  the  universities;  that  a  system  of  national  churches  had 
displaced  the  international  Catholic  Church;  that  feudal 
aristocracy  had  given  way  to  absolute  monarchy;  and  that 
discoveries  had  expanded  the  known  world.  It  is  also  true 
that  the  pioneers  of  science  had  begun  to  make  those  dis- 
coveries in  physics  and  astronomy  which  were  destined  to 
reconstruct  the  whole  intellectual  horizon  of  Europe.  But 
the  great  mass  of  people  remained  untouched  by  these 
changes ;  they  continued  to  plow  their  fields  in  the  same  old 
way,  to  make  things  by  hand,  and  to  quarrel  bitterly  about 
religion.  Many  doubtless  still  believed  the  earth  to  be 
flat  in  spite  of  the  Greeks,  Columbus,  and  Magellan.  In 
fact  the  religious  wars  and  persecutions  of  the  sixteenth, 
seventeenth,  and  eighteenth  centuries  showed  medievalism 
at  its  worst,  for  not  only  were  heretics  persecuted  as  of  yore, 


2         MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

but  the  Christian  nations  crusaded  against  one  another, 
Protestants  and  Catholics  alike,  while  millions  of  human 
beings  were  slaughtered  for  the  " greater  glory  of  God"  and 
for  the  special  benefit  of  church  or  king. 

At  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  took  place 
three  great  revolutions,  which  transformed  every  aspect  of 
The  three  European  society  and  created  the  world  in  which 
revolutions  ^^  j^^^  Vive.  These  movements  were  the  Intel- 
lectual Revolution,  which  gave  birth  to  new  points  of  view 
in  philosophy,  literature,  and  science;  the  French  Revolu- 
tion, which  proclaimed  democratic  principles  of  govern- 
ment; and  the  Industrial  Revolution,  which  inaugurated 
our  present  economic  life.  We  shall  now  take  a  brief  sur- 
vey of  conditions  in  Europe  during  the  ancien  regime,  which 
is  a  general  term  used  to  describe  the  system  of  society 
and  government  before  these  changes  took  place. 

Government 

The  government  of  nearl}^  every  European  country  at 
the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  monarchical,  and 
Absolute  everywhere  the  monarch  was  absolute,  except  in 
monarchy  England,  which  had  established  a  parliamentary 
system.  Feudalism  on  its  political  side  had  dis- 
appeared, and  the  once  haughty  noble  was  transformed 
into  the  fawning  courtier.  Only  in  Germany  did  political 
feudalism  still  maintain  itself;  there,  the  lord  continued  to 
govern  and  to  judge  as  he  had  done  in  medieval  times.  The 
explanation  given  for  absolute  monarchy  was  known  as 
"divine  right,"  which  asserted  that  the  king's  right  to 
govern  came  from  God,  to  whom  alone  he  was  responsible 
for  his  acts.  Was  a  king  good,  just,  and  wise?  Then  the 
people  were  fortunate.  Was  he  wicked,  cruel,  and  stupid? 
Then  they  were  unfortunate.  In  no  case  were  they  to 
revolt,  for  disobedience  was  not  only  a  crime  to  be  punished 
on  earth,  but  likewise  a  sin  to  be  punished  in  the  hereafter. 
In  case  a  bad  king  reigned,  the  people  were  to  bear  his  rule 
patiently  and  meekly,  and  to  pray  to  God  to  soften  his 
heart.      This  doctrine  of   "divine  right"   was  insistently 


INTRODUCTION  3 

preached  by  the  loyal  followers  of  the  monarch.     Lutheran 
Prussia  subscribed  to  it  as  heartily  as  Catholic  France. 

In  medieval  times,  the  largest  part  of  the  taxes  came 
from  land.  But  the  commercial  expansion  of  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries  increased  the  scope  of  Privileges  of 
government,  and  taxes  had  to  be  increased  corre-  ^^^  nobles 
spondingly  in  order  to  pay  the  expenses  of  a  rapidly  devel- 
oping bureaucracy.  While  the  kings  of  the  ancien  regime 
still  gathered  around  them  the  territorial  lords  who,  in 
former  days,  had  been  their  bitter  opponents,  they  now 
looked  more  and  more  to  the  middle  classes  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  State.  But  their  traditions  and  sympathies, 
however,  remained  with  the  landed  aristocracy;  and  the 
latter  were  consequently  exempt  in  large  measure  from  the 
ever  increasing  burden  of  taxation,  as  is  revealed  by  the 
legislation  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

Religion  and  Education 

The  Protestant  Revolution  had  broken  up  the  religious 
monopoly  of  the  Catholic  Church,  but  it  had  by  no  means 
established  religious  equality,   or   even   tolera-  t,, 

°  .  .  The  system 

tion.  Indeed,  Protestant  theologians  like  Luther,  of  national 
Calvin,  Knox,  and  Cranmer  were  as  insistent  on  ^  ""^^  ^^ 
conformity  to  the  established  religion  as  their  Catholic 
opponents.  The  fundamental  principle  of  the  Protestant 
Revolution  was  religious  independence  rather  than  religious 
freedom,  the  idea  that  every  nation  had  the  right  to  estab- 
lish its  own  type  of  Christianity.  "  One  World,  one  Faith," 
had  been  the  demand  of  the  Catholic.  In  the  warfare  of 
creeds  in  the  seventeenth  century,  the  futility  of  this  ideal 
became  apparent,  and  a  new  principle,  "one  Nation,  one 
Faith,"  took  its  place.  But  as  the  nation  had  not  yet 
attained  any  adequate  means  of  self-expression,  the  mon- 
arch and  the  go\^erning  class  were  generally  able  to  force 
upon  it  their  own  form  of  religion.  Hence  it  came  about 
that  the  religion  of  the  king  became  by  law  the  religion  of 
the  people,  and  official  churches  were  organized  to  preach 
it.    This  is  how  we  get  the  system  of  established  churches. 


4         MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Toleration  was  the  one  thing  that  both  Catholics  and 
Protestants  rejected.  Conformity  to  the  national  religion 
was  the  law  everywhere;  hence  nonconformists  and  free- 
thinkers found  themselves  persons  without  a  country.  The 
degree  of  intolerance  varied  with  the  strength  of  the  estab- 
lished Church.  In  Spain,  where  Catholic  hegemony  was 
unchallenged,  heretics  were  still  burned  at  the  stake.  In 
England,  where  the  established  Anglican  Church  had  many 
opponents,  both  Catholic  and  Protestant,  nonconformists 
were  merely  fined  and  imprisoned.  The  Church,  particu- 
larly in  Catholic  countries,  was  very  wealthy,  as  it  owned 
vast  tracts  of  land  which  yielded  enormous  revenues.  In 
addition,  a  special  tax,  called  the  tithe,  was  levied  on  the 
people,  irrespective  of  their  religious  beliefs,  for  the  benefit 
of  the  official  religion. 

Education  was  almost  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the 
clergy,  and  theology  was  still  the  intellectual  staple.  During 
E  lesi  ti  ^^^  Middle  Ages,  the  clergy  was  the  one  intel- 
cal  control  lectual  class  and  theology  the  most  important 
subject  of  study.  The  Renaissance  broke  up  the 
educational  monopoly  of  the  Church  by  spreading  the  ideal 
of  education  for  the  laity,  and  by  giving  the  classics  a 
prominent  place  in  the  curriculum.  Children  of  the  wealthy 
classes  now  received  instruction  mainly  through  private 
schools  or  private  teachers.  But  ecclesiastical  influence  still 
predominated,  for  the  reason  that  the  teachers  were  mostly 
clergymen,  and  the  schools  under  church  control.  Freedom 
of  thought  was  everywhere  limited,  and  books  had  to  run 
a  double  gantlet,  the  censorship  of  the  Church  and  that  of 
the  State.  It  became  almost  impossible  to  print  legally  a 
book  criticizing  the  conduct  of  affairs,  and  clever  subter- 
fuges were  resorted  to  in  order  to  bring  a  publication  before 
the  reading  public.  The  great  majority  of  people  could 
neither  read  nor  write,  and  therefore  remained  oblivious  to 
the  few  currents  of  thought  that  were  permitted  to  flow. 


INTRODUCTION  5 

The  Economic  System 

The  methods  of  industrial  production  up  to  the  end  of 
the  eighteenth  century  were  largely  what  they  had  been 
from   the  earliest  days  of  civilization.      Ham-  t,, 

/  Ine  manor 

murabi,  Pericles,  Julius  Caesar,  or  Charlemagne 
would  have  been  quite  at  home  in  the  social  and  economic 
Europe  of  Louis  XIV,  Frederick  the  Great,  and  George  III. 
People  lived  mainly  from  the  land,  which  was  possessed  by 
a  few  wealthy  nobles  and  cultivated  by  many  poor  peasants. 
The  estate  of  a  noble  was  subdivided  into  small  farms,  which 
were  worked  by  generation  after  generation  of  wretched 
farmers  who  were  generally  serfs,  bound  to  the  soil  and 
forming,  like  the  land  itself,  a  part  of  the  lord's  property. 
If,  as  in  France,  the  lord  of  the  manor  could  not  freely  fine, 
imprison,  or  flog  the  peasant  or  hold  him  as  chattel  upon  his 
estate,  as  he  could  in  most  of  Germany,  he  yet  exacted 
onerous  dues  and  serv'ices  from  his  tenants  for  the  privilege 
of  allowing  them  to  gain  a  wretched  livelihood  from  the 
soil.  A  part  of  what  they  produced,  from  eggs  to  bushels  of 
wheat,  had  to  be  given  to  the  lord.  They  might  also  have 
to  work  for  him  from  one  to  three  days  a  week  without  pay, 
to  attend  on  him  during  the  hunting  season,  and  to  wait  on 
his  guests  when  a  festi\'al  was  given  at  the  castle.  Special 
monopolies  generally  existed  on  the  estates;  and  the  peasant 
had  to  grind  his  wheat  at  the  lord's  mill,  to  bake  his  bread 
in  the  lord's  oven,  and  to  press  his  grapes  at  the  lord's  wine- 
press, all  at  a  price  fixed  by  his  master.  He  likewise  had  to 
pay  tolls  for  passing  a  bridge,  for  crossing  a  stream,  or  for 
driving  on  the  highway.^  To  sum  up,  the  feudal  social  sys- 
tem, so  far  as  it  affected  the  mass  of  common  people,  was 
still  a  living  fact  in  Europe  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century. 

The  craftsmen  and  merchants  in  the  towns  continued  to 
be  organized  according  to  the  medieval  guild  system.   Each 

'  In  England  this  system  had  long  before  broken  down.  Serfdom  had 
entirely  disappeared,  and  the  farmers  had  become  tenants  who  paid  a  fixed 
sum  to  the  lord  as  rent  for  their  farms. 


6         MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

trade  had  its  own  organization,  or  guild,  which   regulated 

^,  ., ,  the  quantity  and  quality  of  the  article  produced. 
The  guilds         ,,..  ^,-  ,,  ,.  , 

the  conditions  of  labor,  and  the  number  of  work- 
men to  be  employed.  To  learn  a  trade,  a  boy  was  appren- 
ticed for  a  number  of  years,  often  as  many  as  seven,  to  a 
master  workman  at  whose  house  he  lived  and  at  whose  shop 
he  worked;  later  he  became  a  "journeyman,"  or  independ- 
ent workman,  and  sometimes,  though  rarely,  a  master  or 
member  of  the  guild,  which  entitled  him  to  open  a  shop  of 
his  own.  The  guilds  were  industrial  monopolies  chartered 
by  the  government,  which  undertook  to  give  legal  sanction 
to  their  rules. 

Commerce  had  made  enormous  strides  as  a  result  of  the 
discoveries  by  the  bold  navigators  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
The  mer-  Trade  was  no  longer  merely  intertown,  as  in 
chants  ^j-jg  Middle  Ages,  but  had  become  international. 

London,  Rotterdam,  Antwerp,  and  Lisbon  were  great  ports; 
their  docks  were  crowded  with  shipping  from  America, 
Africa,  and  Asia.  But  compared  with  modern  commerce, 
the  volume  of  trade  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century 
was  not  very  large.  It  was  chiefly  in  the  raw  products  of  the 
new  countries  or  in  the  luxuries  of  the  East.  The  merchants 
of  the  towns,  like  the  craftsmen,  were  organized  into  asso- 
ciations, but  they  allowed  far  more  initiative  than  the  craft 
guilds  and,  partly  for  that  reason,  greater  prosperity  at- 
tended them.  Large  commercial  companies  were  sometimes 
given  the  exclusive  privilege  by  the  government  to  trade 
with  a  specified  country;  for  example,  the  English  East 
India  Company  had  a  monopoly  of  the  English  trade  with 
India.  During  the  eighteenth  century  a  wealthy  and  influ- 
ential class  of  merchants  had  developed  in  the  towns,  the 
middle  class  of  England,  the  Burger  of  Germany,  and  the 
bourgeoisie  of  France.  As  long  as  the  masses  were  scattered 
in  hamlets,  they  were  incapable  of  organization.  As  long 
as  they  were  ignorant,  they  were  silent.  What  then  had 
the  organized  powers,  the  monarchy,  the  nobility,  and  the 
Church,  to  fear? 


J 


INTRODUCTION  7 

The  Intellectual  Revolution 

If  conditions  and  ideals  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century  were  still  largely  medieval,  the  advanced  thought 
of  the  day  was  distinctly  modern,  not  only  in  ,,  ,    . 

,  -1  T     1  1  ,  Voltaire 

tendency,  but  even  m  substance.  It  has  seldom 
happened  that  great  thinkers  were  so  completely  out  of 
joint  with  their  time  as  was  the  case  with  the  eighteenth- 
century  philosophers  and  scientists;  and  they  began  an 
attack  on  the  old  system  which  was  unparalleled  for  audac- 
ity, virulence,  and  uncompromising  radicalism.  The  lead- 
ing spirit  in  the  war  against  the  ancien  regime  was  Voltaire, 
the  famous  French  philosopher,  poet,  and  historian.  His 
main  idea  was  that  progress  and  enlightenment  could  come 
only  when  man  exercised  his  reason  untrammeled,  and 
allowed  his  mind  full  play  on  all  problems  of  life.  Vol- 
taire singled  out  the  Church  as  the  special  object  of  his 
attack  because  she,  more  than  any  other  institution,  was 
the  special  conserver  of  tradition.  Never  had  the  Church 
encountered  so  bitter  an  enemy,  who  mocked  irreverently 
at  her  most  sacred  mysteries,  who  questioned  her  every 
right  and  privilege,  and  who  would  be  satisfied  with  nothing 
less  than  her  complete  destruction.  Few  men  have  done 
more  to  undermine  the  authority  of  the  Catholic  Church 
than  Voltaire,  whose  weapon  was  a  biting  satire  expressed 
with  marvelous  literary  art. 

The  attack  on  the  State  was  led  by  Montesquieu  and 
Rousseau.  The  former  was  quite  moderate  in  his  criticism 
of  monarchy ;  he  wished  merely  to  see  established  The  attack 
in  France  the  constitutional  system  of  England,  °^  *^^^  '^^^^^ 
which  he  greatly  admired.  It  was  Rousseau  who  proclaimed 
ideas  that  threatened  to  undermine  the  very  foundations  of 
the  old  political  system  by  questioning  every  reason  for  its 
existence.  His  famous  treatise,  The  Social  Contract,  sub- 
stituted the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  for  that  of 
divine  right,  and  laid  the  theoretical  basis  of  modern 
democracy.  The  new  science  of  Political  Economy  was 
founded  by  Quesnay  and  Turgot  in  France  and  by  Adam 


8         MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Smith  in  England.  People  now  began  to  think  of  their 
environment  from  the  economic  point  of  view,  and  to  iden- 
tify progress  with  material  well-being;  hitherto,  progress 
had  meant  only  religious,  moral,  and  intellectual  enlight- 
enment. The  economists  bitterly  attacked  the  iniquitous 
system  of  taxation  then  in  vogue  and  the  medieval  regula- 
tion of  commerce  and  industry  which  hindered  improved 
production.  The  ideas  of  the  philosophers  and  of  the  econo- 
mists were  widely  spread  by  Diderot  in  his  famous  encyclo- 
pedia, which  became  the  arsenal  of  knowledge  from  which 
were  drawn  the  weapons  to  attack  the  old  system. 

The  period  was  prolific  in  other  new  sciences.  Lavoisier 
laid  the  basis  of  modern  chemistry  by  his  successful  experi- 
4  J  r     ments  in  decomposing  air  and  water  and  by  his 

science  and  analysis  of  combustion.  Lamarck's  theory  as 
p  1  osop  y  ^^  ^j^^  evolution  of  bodily  organs  made  him  one 
of  the  founders  of  modern  biology.  Kant's  philosophy 
enthroned  moral  law  as  the  supreme  governor  of  the  uni- 
verse and  substituted  an  ethical  for  a  religious  view  of  the 
world.  Lessing  and  Goethe  completely  rejected  medieval- 
ism, which  then  so  largely  dominated  German  ideals,  and 
replaced  it  by  a  modern  outlook  upon  life. 

The  French  Revolution 

The  French  Revolution  was  more  than  a  single  movement 
in  the  history  of  France  or  of  Europe.  It  was  not  merely 
J        ,  a  political  reconstruction  in  which  despotisms 

Importance  ^  ... 

of  the  French  were  Overthrown  and  nations  liberated;  it  was 
as  well  a  social,  economic,  and  moral  epoch,  which 
formulated  the  principles  and,  together  with  the  Intel- 
lectual and  Industrial  Revolutions,  prepared  the  conditions 
of  modern  society.  It  may,  therefore,  be  truly  said  that  the 
Modern  Age  begins  with  this  great  upheaval  which  spread 
from  France  to  all  the  countries  of  Western  Europe.  Revo- 
lutions had  happened  before  in  history.  The  "Glorious 
Revolution"  of  1689  in  England  resulted  in  the  establish- 
ment of  parliamentary  government.  This  was  an  important 
change,  but  the  benefits  derived  from  it  by  the  mass  of 


INTRODUCTION  9 

English  people  at  the  time  were  very  slight;  one  dynasty 
displaced  another,  but  the  same  class,  the  landed  aristoc- 
racy, continued  to  control  the  government  of  England  in 
its  own  interest.  The  English  Revolution  was,  therefore, 
purely  a  political  one,  the  good  results  of  which  did  not 
mature  till  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  univer- 
sal suffrage  was  established.  The  American  Revolution  of 
1776  was  also  mainly  political.  It  merely  shifted  supreme 
allegiance  from  the  British  Crown  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States;  everything  else,  property,  law,  reli- 
gion, education,  remained  as  before.  Quite  different,  how- 
ever, from  both  the  English  and  the  American  was  the 
French  Revolution.  That  momentous  event  changed  the 
fortunes  of  almost  every  institution  in  the  land;  for  profound 
and  lasting  organic  changes  were  effected,  fully  or  partially, 
in  almost  every  department  of  human  life,  social,  economic, 
political,  religious,  legal,  educational,  and  geographical. 

The  immediate  cause  of  the  French  Revolution  was  the 
financial  difficulties  of  the  Government.    In  order  to  raise 
more  money,  the  King  summoned  the  Estates-  The  calling 
General,  which  met  on  May  5,  1789.    Under  the  ggfat^es- 
leadership  of  the  famous  statesman  and  orator,  General 
Mirabeau,  it  transformed  itself  into  the  National  Assembly, 
a  one-chamber  parliament  with  almost  absolute  legislative 
and  constitutional  powers. 

The  National  Assembly  then  set  to  work  regenerating 
France  by  abolishing  the  abuses  and  privileges  of  the 
ancien  regime.  Paris  and  the  other  cities  of  Abolition  of 
France  were  organized  as  self-governing  muni-  feudalism 
cipalities.  On  the  famous  night  of  August  4-5,  1789,  the 
National  Assembly  completely  abolished  economic  feudal- 
ism with  its  onerous  dues  and  services.  It  also  decreed 
that  "taxes  shall  be  collected  from  all  citizens  and  from  all 
property."  France  was  then  unified  by  the  abolition  of  the 
old  provinces,  with  their  special  privileges,  customs,  and 
laws;  and  the  country  was  redivided  into  new  political 
units  called  departements . 

A  notable  document  was   then  issued  known   as   the 


lo       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

"Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man,"  which  is  to  the  French 
The  Decla-  what  the  Magna  Charta  is  to  the  English  and 
Rights 'of  ^  what  the  Declaration  of  Independence  is  to 
M^"  Americans.     It  boldly  proclaimed  the  doctrines 

that  all  men  are  born  and  remain  equal  in  rights,  that  law 
is  the  expression  of  the  popular  will,  and  that  the  people 
instead  of  the  king  are  sovereign.  It  also  declared  for  free- 
dom of  speech  and  of  religion,  and  prohibited  imprisonment 
without  trial. 

On  November  2,  1789,  the  National  Assembly  confiscated 
the  enormous  estates  belonging  to  the  Catholic  Church.  It 
The  Civil  then  passed  the  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy, 
ofThe'*^"*'°"  according  to  which  Catholicism  was  established 
Clergy  as  the  national  religion,  and  the  priests  were  paid 

salaries  from  the  public  treasury.  This  law  aroused  the 
bitter  opposition  of  all  loyal  Catholics,  who  regarded  it  as 
an  attack  on  their  faith,  because  it  required  that  the  priests 
should  be  elected  by  all  citizens  irrespective  of  their 
religion. 

Finally,  in  1791,  the  National  Assembly  adopted  a  con- 
stitution which  provided  for  a  Legislative  Assembly,  a 
T,,  ,.      parliament  of  one  house  to  be  elected  indirectly 

The  consti-      ^  _  ,  ,  •' 

tution  of  by  those  citizens  who  had  sufficient  property  to 
^'^^^  pay  a  tax  equal  to  three  days'  labor.     To  the 

King  was  given  full  executive  power. 

These  great  and,  on  the  whole,  beneficent  changes  were 
accomplished  with  comparative  quietness  within  the  short 
The  space  of  two  years.   But  they  aroused  the  power- 

Smtgres  f^j  opposition  of  the  King,  nobles,  and  clergy, 

who  had  been  deprived  of  their  privileges.  Unfortunately, 
King  Louis  XVI  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  unpopular  privi- 
leged classes,  and  appealed  to  the  monarchs  of  other  coun- 
tries to  restore  the  ancien  regime.  This  gave  birth  to  a 
republican  sentiment  which  was  fanned  into  flame  by  the 
extreme  revolutionists.  The  nobility,  especially,  aroused  the 
most  violent  hatred  among  the  people,  because  they  emi- 
grated from  France  and  sought  to  organize  armies  against 
their  own  country.    A  law  was  passed  which  confiscated  ■ 


INTRODUCTION  il 

the  property  of  all  emigres  who  failed  to  return  by  a  cer- 
tain date.  These  lands,  together  with  the  confiscated  church 
property,  were  sold  to  peasants  and  middle-class  people,  who 
thus  acquired  a  property  interest  in  the  Revolution. 

The  King  of  Prussia  was  the  first  to  champion  the  cause 
of  Louis  XVI,  and  a  Prussian  army  was  sent  to  invade 
France,  which  aroused  among  the  French  people  a  republic 
the  greatest  enthusiasm  for  the  cause  of  liberty  proclaimed 
and  the  most  bitter  hatred  of  monarchy  in  all  forms  and  in 
all  places.  On  September  21,  1792,  Louis  XVI  was  de- 
throned and  a  republic  was  proclaimed.  War  was  then 
declared  against  the  enemies  of  the  Republic,  the  royalists 
within  and  the  despots  without.  Violent  attacks  were  made 
by  the  Paris  mob  on  the  royalists,  which  culminated  in  the 
September  Massacre,  in  which  about  three  thousand  per- 
sons were  brutally  murdered. 

When  the  National  Assembly  was  transforming  France 
into  a  modern  nation,  it  did  not  occur  to  people  at  the  time 
that  the  innovations  of  those  momentous  years  ^^^  ^^ 
would  spread  beyond  the  borders  of  the  land  France  with 
which  made  them.  But  Europe  was  uneasy,  and  ^^^^^ 
with  good  reason.  It  was  feared  that  the  example  set  by 
the  French  people  would  be  followed  by  the  oppressed  of 
other  lands.  Hence  the  wars,  inaugurated  by  the  despots 
to  restore  Louis  XVI  to  his  former  power,  were  really 
struggles  between  two  hostile  social  systems  which  could 
not  exist  side  by  side:  that  of  France  was  modern,  that  of 
the  rest  of  Europe,  medieval.  And  such  a  war  knows  no 
truce.  France  soon  realized  that,  in  order  to  preserve  the 
fruits  of  her  Revolution,  she  would  have  to  modernize  the 
rest  of  Europe;  and  so  began  the  Republican  Propaganda, 
or  the  invasion  of  monarchical  countries  by  republican 
armies.  The  French  Revolution  had,  of  necessity  and  of 
logic,  become  international. 

The  armies  of  Prussia  and  Austria  were  defeated  and 
driven  back  by  the  revolutionary  soldiers  of  the  The  Con- 
Republic,  who  showed  the  most  extraordinary  mention 
energy  and  enthusiasm  for  the  cause  of  Liberty,  Equality, 


12       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

and  Fraternity.  Foreign  monarchs  were  now  frightened 
at  what  seemed  to  them  the  outburst  of  universal  anarchy. 
A  grand  alHance  of  nearly  every  nation  of  Europe  was  formed 
with  the  object  of  suppressing  the  Republic.  In  France  the 
Legislative  Assembly  was  dissolved,  and  a  new  body,  the 
Convention,  was  called  to  frame  a  new  constitution.  But 
the  safety  of  the  country  being  the  most  pressing  question, 
a  Committee  of  Public  Safety  of  twelve  members  was  ap- 
pointed in  April,  1793,  with  full  dictatorial  power.  It  was 
controlled  by  the  Jacobins,  the  most  radical  and  daring 
of  the  revolutionaries,  led  by  Danton,  Robespierre,  and 
Saint-Just. 

The  Committee,  backed  by  the  Paris  mob,  instituted  the 
Reign  of  Terror.  Their  main  object  was  to  unify  France 
The  Reign  against  the  allied  despots  by  terrorizing  all  those 
of  Terror  ^j^q  opposed  their  plans.  Any  one  suspected  of 
ever  so  slight  a  hostility  to  the  Revolution  was  immediately 
brought  before  a  court  called  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal, 
where  he  was  speedily  condemned  and  executed  by  the 
guillotine.  King  Louis  XVI  and  Queen  Marie  Antoinette 
were  accused  of  conspiring  with  the  foreign  despots  and  ex- 
ecuted for  treason.  The  Girondins,  a  moderate  republican 
party,  who  were  opposed  to  the  domination  of  France  by 
Paris,  were  driven  out  of  the  Convention.  Revolts  by  the 
royalist  peasants  of  La  Vendue  and  by  the  citizens  of  Lyons 
were  mercilessly  crushed.  Having  unified  France  through 
terror,  the  Jacobins  turned  on  the  Allied  armies  and  won 
several  decisive  victories.  The  Terror  had  succeeded  in 
saving  France  from  invasion,  but  was  itself  overthrown  in 
1794;  the  Convention  reasserted  itself  and  set  to  work  to 
frame  a  constitution  for  the  Republic. 

The  new  constitution  provided  for  a  Directory  of  five 
men  to  be  chosen  by  a  parliament  composed  of  two  houses, 
The  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  and  the  Council 

Directory  ^f  Elmers.  The  Directory,  as  the  new  Govern- 
ment was  called,  continued  the  Republican  Propaganda 
by  despatching  armies  to  war  against  the  monarchies  of 
Europe.   General  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  in  command  of  the  _ 

J 


I 


INTRODUCTION  13 

army  to  invade  Italy,  won  a  series  of  notable  victories 
which  made  him  exceedingly  popular.  Unfortunately  for 
the  Directory,  the  other  French  armies  were  beaten,  and 
the  Government  lost  favor  with  the  people.  Fear  of  inva- 
sion by  the  Allies  turned  popular  sentiment  toward  General 
Bonaparte  as  the  only  man  able  to  defend  France  success- 
fully. The  latter,  already  ambitious  to  become  Emperor, 
seized  the  moment  to  oust  the  Directory  from  power  by 
the  coup  d'etat  of  the  Eighteenth  Brumaire  (November  9, 
1799).  Bonaparte  then  became  First  Consul  with  almost 
dictatorial  power,  and  continued  the  war  against  the 
Allies,  upon  whom  he  inflicted  severe  defeats.  A  general 
peace  followed  in  1801,  in  which  the  boundaries  of  France 
were  extended  to  the  Rhine. 

The  internal  reforms  of  the  First  Consul  were  among 
his  more  enduring  contributions.  He  put  the  sadly  dis- 
organized finances  on  a  sound  basis  and  vigor-  The  Con- 
ously  enforced  the  law  in  the  collection  of  taxes,  ^ulate 
In  1 80 1  he  issued  the  famous  Concordat,  or  treaty  of  France 
with  the  Pope,  which  reestablished  Catholicism  as  the 
national  religion,  but  under  the  control  of  the  State,  which 
shared  with  the  Pope  in  the  power  to  appoint  bishops. 
Bonaparte's  greatest  achievement  was  the  enlightened 
Napoleonic  Code  of  laws  based  upon  the  principles  of  the 
French  Revolution.  This  he  issued  during  his  consulate. 
He  also  reorganized  the  administrative  and  educational 
systems  of  France,  greatly  centralizing  them. 

The  First  Consul  was  monarch  in  all  but  name,  and  it 
was  therefore  only  a  short  step  for  the  Senate  to  establish  a 
monarchy,  which  it  did,  in  1804,  by  conferring  t,. 

1-1  -1         r  -KT         ITT-  Napoleon 

upon  him  the  title  of  Napoleon  I,  Emperor  of  becomes 
the  French.    In  this  way  the  Republic  came  to  ^™p^^°^ 
an  end,  but  the  great  reforms  accomplished  by  the  French 
Revolution  were  not  set  at  naught;  on  the  contrary,  Na- 
poleon did  all  he  could  to  strengthen  and  to  spread  them. 


14       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

The  First  Empire 

The  Napoleonic  regime  was  a  despotism  of  the  most  ar- 
bitrary kind ;  but  it  was  enlightened  and  progressive,  and 
Con  ue      f    therefore  received  the  enthusiastic  support  of 
Western         the  French  people.    Unfortunately  for  the  peace 
urope  q£  ^YiQ  world,  Napoleon  dreamed  of  consolidating 

Western  Europe  into  one  political  organization  with  him- 
self as  master.  The  various  nations,  frightened  at  the  pros- 
pect of  becoming  mere  provinces,  were  at  first  too  crushed 
by  defeats  to  think  of  vigorous  opposition  to  his  designs. 
England  alone  was  able  and  willing  to  engage  the  Emperor 
in  mortal  combat.  She  defeated  the  French  at  sea  and 
therefore  did  not  fear  for  her  colonial  empire;  but  she  was 
apprehensive  of  losing  her  great  trade  through  the  imposi- 
tion of  hostile  tariffs  on  English  goods  by  the  French.  To 
her  aid  came  Russia  and  Austria.  In  the  most  brilliant 
victory  of  his  career,  that  of  Austerlitz  in  1805,  Napoleon 
practically  destroyed  the  combined  Austrian  and  Russian 
forces.  This  victory  was  followed  by  a  reorganization  of 
Germany:  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  was  abolished  and 
Western  Germany  consolidated  into  the  Confederation  of 
the  Rhine  under  the  protection  of  France.  In  1806  Prussia 
was  forced  into  a  war  by  Napoleon  and  was  terribly  beaten 
at  the  battle  of  Jena,  which  resulted  in  her  being  almost 
entirely  dismembered.  Against  England  the  only  weapon 
he  could  employ  was  economic.  By  the  Berlin  and  Milan 
decrees.  Napoleon  declared  the  British  Isles  in  a  state  of 
blockade,  and  forbade  the  nations  on  the  Continent  to 
trade  with  the  English.  Napoleon's  "Continental  System," 
as  it  was  called,  failed  utterly,  because  he  had  no  fleet  with 
which  to  enforce  it.  Hence  the  only  hope  of  Europe's  deliv- 
erance from  the  Napoleonic  despotism  lay  in  England's 
control  of  the  seas. 

A  glance  at  the  map  of  Europe  in  1810  reveals  the  start- 
Napoleon  ling  fact  that  there  were  then  only  three  really 
Condnent  1  independent  nations,  France,  England,  and  Rus- 
Europe  sia.     The   French   Empire   extended   from  the 


INTRODUCTION  15 

Baltic  sea  to  the  Bay  of  Naples;  Spain  was  conquered  and 
ruled  by  Napoleon's  brother,  Joseph;  Southern  Italy  was 
governed  by  his  marshal  and  brother-in-law,  Murat,  as 
King  of  Naples;  Western  Germany  was,  as  we  have  seen, 
a  French  protectorate;  Austria  and  Prussia,  beaten  and 
almost  annihilated,  were  subject  to  Napoleon's  dictation. 

Yet  this  wonderful  empire  was  built  on  unstable  founda- 
tions. It  had  been  put  together  in  a  short  time  by  the  genius 
of  one  man,  and  therefore  depended  too  much  u  jgij^ 
upon  him  alone  for  its  existence.  In  spite  of  the  against 
fact  that  Napoleon  brought  to  the  conquered  ^p°^°" 
peoples  the  blessings  of  enlightened  and  efficient  govern- 
ment, nevertheless,  a  spirit  of  nationalism,  the  desire  of  each 
people  to  live  its  own  life  in  its  own  way,  was  rapidly  grow- 
ing and  was  bound  to  be  his  undoing.  In  Spain  a  popular 
uprising  took  place,  and  his  armies  were  driven  out  of  the 
country.  Prussia's  great  national  awakening  brought  about 
the  regeneration  of  her  political  and  economic  systems.  The 
disastrous  Russian  campaign  in  1812  was  a  signal  for  the 
uprising  of  the  peoples  in  the  Empire,  and  Napoleon  was 
badly  beaten  at  the  Battle  of  Leipzig,  in  1 813.  He  was 
deposed  and  banished  to  the  island  of  Elba;  he  escaped, 
and  again  made  war  on  the  Allies.  Again  he  was  defeated, 
this  time  at  Waterloo,  in  181 5.  The  great  conqueror  was 
captured  and  banished  to  the  island  of  St.  Helena,  where  he 
died  on  May  5,  1821. 

The  Heritage  of  the  French  Revolution 
The  heritage  that  the  French  Revolution  gave  to  the 
world  was  of  incalculable  importance  for  the  progress  of 
mankind.  It  introduced  a  dynamic  element  into  society 
by  showing  that  it  was  possible  to  accelerate  the  rate  of 
progress  and,  by  so  doing,  to  hasten  the  ripening  of  history. 
Unfortunately,  much  of  the  good  accomplished  was  marred 
by  violence  and  bloodshed,  so  that  the  word  "revolution" 
has  acquired  a  sinister  meaning.  Now  that  universal  suf- 
frage is  established,  peaceful  revolutions,  by  way  of  elec- 
tions,   take   place   periodically   in   almost   every   country. 


l6       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Violent  methods  are,  therefore,  discountenanced  by  all 
people  who  desire  to  see  progress  made  in  an  orderly  man- 
ner ;  for  only  by  peaceful  means  are  necessary  changes  made 
permanent  in  democratic  communities.  Political  democracy, 
in  royal  or  republican  form,  was  another  contribution  of  the 
French  Revolution.  The  absolute  monarch  became  the 
"chief  executive"  of  the  State,  and  the  doctrine  of  divine 
right  was  repudiated  both  in  theory  and  in  practice.  Along 
with  democracy  came  a  new  conception  of  nationality, 
namely,  the  "people-nation."  Hitherto,  the  king  and  the 
State  had  been  identical;  now,  another  sovereign,  the  peo- 
ple, was  enthroned;  and  for  that  reason  a  new  national  flag 
was  adopted.  The  destruction  of  economic  feudalism  raised 
the  status  of  the  peasantry  and  elevated  the  middle  classes 
to  power.  From  one  point  of  view,  the  French  Revolution 
may  be  regarded  as  a  struggle  for  the  control  of  the  Govern- 
ment between  the  nobility  and  clergy  on  the  one  side  and 
the  middle  classes  and  peasants  on  the  other.  Progress, 
political,  social,  and  intellectual,  became  the  battle-cry  of 
the  partisans  of  the  Revolution  everywhere  in  Europe, 
and  the  revolutionary  spirit  found  expression  in  a  new 
literature  of  protest.  Hugo  and  Lamartine  in  France, 
Byron  and  Shelley  in  England,  and  Heine  in  Germany, 
voiced  the  discontent  of  the  millions  who  longed  to  make  the 
world  a  better  place  in  which  to  live.  Literature  had 
become  touched  with  politics  and  economics.  The  revolu- 
tionary doctrine  that  France  gave  to  the  world  was  to  bear 
fruit  in  the  uprisings  of  1830  and  1848,  which  resulted  in  the 
establishment  of  democratic  government  in  nearly  every 
country  of  Europe. 


CHAPTER  II 

RESTORATION  AND   REACTION 

The  Congress  of  Vienna 

The  great  European  empire  established  by  the  military 
and  diplomatic  genius  of  Napoleon  collapsed  the  moment 
his  strong  arm  was  no  longer  there  to  maintain  Oreaniza- 
it.  After  the  Emperor's  downfall,  a  great  in-  tion  of  the 
ternational  convention  was  called  at  Vienna  to  "^  *^^^ 
settle  the  conflicting  claims  of  dynasties  and  nations  to 
the  parts  of  the  Napoleonic  structure.  This  Congress  of 
Vienna,  as  it  was  called,  sat  from  September  14,  18 14,  to 
June  15,  1 815,  and  contained  representatives  from  every 
nation  in  Europe  except  Turkey.  It  counted  among  its 
delegates  many  of  the  distinguished  monarchs  and  states- 
men of  the  day,  including  the  Emperors  of  Austria  and 
Russia,  the  Kings  of  Prussia  and  Bavaria,  Stein,  Harden- 
berg.  Von  Humboldt,  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  Metternich, 
and  Talleyrand.  The  Congress  was  not  a  deliberative  body 
with  power  to  issue  decrees  and  resolutions  binding  upon 
the  nations;  it  was,  rather,  a  convenient  meeting-place  for 
the  princes  and  statesmen  of  Europe  where  they  were 
able  to  make  treaties  with  one  another  and  to  agree  about 
general  policies.  Even  before  the  Congress  had  met,  Eng- 
land, Austria,  Russia,  and  Prussia  had  come  to  an  agree- 
ment as  to  the  line  of  policy  they  were  to  pursue. 

The  Congress,  in  partitioning  the  Napoleonic  empire, 
paid  more  regard  to  dynastic  than  to  national  claims.  It 
refused  to  recognize  the  principle  of  nationalism.  Disregard  of 
Instead,  it  asserted  the  doctrine  of  "legitimacy,"  nationalism 
or  the  prior  right  of  the  old  dynasties  to  govern  their  former 
subjects,  irrespective  of  the  wishes  of  the  latter  or  of  the 
claims  of  the  monarchs  set  up  by  Napoleon. 

Holland  was  restored  to  the  House  of  Orange,  and  to 
it  was  added    the  Austrian  Netherlands,   now  known  as 


i8       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Belgium,  the  majority  of  whose  inhabitants  differed  in 
Restoration  blood,  speech,  religion,  and  traditions  from  the 
former^  *°  Dutch.  Norway,  contrary  to  her  desires,  was 
rulers  taken  away  from  Denmark  and  given  to  Sweden, 

although  the  Napoleonic  king,  Bernadotte,  was  retained 
as  King  of  Sweden  because  of  his  faithfulness  to  the  cause 
of  the  Allies,  Russia  was  allowed  to  retain  Finland  and 
Bessarabia,  and  received,  in  addition,  the  largest  part  of 
the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  formerly  part  of  the  now 
extinct  Kingdom  of  Poland.  Switzerland  was  permitted  to 
continue  as  a  federal  republic,  and  was  "neutralized"; 
i.e.,  the  Great  Powers  guaranteed  her  neutrality  by  promis- 
ing never  to  declare  war  against  her  or  to  send  troops  across 
her  borders.  England,  not  desiring  any  territory  on  the 
continent  of  Europe,  received  as  her  recompense  Helgo- 
land, Malta,  Trinidad,  Ceylon,  and  Cape  Colony.  To  Spain 
was  restored  merely  her  former  dynasty.  Austria,  on  the 
contrary,  made  great  gains  in  territory.  To  her  were  restored 
her  Polish  provinces,  and  she  was  given  the  Illyrian  lands 
along  the  Adriatic  coast;  Lombardy-Venetia,  the  two  rich- 
est provinces  in  Italy,  were  added  as  a  compensation  for 
her  loss  of  the  Austrian  Netherlands.  Austria's  population 
was  now  enlarged  by  about  five  millions,  but  it  had  become 
more  heterogeneous  than  ever,  for  there  were  now  several 
millions  of  dissatisfied,  rebellious  Italians  among  the  many 
races  in  her  dominions. 

Two    "geographic    expressions,"    Germany    and    Italy, 

issued   from   the   Congress.      A  crowd  of  exiled   German 

princelings  came  to  Vienna  demanding  to  be 

Germany  i       r   m      •   -  )»t-> 

restored  on  the  ground  of  legitimacy.  But 
the  influence  of  the  larger  states  like  Prussia,  Bavaria,  and 
Wiirttemberg,  which  had  profited  by  the  suppression  of  their 
small  neighbors,  was  too  powerful  for  them;  and  for  that 
reason  the  great  consolidation  effected  in  Germany  by 
Napoleon  was  allowed  to  remain  virtually  undisturbed. 
Instead  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  with  its  hundreds  of 
tiny  states,  there  was  now  organized  the  German  Confed- 
eration consisting  of  only  thirty-eight  states.    This  union 


THE   RESTORATION  AND   REACTION  19 

did  not  create  a  United  Germany  at  all,  as  the  bond  between 
the  members  was  very  loose.  Each  state  possessed  almost 
complete  sovereignty,  with  its  own  tariff,  its. own  system 
of  coinage,  its  own  army,  with  power  to  make  war  and  alli- 
ances with  whomsoever  it  pleased,  and  in  general  to  con- 
duct itself  like  an  independent  nation.  The  only  bond  of 
union  was  the  Diet  at  Frankfort,  representing  all  the  states 
in  the  Confederation,  which  met  to  decide  only  on  general 
policies.  Loose  as  it  was,  the  Confederation  was,  never- 
theless, an  important  step  in  the  history  of  German  unity. 
Prussia,  which  had  all  but  disappeared  from  the  map  of 
Europe  as  a  result  of  her  defeat  by  Napoleon,  was  now 
considerably  strengthened.  She  recovered  her  former  terri- 
tory, and  in  addition  received  one  half  of  Saxony  as  well 
as  lands  along  the  Rhine.  The  inclusion  of  Prussia  and 
Austria  in  the  Confederation  accentuated  the  rivalry  be- 
tween them  for  the  leadership  of  the  German  people,  which 
was  to  have  important  consequences  later. 

That  other  "geographical  expression,"  Italy,  fared  badly 
at  the  hands  of  the  Congress.  The  country  was  once  more 
broken  up  into  petty  states,  and  the  exiled  ■ 
rulers  were  restored  to  their  thrones.  In  the 
South  was  erected  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  which 
included  the  island  of  Sicily  and  the  mainland  called  Naples; 
the  States  of  the  Church  were  once  more  put  under  the 
rule  of  the  Pope;  the  Duchies  of  Parma  and  Modena  and 
the  Grand  Duchy  of  Tuscany  were  reestablished.  In  the 
North,  the  Kingdom  of  Sardinia,  consisting  of  the  island 
of  Sardinia  and  the  mainland,  called  Piedmont,  was  restored 
and  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  the  former  Republic  of 
Genoa.  As  we  have  just  seen,  Lombardy-Venetia  were  an- 
nexed to  Austria.^  This  introduction  of  a  foreign  element 
into  Italian  affairs  was  still  further  to  complicate  the  prob- 
lem of  unifying  the  country. 

France  escaped  with  her  national  life  at  the  cost  of  her 
empire.    She  shrank  to  her  former  size,  the  vast  territory 

^  Altogether  there  were  ten  Italian  states,  the  seven  mentioned  above  and 
three  tiny  ones,  Lucca,  San  Marino,  and  Monaco. 


fiO      MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

conquered  by  Napoleon  being  shorn  away  from  her  by  the 
^  Congress  without  the  least  compunction.    She 

France  °  .  .  .... 

was,  moreover,  forced  to  pay  a  heavy  mdemnity, 
and  her  territory  was  occupied  for  three  years  by  an  army 
of  the  Allies.  There  persisted  a  haunting  fear  in  Europe  that 
the  Napoleonic  exploits  might  some  day  be  repeated,  and 
for  this  reason  France's  neighbors,  Holland,  Prussia,  and 
Austria,  were  strengthened  that  they  might  act  as  a  bul- 
wark against  future  aggression.  What  remained  to  France 
of  the  First  Empire  was  a  glorious  memory  of  military  vic- 
tories unmatched  in  the  history  of  former  times. 

Suppression  of  Liberalism 

The  restoration  of  the  exiled  monarchs  to  the  thrones  of 
their  ancestors  was  at  the  same  time  a  restoration  of  the 
Restoratio  ideals  of  government  for  which  they  stood.  Abso- 
of  abso-  lute  monarchy  based  upon  ' '  divine  right ' '  was 

"  ^^™'  reestablished;  and  union  between  throne  and 

altar  was  the  constant  care  of  those  who  desired  a  state 
of  things  in  which  democracy  should  play  no  part.  The 
great  problem  that  confronted  the  statesmen  of  the  Resto- 
ration was  how  to  prevent  the  order  established  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  from  being  destroyed  by  revolutionary 
outbreaks.  France,  especially,  as  the  home  of  revolution, 
needed  careful  watching.  A  coalition  of  great  Powers, 
known  as  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  composed  of  Russia, 
Austria,  Prussia,  and  England,^  was  organized,  in  1815,  for 
the  purpose  of  preservdng  the  "tranquillity  of  Europe."  It 
was  to  meet  every  year  to  hold  a  sort  of  political  inquest 
on  the  state  of  Europe,  to  suppress  rebellions,  and  to  advise 
on  the  best  means  of  preventing  the  spread  of  democratic 
ideas.  The  moving  spirit  of  this  league  to  enforce  autocracy 
was  the  Austrian,  Prince  Metternich,  who  was  firmly  con- 
vinced that  the  only  way  to  fight  revolutionary  movements 
which,  owing  to  the  French  Revolution,  had  become  inter- 
national, was  by  a  compact  of  the  despots  pledged  to  sup- 

^  England  later  withdrew  from  the  Alliance  because  her  policies  in  this  and 
other  matters  diverged  from  those  of  her  allies. 


THE   RESTORATION  AND   REACTION  21 

port  one  another  in  case  of  an  uprising.  If  revolution  was 
to  be  international,  so  would  be  repression.  Because  of  this, 
Metternich  developed  his  theory  of  "  intervention  " :  namely, 
that  Europe  was  a  social  and  political  unit  with  a  uniform 
system  of  government  and  society ;  hence  an  attack  on  any 
part  of  it  would  be  fatal  to  the  whole  unless  defended  by 
the  whole.  International  congresses  were  held  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  in  1818,  at  Troppau  in  1820,  and  at  Laibach  in 
1 82 1,  where  the  principle  of  "intervention"  was  adopted 
by  the  powers.  The  Congress  of  Laibach  was  directly 
instrumental  in  restoring  the  tyrannical  King  Ferdinand  of 
Naples.'  Because  of  its  activity  in  suppressing  revolutions, 
the  Quadruple  Alliance,  or,  as  it  was  generally  called,  the 
Holy  Alliance,  earned  the  bitter  hatred  of  the  European 
liberals. 

To  physical  force,  which  is  never  of  itself  sufficient  to 
stamp  out  ideas,  was  added  intellectual  repression.  A 
well-organized  system  of  espionage  and  censor-  intellectual 
ship  was  established  in  every  country,  especially  repression 
in  Germany  and  in  Italy,  where  despotism  had  never  been 
seriously  challenged.  Public  meetings  were  forbidden,  the 
right  of  association  and  freedom  of  speech  strictly  limited, 
and  the  press  vigorously  censored.  The  democratic  move- 
ment was,  as  a  consequence,  driven  underground;  secret 
societies  were  formed,  like  the  Burschenschaften  in  Ger- 
many and  the  Carbonari  in  Italy,  to  combat  by  agitation, 
and  even  by  force,  the  repressive  Governments  of  the  time. 

The  political  spokesman  of  the  new  generation  was  Cle- 
ment, Prince  of  Metternich-Winneburg-Ochsenhausen,  the 
famous  Austrian  statesman,  commonly   known  .  , 

as  Prince  Metternich,  who  was  the  leading  fig- 
ure of  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  and  who  became  the  master 
spirit  of  the  Restoration  period.  As  a  diplomat,  he  dictated 
international  policies  for  a  generation;  as  a  statesman,  his 
advice  was  eagerly  sought  by  the  restored  princes  to  whom 
he  became  a  guide,  philosopher,  and  friend.  Metternich 
was  the  consistent  foe  of  democracy  in  every  form  whatso- 

^  See  p.  200. 


22       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ever ;  and  the  system  established  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
was  to  him  almost  the  last  word  in  political  wisdom.  He 
set  his  face  like  flint  against  suggestions  of  change  of  any 
sort.  Reformers  should  be  reduced  to  silence,  as  "conces- 
sion will  not  satisfy  but  only  embolden  them  in  their  pre- 
tensions to  power,"  he  declared.  The  sum  of  all  evil  is  re- 
volution, "  a  hydra  with  open  jaws  to  swallow  the  social 
order."  Liberty  was  a  malady  of  which  the  people  must 
be  cured  if  social  health  was  to  continue.  Parliamentary 
government  was  a  "perpetual  somersault,"  which  led  to  a 
lack  of  responsibility  in  both  rulers  and  ruled.  Metternich 
was  quite  sincerely  convinced  that  an  orderly  civilization 
could  not  exist  without  a  system  of  absolute  monarchy 
dominated  by  religious  motives.  He  advised  the  princes 
to  "maintain  religious  principles  in  all  their  purity,  and 
not  to  allow  the  faith  to  be  attacked  and  morality  to  be 
interpreted  according  to  the  social  contract  or  according  to 
the  visions  of  foolish  sectarians."  Like  many  others  of 
his  day,  he  had  been  frightened  by  the  violence  of  the 
Reign  of  Terror,  and  so  had  confused  democracy  with  terror- 
ism, and  even  with  anarchy.  He  did  not  and  could  not 
see  the  great  good  which  the  French  Revolution  had  ac- 
complished, for  the  reason  that  he  was,  above  all,  a  states- 
man of  the  status  quo,  or  things  as  they  are.  So  conscious 
was  Metternich  of  his  own  importance  that  he  believed 
himself  chosen  of  God  to  guide  the  destinies  of  Europe.  He 
became  the  mirror  of  diplomacy  of  the  reactionary  period 
which  followed  the  downfall  of  Napoleon,  a  devoted  serv- 
ant of  the  despots,  a  master  of  subtle  and  secret  intrigue, 
and  an  adroit  manipulator  of  the  State  in  the  interest  of 
the  aristocratic  class  to  which  he  belonged. 

The  Holy  Alliance 

A  spirit  of  religious  conservatism  characterized  the 
Restoration  period.  The  rationalistic  philosophy  of  the 
Religious  eighteenth  century,  with  its  disbelief  in  revealed 
revival  religion,  was  now  relegated  to  the  background 

by  a  revival  of  religious  enthusiasni  which  found  expression 


THE   RESTORATION  AND   REACTION  23 

both  in  literature  and  in  politics.  Chateaubriand's  great 
work,  The  Genius  of  Christianity,  is  a  most  eloquent  tribute, 
by  a  distinguished  French  writer,  to  the  ideals  of  the 
Christian  faith  and  to  its  influence  on  character  and  civili- 
zation. In  Joseph  de  Maistre's  book,  The  Pope,  the  medieval 
ideal  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Church  in  all  matters,  tem- 
poral as  well  as  spiritual,  is  advocated  with  great  ability 
and  learning. 

But  the  most  remarkable  expression  of  the  religious  re- 
vival was  the  formation,  on  September  26,  18 15,  of  the 
Holy  Alliance,  composed  of  the  monarchs  of  The  Holy 
Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia.  These  princes  ^ll'ance 
issued  a  manifesto  to  an  astonished  world,  in  which  they 
declared  their  belief  in  the  "solemn  Truths  taught  by  the 
religion  of  God,  our  Saviour,"  and  pledged  themselves  "to 
take  for  their  sole  guide  the  precepts  of  that  Holy  Reli- 
gion, namely,  the  precepts  of  Justice,  Christian  Charity, 
and  Peace,"  which,  they  asserted,  could  remedy  all  hu- 
man imperfections.  It  was  their  intention,  they  solemnly 
averred,  to  be  fathers  to  their  subjects,  who  were  urged 
"to  strengthen  themselves  every  day  more  and  more  in 
the  principles  and  exercise  of  the  duties  which  the  Divine 
Saviour  taught  to  Mankind."  They  also  pledged  them- 
selves to  assist  one  another  in  maintaining  the  ideas  con- 
tained in  the  manifesto.  This  document  was  inspired  by 
Tsar  Alexander  I  of  Russia,  who  was  greatly  influenced  by 
a  religious  mystic  named  Madame  de  Kriidener.  A  chorus 
of  criticism  and  ridicule  greeted  its  publication.  It  was  va- 
riously described  as  "a  sonorous  nothing"  and  as  a  "sub- 
lime piece  of  mysticism  and  nonsense."  To  many  liber- 
als, the  Holy  Alliance  came  to  signify  a  combination  of 
despots  who  were  plotting  to  suppress  democratic  move- 
ments under  cover  of  religion.  As  the  leading  members  of 
the  Holy  Alliance  were  the  same  as  those  of  the  Quadruple 
Alliance,  the  latter  has  often  been  confused  with  the  former. 
The  Holy  Alliance  may  be  regarded  not  as  a  treaty  between 
the  Great  Powers,  but  rather  as  an  expression  of  the  state 
of  mind  of  the  rulers  of  Europe  regarding  the  great  problems 


24   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

raised  by  the  French  Revolution.  Once  more  benevolent 
despotism  prepared  to  make  democracy  undesirable  by 
making  it  needless. 

At  best,  the  Europe  of  the  Restoration  was  but  a  phan- 
tom of  its  former  self.  Many  of  the  changes  inaugurated 
Failure  of  ^^  ^^^  French  Revolution  and  by  Napoleon 
the  Resto-  could  not  be  abolished  without  a  violent  wrench 
of  the  entire  social  system,  and  so  were  allowed 
to  remain.  The  Holy  Roman  Empire  was  gone,  feudalism 
was  gone,  and  gone  was  the  old  authority  of  the  Church. 
If  absolute  monarchy  did  return,  it  should  do  so  without  pop- 
ular endorsement,  for  the  doctrine  of  ''divine  right"  was 
now  being  preached  to  unwilling  ears.  The  generation  that 
had  seen  so  many  kings  hurled  from  their  thrones  during 
the  Revolutionary  and  Napoleonic  periods  found  it  diffi- 
cult to  believe  in  a  divine  sanction  of  governments  that 
could  be  so  easily  overturned.  Absolute  monarchy,  feared 
for  ages  as  all-powerful,  had  but  to  show  its  weakness 
to  become  ridiculous.  Although  Napoleon  had  preached 
"divine  right,"  he  did  more  to  discredit  the  doctrine  than 
even  the  French  Revolution.  For  the  first  time,  mankind 
saw  in  the  bright  light  of  the  nineteenth  century  how  kings 
were  made  and  unmade  by  force  of  arms.  And  now  that  its 
moral  authority  was  gone,  absolutism  could  maintain  itself 
only  by  resorting  to  brute  force.  Sullen  obedience  had  suc- 
ceeded loyal  devotion  among  the  masses  of  Europe. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  INDUSTRIAL  REVOLUTION 

It  requires  a  great  deal  of  effort  to  imagine  our  present 
world,  with  its  factories,  railroads,  steamboats,  telegraphs, 
and  telephones,  as  having  been  at  any  time  different  from 
what  it  is  to-day.  Yet  all  these  wonderful  things  are  but 
a  century  old,  and  the  product  of  that  great  change  in 
human  affairs  known  as  the  "Industrial  Revolution." 

The  term  "revolution"  is  generally  applied  to  a  popular 
uprising  that  is  characterized  by  violence  of  speech  and  ac- 
tion, and  which  aims  to  bring  about  changes  ben-  Importance 
eficial  to  mankind.  During  the  Industrial  Revo-  dustHal" 
lution  no  speeches  were  made,  no  conventions  Revolution 
were  held,  no  battles  were  fought!  Nevertheless,  this  silent 
revolution,  by  altering  radically  the  conditions  of  life  for 
millions  of  human  beings,  may  be  truly  regarded  as  the 
greatest  of  all  revolutions  in  history,  and  as  marking  the 
end  of  the  civilization  of  the  past  and  the  beginning  of  the 
civilization  of  the  present  and  of  the  future.  "It  was  a 
revolution,"  says  a  recent  writer,  "which  has  completely 
changed  the  face  of  modern  Europe  and  of  the  new  world, 
for  it  introduced  a  new  race  of  men  —  the  men  who  work 
with  machinery  instead  of  with  their  hands,  who  cluster 
together  in  cities  instead  of  spreading  over  the  land  in 
villages  and  hamlets;  the  men  who  trade  with  those  of 
other  nations  as  readily  as  with  those  of  their  own  town; 
the  men  whose  workshops  are  moved  by  the  great  forces  of 
nature  instead  of  the  human  hand,  and  whose  market  is  no 
longer  the  city  or  the  country,  but  the  world  itself."  ^ 

It  was  in  England  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century 

that  this  most  wonderful  of  all  changes  originated.    That 

is  why  it  is  essential  that  we  confine  ourselves  mainly  to 

England  in  studying  the  Industrial  Revolution,  just  as  it  is 

^  H.  deB.  Gibbins,  Economic  and  Industrial  Progress,  p,  3. 


26       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

necessary  to  study  Germany  in  relation  to  the  Protestant 
Revolution,  and  France  in  relation  to  the  French  Revolu- 
tion. The  presence  of  great  deposits  of  coal  and  iron,  the 
Reasons  for  accumulation  of  capital  seeking  investment,  the 
its  origin  existence  of  a  fine  merchant  marine  ready  to 
ngan  transport  great  quantities  of  goods,  the  sudden 
increase  in  the  supply  of  labor  due  to  the  Agricultural 
Revolution,  ^  —  all  these  combined  to  stimulate  the  practical 
character  of  English  genius,  and  the  result  was  the  aston- 
ishing series  of  inventions  by  Englishmen  which  ushered 
in  the  Industrial  Revolution. 

The  Domestic  System 

Next  to  food,  the  production  of  cloth  is  the  most  impor- 
tant factor  in  human  existence.  Before  the  advent  of 
machinery,  the  process  of  converting  the  raw  materials, 
wool,  cotton,  or  flax,  into  cloth  was  quite  simple.  In  the 
first  place,  the  raw  material  was  cleansed  and  "carded"  or 
combed,  in  order  to  convert  the  knotted  mass  into  straight- 
How  thread  ^^^^  fibers  for  easy  manipulation.  The  fibers 
was  for-  were  then  fastened  to  a  stick  which  was  attached 
mer  y  ma  e  ^^  ^  simple  machine  called  a  spinning-wheel,  which 
consisted  of  a  wheel  and  spindle  worked  by  a  treadle.  As 
the  wheel  revolved,  it  drew  out  of  the  mass  attached  to  the 
distaff  a  fine,  strong  thread.  A  still  more  primitive  method 
of  obtaining  thread  was  by  the  use  of  a  hand  "spindle," 
or  stick,  with  a  hook  at  one  end  with  which  the  thread  was 
drawn  out  from  the  mass  of  raw  material  on  a  distaff. 

The  weaving  of  thread  into  cloth  was  done  by  means  of 
another  simple  contrivance,  the  hand-loom,  which  con- 
Hand-loom  sisted  of  a  frame  made  of  wooden  rollers.  Hori- 
weaving  zontal  threads,  called  the  "warp,"  were  attached 
to  the  frame,  and  vertical  threads,  called  the  "woof,"  were 
then  inserted  by  means  of  the  "shuttle  "  or  notched  stick. 
The  interlacing  of  the  warp  and  the  woof  resulted  in  cloth, 
closely  or  loosely  woven  as  one  desired,  ready  to  be  made 
into  garments  by  the  tailor's  art. 

1  See  p.  55. 


THE   INDUSTRIAL  REVOLUTION  27 

The  system  of  production,  known  as  the  "domestic"  or 
"cottage  system"  because  the  work  was  done  mainly  at 
home,  was  as  simple  as  the  machinery  itself.  The  domes- 
Under  the  guild  system  prevalent  in  the  Middle  *'^  system 
Ages,  the  master  craftsman  had  bought  the  raw  material, 
worked  it  up  into  the  finished  product  in  his  shop  with  the 
aid  of  assistants,  and  sold  it  directly  to  his  neighbors  or  at 
the  fairs.  Under  the  domestic  system  which  came  into  exist- 
ence in  England  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, there  appeared  a  middleman,  the  entrepreneur,  who 
distributed  raw  material  to  the  artisans  to  be  manufactured 
on  the  basis  of  "piece-work,"  so  much  wages  for  so  much 
work.  Sometimes  the  entrepreneur  even  rented  the  tools  to 
the  artisan.  But  the  work  was  performed  by  the  latter  at 
his  home,  which  was  generally  in  the  country  or  in  the  city 
suburbs,  under  conditions  determined  by  him.  All  the 
members  of  the  household  were  employed,  young  children 
no  less  than  the  wife  and  domestics.  The  women  did  the 
spinning.  So  universal  was  the  domestic  system  and  so 
closely  were  the  women  associated  with  spinning,  that  a 
woman  at  the  spinning-wheel  became  the  symbol  of  home 
life.i 

Conditions  under  this  system  were  simple  in  comparison 
with  those  in  our  modern   industrial  life.    There  was  no 
overproduction,  no  great  fluctuation  of  price.   Conditions 
no  panic,  and  no  great  unemployment,  because  "domestfc 
the  goods  made  were  staple  articles  for  a  lim-  system" 
ited  and  definitely  known  market.    Such  luxuries  as  were 
in  demand  were  importations  from  the  East  for  the  use 
of  the  wealthy  few.    What  was  manufactured  was  pro- 
duced neither  at  random  nor  for  speculation  but  to  supply 
the  needs  of  the  locality,  and  consequently  trade  was  fairly 
regular.    Furthermore,  the  artisan  did  not  depend  solely 
on  his  trade  for  a  living;  he  supplemented  it  by  farming  on 
a  small  scale.    He  generally  owned  a  plot  of  ground,  a  half 
dozen  acres  at  most,  to  which  he  and  his  staff  turned  in 

*  The  term  "  spinster,"  applied  to  an  unmarried  woman,  originated  in  the 
fact  that,  having  no  children  to  take  care  of,  she  spun  all  her  life. 


28   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

seasons  of  diminished  demand.  If  the  "domestic  system" 
rarely  made  for  wealth,  it  as  rarely  brought  utter  destitu- 
tion. Conditions  of  life  for  the  laborers,  although  it  was  far 
from  the  happy  state  often  pictured  by  old-fashioned  ad- 
mirers of  the  domestic  system,  were  yet  in  some  respects 
far  better  than  those  under  our  present  factory  system. 

Capital  under  the  domestic  system  was  yet  too  closely 
intertwined  with  labor  to  play  the  peculiar  role  that  it  does 
Capitalism  to-day.  There  were  no  large  factories  operated 
domestic  ^Y  Corporations  who  owned  the  machinery,  who 
system  employed  many  laborers  on  a  daily  or  weekly 

wage,  and  who  disposed  of  the  output.  It  was  in  commerce 
only,  particularly  in  the  chartered  companies,  that  capital- 
ists exerted  a  directing  influence.  In  the  production  of 
cotton  cloth  a  middleman  had  appeared,  as  raw  cotton,  un- 
like wool  or  linen,  had  to  be  imported.  The  importer  was 
generally  a  town  capitalist  from  whom  the  artisans  obtained 
their  supply  of  cotton  and  sometimes  even  their  tools.  Here 
was  an  approach  to  the  present  system  of  the  separation  of 
capital  and  labor.  Tli  e  domestic  system  imposed  fewer  re- 
strictions on  the  freedom  of  enterprise  than  did  the  guild 
system,  which  it  had  displaced  in  England;  and  in  this 
freedom  the  capitalistic  middleman  found  his  opportunity. 
It  may,  therefore,  be  said  that  in  the  domestic  system  lay 
the  germ  of  modern  capitalism. 

Mechanical  Inventions 

In  England  toward  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century 
that  series  of  mechanical  inventions  began  to  appear  which 
True  nature  Completely  revolutionized  the  process  of  manu- 
ofthema-  facture.  To  understand  the  true  nature  and 
function  of  a  machine,  we  must  remember  that 
it  is  not  merely  a  more  dexterous  tool  to  aid  man  in  the  pro- 
duction of  goods;  it  is,  more  accurately  speaking,  a  kind  of 
non-human  slave,  tireless  and  nerveless,  that  is  itself  a  pro- 
ducer. Man's  part  is  perfunctory:  to  pull  a  lever,  to  push 
a  button,  or  to  turn  a  crank;  the  more  automatic  the  ma- 
chine becomes,  the  less  is  there  need  of  man's  assistance. 


THE   INDUSTRIAL   REVOLUTION  29 

The  machine,  be  Its  motive  power  wind,  tide,  water- 
fall, steam,  or  electricity,  represents  man's  success  in  har- 
nessing nature  to  the  service  of  humanity.  Uses  of 
Space  and  time  are  annihilated  by  the  locomo-  machinery 
tive,  the  steamship,  the  telegraph,  and  the  aeroplane; 
and  the  goods  man  uses  for  clothing  and  in  the  indus- 
tries are  multiplied  by  nimble  fingers  of  steel  with  unbe- 
lievable speed.  The  inventors  were  generally  skilled  ar- 
tisans or  scientific  experimenters  whose  work  was  in  no 
sense  entirely  new.  The  heroic  theory  of  invention,  namely, 
that  a  new  idea  springs  fully  developed  from  the  brain  of 
one  man,  is,  like  all  other  heroic  theories,  a  myth.  The 
inventor  is  always  a  man  who  has  perfected  a  process 
which  others,  as  well  as  himself,  have  been  experimenting 
with,  studying,  and  investigating. 

The  first  of  the  inventions  was  Kay's  "flying  shuttle" 
(i733)>  which  enabled  a  weaver  to  jerk  the  shuttle  back  and 
forth  by  means  of  a  handle,  thus  increasing  the  Spinning- 
speed  of   operation.    This,  by  making  possible  fnd  weav- 

.  ,  .  -Ill  1   r        ing-machines 

more  rapid  weaving,  stimulated  a  aemand  tor 
more  thread,  and  led  to  the  invention  (1765),  by  a  clever 
weaver  named  James  Hargreaves,  of  a  spinning-machine 
known  as  the  "spinning- jenny."  It  consisted  of  a  simple 
wooden  frame  on  which  eight  spindles  revolved  by  the  turn- 
ing of  a  wheel,  and  which  produced  eight  threads  at  one  time. 
The  "spinning-jenny"  was  soon  improved  so  that  a  child 
turning  the  wheel  did  the  work  of  twenty  spinners.  ^  One  in- 
vention stimulated  another,  and  before  long  (1769)  Richard 
Arkwright  gave  to  the  world  his  famous  "water-frame,"  a 
series  of  revolving  rollers,  rotating  at  varying  speeds,  which 
spun  cotton  thread  so  firmly  that  an  all-cotton  cloth  could 
now  be  made.  ArkwTight's  device  possessed  another  advan- 
tage :  it  was  run  by  water-power  instead  of  by  hand  or  foot. 
In  1779  a  new  invention,  known  as  Crompton's  "mule," 
made  its  appearance.    It  combined  the  advantages  of  the 

^  At  present  a  spinning-machine  runs  as  many  as  one  thousand  spindles,  each 
turning  at  the  rate  of  ten  thousand  revolutions  a  minute;  and  it  needs  only  one 
man  and  two  boys  to  tend  two  thousand  spindles. 


30       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

"spinning-jenny"  with  that  of  the  " water- frame "  so  that 
thread  could  now  be  spun  with  greater  rapidity.  The  in- 
creased production  of  thread  called  for  more  rapid  methods 
of  weaving.  This  demand  was  met  by  Cartwright's  "power- 
loom"  (1789),  by  which  the  weaving  process  was  conducted 
with  great  rapidity  in  a  factory  operated  by  water-power. 
The  hand-loom  of  the  "domestic  system  "  was  now  doomed ; 
a  complete  revolution  had  been  effected  in  the  ancient  art 
of  the  weaver. 

The  present  wide  use  of  cotton  cloth  in  the  manufacture 
of  clothing  is  of  comparatively  recent  date.  Prior  to  the 
The  cotton-  eighteenth  century,  wool  and  linen,  particularly 
^'"  the  former,  were  the  only  materials  used  for  this 

purpose.  The  invention  of  the  cotton-gin,  in  1793,  by  the 
American,  Eli  Whitney,  marks  a  revolution  in  the  history  of 
clothes.  It  made  possible  the  rapid  removal  of  seeds  from 
the  cotton  fibers  by  a  mechanical  device  instead  of  by  slow 
human  fingers.  The  cotton-gin  stimulated  enormously  the 
production  of  cotton,  and  it  was  now  used  for  making  cheap 
clothing.  Laws  were  at  first  passed  in  England  forbid- 
ding the  use  of  cotton  clothes  because  it  was  feared  that 
the  woolen  industry,  England's  leading  industry,  would  be 
ruined.  But  the  great  market  for  cotton  clothing  in  In- 
dia and  the  knowledge  that  the  cold  climate  of  England 
would  always  insure  a  demand  for  woolen  garments  over- 
came the  opposition;  the  manufacture  of  cotton  became 
the  greatest  factor  in  England's  industrial  development  and 
the  main  source  of  her  prosperity.  In  1785  cylinder  print- 
ing was  invented,  whereby  a  roller,  with  a  design  engraved 
upon  it,  was  run  over  the  cloth.  Previously  patterns  had 
been  cut  on  wooden  blocks  and  then  stamped  on  the  cloth. 
Finally,  in  1800,  a  quick  method  of  bleaching  by  the  use  of 
chemicals  was  discovered,  and  thereafter  it  was  no  longer 
necessary  to  expose  cloth  to  the  sun  for  weeks  in  order  to 
accomplish  this  result. 

The  use  of  water-power  led  to  the  building  of  factories 
called  "mills"  near  streams,  like  those  which  ground  wheat 
into  flour.    But  the  disadvantage  of  a  "mill"  was  that 


THE   INDUSTRIAL   REVOLUTION  31 

its  location  was  determined  by  geographic  conditions:  it 
must  perforce  be  placed  near  a  rapid  stream  or  The  steam- 
waterfall,  irrespective  of  the  distance  from  the  ^"s^"^ 
source  of  the  raw  material  or  of  centers  of  distribution. 
This  limitation  was  a  serious  drawback  to  a  full  and  free 
development  of  the  usefulness  of  machinery,  a  limitation 
imposed  by  nature  itself.  The  problem  of  making  the 
factory  completely  independent  of  nature  was  solved  by  the 
invention  of  the  steam-engine.  That  cold  has  the  power  to 
contract  and  heat  to  expand  substances  has  been  known 
for  a  long  time;  but  the  application  of  this  principle  to 
practical  life  is  of  recent  date.  In  1704  Newcomen  invented 
a  simple  engine  in  which  a  piston  was  pushed  up  and  down 
by  alternately  filling  a  cylinder  with  steam  and  then  con- 
densing it.  The  piston  was  connected  with  a  rod,  and  the 
rod  in  turn  with  a  pump,  and  the  result  was  a  steam  pump. 
It  was  James  Watt,  however,  who  became  the  father  of  the 
modern  steam-engine,  the  giant  that  operates  machinery 
in  factories,  propels  ships  across  the  seas,  and  draws  trains 
across  continents.  Watt's  improvement  of  Newcomen's 
contrivance  in  1769  was  so  great  that  it  amounted  almost 
to  a  new  invention.  By  introducing  a  system  of  valves, 
the  working  of  the  steam-engine  became  regular  and  auto- 
matic; by  attaching  a  wheel  and  connecting  it  by  means 
of  a  belt  with  a  spinning-  or  weaving-machine,  the  latter 
could  be  driven  by  steam-power.  Factories,  having  thus 
been  made  independent  of  stream  and  fall,  were  henceforth 
established  near  their  source  of  power,  the  coal  and  iron 
regions. 

The  demand  for  machinery  in  turn  created  a  demand  for 
a  hard  and  durable  metal  from  which  to  construct  it.  For 
centuries  the  smelting  of  iron  had  been  done 
by  means  of  a  charcoal  furnace  with  the  aid 
of  hand-bellows;  and  a  large  quantity  of  wood  was  required 
to  smelt  a  small  quantity  of  iron.  In  1760  a  blast  furnace 
was  invented  in  which  coal  was  substituted  for  wood,  and 
the  smelting  process  was  greatly  accelerated ;  in  1 790  steam- 
power  was  applied  to  the  blast.    The  greatest  advance  in 


32       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  method  of  producing  steel,  however,  came  with  the 
Bessemer  process  (1856)  which  ushered  in  the  Age  of  Steel. 
Raw  iron,  called  "pig  iron,"  is  brittle  because  it  contains 
impurities;  when  these  are  removed,  the  metal  becomes 
the  tougher  product  known  as  "steel."  By  the  Bessemer 
process  the  impurities  are  first  oxidized  and  then  removed 
by  forcing  currents  of  air  through  the  iron.  A  further 
improvement  was  made  in  1864  by  the  Siemens-Mar- 
tin,  or  "open-hearth,"  method,  by  which  the  impurities 
were  burned  out  and  other  iron  burned  in.  So  various  and 
manifold  are  the  uses  of  steel  that  it  is  hard  to  imagine  how 
our  present  industrial  system  could  go  on  long  without  it. 
Machinery,  tools  and  cutlery,  rails,  bridges,  locomotives  and 
cars,  ships  and  armor,  innumerable  and  indispensable  arti- 
cles to  be  seen  on  every  side  in  factory,  office,  and  home, 
from  immense  building  girders  to  fine  watch  springs,  are 
made  from  steel.  As  coal  was  the  food,  and  iron  the  bone  and 
sinew,  of  the  new  slave,  the  machine,  an  enormous  stimulus 
was  given  to  the  production  of  these  two  elements  which 
have  become  the  mainstay  of  modern  industry. 

Revolution  in  Transportation 

The  ever  increasing  quantity  of  goods  produced  by  the 
new  machinery  soon  went  far  beyond  the  requirements  of 
The  steam-  the  locality,  and  even  of  the  nation,  and  the 
boat  problem   of   transporting  the  surplus,    cheaply 

and  quickly,  to  distant  places  engaged  men's  attention. 
The  conveyances  of  those  days,  the  wagon  and  the  sailboat, 
were  too  small  and  too  slow  to  solve  the  problem.  Neces- 
sity again  proved  the  mother  of  invention.  It  was  an 
American,  Robert  Fulton,  who,  in  1807,  solved  the  problem 
of  steam  navigation  by  the  launching  of  the  first  steamboat, 
the  Clermont,  on  the  Hudson  River.  In  18 19  the  American 
steamer  Savannah  crossed  the  Atlantic  in  twenty-nine 
days,  but  she  had  to  use  sail  for  part  of  the  voyage.  The 
first  ship  to  cross  the  Atlantic  using  steam  for  the  entire 
trip  was  the  Great  Western,  a  boat  of  1378  tons  and  212 
feet  in  length.    She  made  the  trip  in  1838  and  it  took  her 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  REVOLUTION  33 

fifteen  days.  At  first  steamships  were  built  of  wood,  but  it 
was  found  that  iron  ships  were  actually  more  buoyant  than 
wooden  ones  and,  moreover,  they  were  stronger  and  more 
rigid.  By  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  build- 
ing of  iron  ships  became  general. 

What  Fulton  did  for  the  steamship  George  Stephenson 
did  for  the  locomotive.  Several  attempts  had  been  made  to 
solve  the  problem  of  steam  locomotion  on  land.  The  loco- 
but  Stephenson  was  the  first  to  succeed.  His  motive 
locomotive,  the  Puffing  Billy,  built  in  1814,  broke  down; 
but  the  next  one,  the  famous  Rocket,  built  in  1830,  won  a 
prize  and  was  used  on  the  first  railway  in  England.  Com- 
pared with  a  modern  locomotive  it  was  almost  a  toy,  for 
its  weight  was  only  seven  tons  and  its  average  speed  but 
thirteen  miles  an  hour. 

Revolution  in  Communication 

In  the  past,  communication  was  almost  entirely  a  part 
of  transportation.  If  one  wished  to  send  a  message  to  a 
distant  place,  almost  the  only  means  were  by  wagon,  post- 
rider,  or  boat.  Perhaps  the  most  marvelous  of  all  inven- 
tions have  been  in  methods  of  communication.  In  the 
middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  electric  telegraph  was 
produced,  perfected  after  many  experiments  by  an  English- 
man, Charles  Wheatstone,  and  by  two  Americans,  Samuel  F. 
B.  Morse  and  Alfred  Vail.  The  principle  of  teleg-  ^,  , 
raphy  is  based  on  a  code  of  signals  which  are  sent  graph  and 
from  one  end  of  a  copper  wire  and  are  reproduced  ^^  ^^  °"^ 
at  the  other  end  by  the  action  of  an  electro-magnet.  Cyrus  W. 
Field  and  an  Englishman,  Sir  Charles  Bright,  first  established 
telegraphic  communication  across  water  in  1 866  by  the  laying 
of  the  Atlantic  cable.  To-day,  cables  and  the  telegraph  enable 
people  to  know  almost  instantly  what  is  happening  in  the  re- 
motest parts  of  the  world.  The  principle  of  the  telephone  was 
first  discovered  in  i860  by  a  German,  Philip  Reis,  but  the 
practical  application  of  the  idea  was  made  by  an  American, 
Alexander  Graham  Bell.  It  is  now  quite  an  easy  matter  for 
two  persons,  separated  by  hundreds  of  miles,  to  hold  aconver- 


34       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

sation,  which  is  made  possible  by  a  system  of  sound  vibra- 
tions sent  along  a  copper  wire. 

Ever  since  the  Industrial  Revolution  began,  the  conscious 
application  of  science  to  practical  ends  has  continued  with 
Machinery  increasing  zeal.  Nothing  now  seems  impossible 
and  modern  to  man's  ingenuity.  The  human  voice  is  repro- 
duced by  the  phonograph;  masterpieces  of  mu- 
sic are  played  by  an  automatic  piano,  the  pianola;  move- 
ment is  faithfully  reproduced  by  the  cinematograph  or 
"moving  picture."  Most  remarkable  of  all  is  the  success 
recently  attained  in  aerial  flight  by  means  of  the  heavier- 
than-air  machine,  the  aeroplane.  Electricity  is  rapidly 
superseding  steam  as  the  chief  motive  power;  trains  are 
moved,  factories  are  run,  houses  are  heated  and  lighted, 
and  food  is  cooked  by  electricity.  The  Industrial  Revolu- 
tion, having  transformed  Europe  and  America,  is  now  invad- 
ing the  ancient  civilizations  of  the  East,  Japan,  India,  and 
China,  where  it  is  rapidly  effecting  changes  in  the  lives  of 
the  inhabitants  as  no  other  influence  has  done  in  centuries. 

Results  of  the  Industrial  Revolution 

The  results  of  the  Industrial  Revolution  soon  became 
evident.  In  scarcely  a  half-century,  the  face  of  England 
changed  startlingly.  Instead  of  farms,  hamlets,  and  an 
occasional  town,  there  appeared  immense  cities,  with 
teeming  populations  huddled  around  gigantic  factories. 
Lancashire  and  West  Riding,  the  great  cotton  manufactur- 
ing centers,  seemed  like  a  forest  of  factories,  with  their 
thousands  of  tall  chimneys  belching  out  clouds  of  smoke 
and  their  "hundreds  of  windows  blazing  forth  a  lurid  light 
in  the  darkness  and  rattling  with  the  whir  and  din  of  cease- 
less machinery  by  day  and  night."  England  had  become 
the  "workshop  of  the  world." 

A  profound  effect  was  produced  upon  the  distribution, 
the  character,  and  the  increase  of  the  population.  The  effect 
upon  the  distribution  of  the  people  was  twofold:  on  the 
one  hand,  there  was  a  general  growth  of  the  north  of  Eng- 
land at  the  expense  of  the  south,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  a 


THE   INDUSTRIAL  REVOLUTION 


35 


INDUSTRIAL,  ENGLAND 

rrm  The  Chief  Coal  Districts  of 
^^        England  and  Wales. 
r^The  Region  of  Densest  Population 
'-^        In  the  early  XVIIItli  Century. 
...  These  lines  enclose  the  Regions 
of  densest  population  In  the 
XXth  Century. 
The  Cities  are  those  which  had  a  population  of 
100, 000  or  over  in  1910, 
Hole  the  locations  of  the  cities  with  regard  to 
coal  fields.    The  shifting  of  population 
from  the  southeast  to  the  northwest  was 
due  mainly  to  the  use  of  steam-power 
n  manufarturin};,  made  ponsihle  by 
the  opening  up  of  the  coal  mines. 


gston-upon-Hull 


longiluda      West 


from      Greenwich 


LoD^tude      East 


constant  movement  of  population  from  the  rural  to  the 
industrial  centers.  In  the  northern  part  of  England  where 
there  are  large  deposits  of  coal  and  iron,  the  Growth  of 
textile,  cutlery,  and  pottery  industries  made  ^^^'^  ^^^^ 
their  homes.  In  one  generation  this  section  of  the  country, 
which  had  been  sparsely  inhabited,  became  the  most  densely 
populated  part  of  Great  Britain.  Enormous  cities,  like 
Manchester,  Leeds,  Sheffield,  and  Birmingham,  sprang 
into  existence  almost  overnight.    In  the  south,  where  agri- 


36       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

culture  continued  to  be  the  main  occupation,  population 
was  at  a  standstill  or  had  actually  decreased.  The  entire 
natural  increase  was  absorbed  into  industrial  life,  and  the 
countryside  was  being  emptied  for  the  benefit  of  the  town. 
Moreover,  the  rate  of  increase  in  population  has  more  than 
doubled.  Before  the  Industrial  Revolution  every  decade 
saw  an  increase  in  population  of  about  six  per  cent;  dur- 
ing the  decade  1801-1811,  the  increase  was  twenty-one  per 
cent. 

Just  as  the  hamlet  was  the  typical  expression  of  medieval 
life,  so  the  factory  town  became  the  outward  and  visible  sign 
of  the  new  order.  A  factory  may  be  defined  as  a  mass  of 
complicated  machinery,  manipulated  by  laborers,  which 
transforms  raw  material  into  manufactured  articles.  Both 
machinery  and  laborers  are  housed  in  large  buildings,  gen- 
erally made  of  brick,  known  as  the  "mill"  or  "factory." 
With  the  establishment  of  the  factory  system  minute  sub- 
Subdivision  division  of  labor  became  possible.  Every  part 
of  labor  q£  ^j^^  article  was  made  separately  by  workers 

who  specialized  in  the  making  of  one  part  and  in  nothing 
else.  So  minute  has  the  subdivision  of  labor  become  that 
at  the  present  time  there  are  no  fewer  than  ninety  processes 
in  the  making  of  a  shoe:  some  men  punch  holes  in  the 
leather,  others  cut  heels,  others  fit  the  soles,  others  sew  on 
the  buttons,  etc.  Labor  of  this  kind  requires,  not  trained 
skill,  but  manual  dexterity,  easily  acquired  through  the 
constant  repetition  of  the  same  process.  The  modern  ma- 
chine needs  but  slight  guidance  to  turn  out  unerringly 
thousands  of  articles;  frequent  improvements  have  made  it 
almost  human  in  its  automatic  intelligence,  while  man  has 
become  machine-like  in  his  monotonous  labor. 

The  increase  in  output  due  to  the  introduction  of  ma- 
chinery was  so  great  that  it  is  impossible  to  estimate  it  in 
definite  figures.  Large-scale  production  for  the  world  mar- 
Increase  of  ket  became  the  order  of  the  day,  and  a  great 
production  commercial  expansion  followed  in  the  wake  of 
the  Industrial  Revolution.  As  the  railway  and  steamship 
made  possible  rapid  transportation  to  every  part  of  the 


THE   INDUSTRIAL  REVOLUTION  37 

world,  every  effort  was  made  to  stimulate  old  and  to  open 
new  markets.  Newer  means  of  communication,  like  the 
cable,  telegraph,  telephone,  and  "wireless,"  have  tended 
to  unify  the  world  market.  Prices  are  quoted  instantly  the 
world  over;  hence  buyer  and  seller  are  quickly  brought 
together.  Safety  devices,  a  widespread  system  of  insurance, 
and  good  policing  have  abated  most  of  the  dangers  from 
accidents  and  robbery  that  formerly  attended  commerce. 

To  the  Industrial  Revolution  is  directly  due  the  appear- 
ance of  two  new  elements  in  society,  the  capitalists  and 
the  working  class.  The  capitalist  was  the  new  The  cap- 
rich  man  who  appeared  side  by  side  with  the  ^^ahst  class 
landed  aristocrat  in  the  country  and  the  wealthy  merchant 
in  the  city.  By  a  capitalist  is  meant  a  person  who  invests 
his  money  in  industrial  enterprises  like  factories,  railways, 
mines,  and  steamships,  from  which  he  derives  dividends  or 
profits.  The  opportunity  for  making  money  was  greatly 
increased  by  the  new  inventions,  as  the  resources  of  the 
world  could  for  the  first  time  be  fully  exploited.  Profits 
were  large;  and  enormous  fortunes  were  made  by  the 
shrewd  and  enterprising  "captains  of  industry,"  who  before 
long  quickly  outstripped  in  wealth  both  aristocrats  and  mer- 
chants. Most  of  the  capitalists  came  from  the  wealthier 
townsmen;  many  members  of  the  old  trading  companies 
and  sometimes  even  craftsmen  found  opportunities  to  apply 
their  money  or  ingenuity  in  the  new  industrial  order.  The 
great  power  of  the  new  class  lay  not  only  in  their  wealth, 
but  even  more  in  their  ownership  or  control  of  the  new 
machinery  of  production  upon  which  millions  depended 
for  their  livelihood.  The  influence  of  the  old  landed  aris- 
tocracy began  to  dwindle  before  that  of  the  new  moneyed 
aristocracy,  the  nobility  of  industrial  society  who,  as  we 
shall  see,  were  to  oust  the  former  from  their  centuries-old 
control  of  the  State.  The  middle  classes,  likewise,  greatly 
increased  in  numbers  and  influence.  As  shopkeepers  and 
professional  men,  they  found  in  the  rapidly  growing  cities 
greater  opportunities  for  money-making  than  they  had 
ever  before  known. 


38       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Equally  important  socially  was  the  appearance  of  the  new 
poor  man,  the  "  workingman."  In  the  past  the  great  mass 
The  work-  of  poor  had  been  the  serfs  in  the  country  and 
ing  class  ^]^g  lower-grade  artisans  in  the  town.  When 
the  factory  came,  thousand  of  peasants  flocked  to  the  city 
to  find  work,  some  because  they  were  rather  glad  of  an 
opportunity  to  leave  the  dull,  monotonous  life  of  the  farm, 
others,  as  in  England,  because  they  were  ousted  from  their 
agricultural  holdings.^  The  craftsmen  found  the  competi- 
tion of  the  factory  too  much  for  them,  as  the  machine 
made  things  much  cheaper,  if  not  better,  than  their  handi- 
work; consequently,  many  artisans  were  ruined  by  the 
labor  of  the  "iron  men,"  as  the  machines  were  called.  It 
was  no  comfort  to  them  to  be  told  that  the  world  would 
benefit  in  the  long  run  from  the  use  of  the  new  inventions, 
which,  they  discovered,  tended  more  to  increase  the  profits 
of  the  capitalists  than  to  better  the  condition  of  the  labor- 
ers. A  series  of  riots  broke  out  against  the  "iron  men"; 
many  machines  were  destroyed  by  mobs,  and  Hargreaves 
himself  was  attacked  by  the  rioters.  But  it  was  all  in 
vain.  The  artisans  were  soon  forced  to  give  up  their  hope- 
less struggle  against  machinery  and  to  find  places  in  the 
factories. 

The  coming  of  the  machine  made  all  laborers  equal ;  all 
were  "hands"  whose  function  was  merely  to  guide  in  dull 
Impersonal     monotony  the  new  slave  of  steel.     The  factory 

relations  ,  . 

between  became  a  social  group,  otten  a  very  large  one; 

and  em-'^^  it  was,  therefore,  impossible  to  maintain  any- 
ployees  thing  like  the  personal    relations  that   used  to 

exist  between  employer  and  employee  in  the  days  of  the 
"domestic  system."  The  individual  worker  was  lost  in 
the  great  mass,  and  the  owner  of  the  factory  was  often  not 
a  person  at  all,  but  a  corporation  employing  managers  to 
conduct  the  factory.  This  tended  to  weaken  the  sense  of 
responsibility;  and  evil  conditions  were  often  tolerated  in 
the  factories  because  the  owners  did  not  know  of  their 
existence.   The  greed  for  large  profits  caused  many  capital- 

1  See  p.  55. 


THE   INDUSTRIAL   REVOLUTION  39 

ists  to  exploit  their  laborers  mercilessly  and  blinded  them 
to  the  evils  that  they  were  creating  in  society. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  factory  worker  was  out- 
wardly more  free  than  the  peasant  or  artisan,  he  was  in 
reality  more  dependent  than  either.  The  peas-  £^jj  condi- 
ant,  although  he  might  be  a  serf,  had  land  from  tions  in  the 
which  he  could  eke  out  an  existence  no  matter 
how  meager;  the  artisan  had  his  tools  with  which  he  could 
at  any  time  gain  a  livelihood;  but  the  landless  and  toolless 
"hand"  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  man  to  whom  he  came 
seeking  for  a  "job,"  for  he  was  obliged  to  accept  whatever 
terms  were  offered.  Naturally  the  wages  that  he  received 
were  low,  his  hours  of  labor  long,  and  his  place  of  work 
unsanitary  and  even  dangerous.  The  laborers'  homes  were 
in  barrack-like  structures  called  "tenement  houses,"  badly 
ventilated,  dingy,  and  crowded.  Great  numbers  of  human 
beings  in  the  large  cities  were  constantly  on  the  edge  of 
starvation,  the  result  of  low  wages  and  unemployment. 
Work  itself  sometimes  became  a  luxury.  Women  and  chil- 
dren were  employed  on  a  large  scale  because  the  part  of 
human  labor  in  machine  production  is  so  simple  that  un- 
skilled women  and  little  children  could  supply  it  without 
great  difficulty.  The  wages  that  they  received  were  incred- 
ibly low.  "It  is  questionable,"  wrote  the  great  English 
philosopher  and  economist,  John  Stuart  Mill,  in  1857,  "if 
all  the  mechanical  inventions  yet  made  have  lightened  the 
day's  toil  of  any  human  being.  They  have  enabled  a  greater 
population  to  live  the  same  life  of  drudgery  and  imprison- 
ment, and  an  increased  number  of  manufacturers  and 
others  to  make  fortunes.  They  have  increased  the  com- 
forts of  the  middle  classes,  but  they  have  not  yet  begun  to 
effect  those  great  changes  in  human  destiny  which  it  is  in 
their  nature  and  in  their  futurity  to  accomplish."  Never- 
theless, in  spite  of  these  evils  the  factory  system,  even  at 
its  worst,  meant  a  great  step  of  progress  to  the  lower  classes, 
who  at  that  time  were  serfs  or  semi-serfs  on  large  landed  es- 
tates, working  from  sunrise  to  sunset,  dwelling  in  hovels 
amid  conditions  that  were  almost  primitive  and  living  on 


40       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

food  that  was  coarse  and  not  too  plentiful.  To  many  peas- 
ants the  factory  spelled  opportunity  to  be  free,  to  work  for 
regular  wages,  and  to  gain  the  social  and  educational  ad- 
vantages offered  by  the  town ;  and  they  flocked  to  it  in  great 
numbers  happy  to  become  "hands"  under  any  conditions. 

As  long  as  society  was  based  on  agriculture,  and  com- 
merce was  merely  local,  there  was  a  high  degree  of  security 
Unemploy-  for  all  classcs  of  the  population.  Prices  varied 
ment  |-J^^  little,  employment  was  regular,  and  panics 

were  almost  unknown.  It  was  only  in  the  case  of  an  exceed- 
ingly bad  harvest  that  there  was  what  might  be  termed 
an  "agricultural  panic."  But  the  change  to  an  industrial 
society,  although  it  brought  great  prosperity,  at  the  same 
time  brought  with  it  instability  and  uncertainty.  Trade 
based  upon  a  world  market  is  bound  to  be  irregular  and 
fluctuating;  the  supply  of  raw  material  varies  every  year; 
capital  is  sometimes  unwisely  invested;  new  machinery 
constantly  displaces  labor  and  changes  the  character  of  the 
industry;  often,  too,  there  is  over-production.  Such  condi- 
tions tend  to  produce  a  general  dislocation  of  trade,  known 
as  a  "panic,"  which  reduces  or  destroys  the  profits  of  cap- 
ital, throws  thousands  of  laborers  out  of  work,  and  so 
brings  misery  and  ruin  to  many.  Insecurity  of  employment, 
even  more  than  low  wages,  is  the  haunting  fear  of  millions 
of  workingmen,  who  seldom  earn  enough  to  tide  them  over 
periods  of  enforced  idleness. 

Once  a  momentum  was  given  to  invention,  one  improve- 
ment succeeded  another  in  rapid  succession,  with  the  result 
Labor  sav-  *^^^  much  of  the  labor  in  the  factory,  on  the 
ing  through  farm,  and  even  in  the  home  is  now  performed  by 
mac  inery  machinery.  Buildings  are  constructed,  bread  is 
baked,  land  is  plowed,  clothes  are  sewn,  and  floors  are  swept 
by  machinery.  It  is  not  too  much  to  hope  that  the  time  will 
come  when  human  labor  of  the  roughest  kind  will  be  entirely 
done  away  with.  In  the  past,  when  labor  was  performed  by 
slaves  or  serfs,  leisure  was  enjoyed  only  by  the  very  few 
wealthy  persons.  But  now  that  machinery  is  superseding 
human  labor,  it  has  become  possible  for  millions  to  enjoy  a 


THE   INDUSTRIAL   REVOLUTION  41 

certain  degree  of  leisure.  The  work-day  is  gradually  being 
shortened  to  eight  hours,  holidays  are  more  frequent,  and 
vacations  more  general.  This  gives  opportunities  for  recre- 
ation and  culture  to  many  who,  in  the  past,  were  sunk  in 
misery  and  ignorance.  Nature,  before  which  man  once 
crouched  in  terror  and  helplessness,  is  now  his  willing  slave, 
performing  the  most  gigantic  tasks  at  his  bidding.  By 
harnessing  nature  great  engineering  enterprises  have  be- 
come possible.  Lofty  mountains  like  the  Alps  are  tunneled; 
suspension  bridges  span  wide  rivers;  oceans  are  connected 
by  great  canals  like  the  Suez  and  Panama;  the  continents 
of  Europe  and  Asia  are  united  by  the  Trans-Siberian  Rail- 
way; ancient  rivers  like  the  Nile  are  made  entirely  naviga- 
ble. Nothing  now  seems  to  bar  the  progress  of  man,  who 
removes  with  the  utmost  ease  obstacles  on  land  and  water 
that  once  appeared  insuperable. 

The  effects  of  the  Industrial  Revolution  upon  politics 
were  far-reaching.  It  brought  into  the  political  arena  the 
two  new  classes,  capitalists  and  workingmen.  The  new 
who  immediately  began  to  clamor  for  political  politics 
power,  which  up  to  this  time  had  been  enjoyed  almost  ex- 
clusively by  the  landed  aristocracy.  Democracy,  hitherto 
an  idea  advocated  by  philosophers,  became  the  rallying 
cry  of  the  new  classes  who  gave  it  the  powerful  support  of 
wealth  and  numbers.  The  nineteenth  century  witnessed 
an  almost  continuous  struggle  to  break  down  the  power  of 
aristocracy  and  absolute  monarchy,  which  in  many  countries 
finally  terminated  in  the  triumph  of  universal  suffrage  and 
the  control  of  the  State  by  the  majority  of  its  citizens. 

The  welding  together  of  different  parts  of  a  country  by 
the  railway,  steamboat,  and  telegraph  deepened  the  sense 
of  national  unity.  Particularly  devoted  to  the  The  new 
ideal  of  nationalism  were  the  new  industrial  ^ationahsm 
classes,  who  needed  strong  governments  to  protect  their 
manufactures  at  home  and  their  investments  abroad.  The 
loosely  knit  agricultural  nation,  with  its  special  privileges 
to  localities,  classes,  and  religions,  controlled  by  a  landed 
aristocracy  and  headed  by  an  absolute  monarch,  gave  place 


42       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

to  a  firmly  established  industrial  nation,  with  uniform  laws 
for  all  citizens,  controlled  by  the  industrial  classes,  and 
governed  by  representative  parliaments.  Old  nations  like 
France  and  England  lost  their  provincial  differences  in  cus- 
toms, habits,  laws,  and  speech.  Common  economic  interests 
at  last  gave  a  solid  foundation  to  the  national  aspirations 
of  both  Germans  and  Italians,  who  had  remained  divided 
for  so  many  centuries,  and  led  them  to  unite,  each  into  a 
common  fatherland. 

If  nationalism  was  intensified,  so,  curiously  enough,  was 
internationalism.  The  new  means  of  transportation  car- 
„,  ried  not  only  goods,  but  also  people  and  ideas. 

The  new  _  .  f      i- 

internation-  Foreign  travel  has  increased  at  an  astonish- 
^'^"^  Ing  rate,   and  many  persons  are  now  enabled 

to  visit  foreign  lands  who  formerly  would  never  have 
set  foot  outside  of  their  own  country.  This  has  inevi- 
tably led  to  a  better  understanding  among  the  nations  of 
the  world  of  one  another's  ideals  and  institutions.  Cheap 
transportation  has  stimulated  emigration  on  a  vast  scale. 
Workers  quickly  find  out  where  a  market  for  their  labor 
exists,  and  leave  their  native  land  to  seek  employment  in 
other  countries. 

So  great  a  change  in  human  relations  as  was  produced 
by  the  Industrial  Revolution  was  bound  to  find  expression 
Individual-  in  a  new  philosophy.  "Individualism"  was  the 
*^"^  ideal  preached  by  the  philosophers  of  the  new 

order.  They  declared  that  the  individual  was  to  be  allowed 
to  work  out  his  own  salvation,  particularly  in  economic 
affairs,  unhampered  by  governmental  restrictions.  It  was 
thought  that  the  rivalry  between  individuals  would  develop 
strength  of  character  and  would  stimulate  originality  by 
offering  the  rewards  of  wealth  and  fame;  society  would 
thereby  be  the  gainer,  for  it  would  lead  to  an  increased  pro- 
duction of  wealth.  "Competition  is  the  life  of  trade"  was 
one  of  the  aphorisms  of  the  new  school.  Those  individuals 
who  survived  the  struggle  were  considered  the  "fit,"  and 
those  who  did  not  survive,  the  "unfit."  To  the  State  was 
assigned  the  role  of  laissez  faire  (French,  "let  alone"),  by 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  REVOLUTION  43 

which  was  meant  that  its  function  was  to  be  limited  to 
the  protection  of  Hfe  and  property.  On  no  account  was 
the  State  to  interfere  between  employer  and  employee  or 
between  buyer  and  seller  save  to  prevent  fraud,  monopoly, 
or  violation  of  contract.  The  Individualists  were  also  be- 
lie^'ers  in  the  doctrines  of  liberty  and  equality,  which  they 
desired  to  see  applied  to  political,  religious,  and  intellectual 
affairs  on  the  principle  of  equal  rights  to  all  and  special 
privileges  to  none.  They  became  stanch  advocates  of  free- 
dom of  speech,  equality  of  all  classes  before  the  law,  religious 
toleration,  and  extension  of  the  suffrage. 

Naturally  enough,  the  philosophers  of  individualism  were 
mainly  Englishmen.  The  most  eminent  were  Adam  Smith, 
whose  book,  The  Wealth  of  Nations,  became  the  Bible  of  the 
new  school,  and  Jeremy  Bentham,  whose  Principles  of  Leg- 
islation formulated  the  doctrines  of  political  individualism. 
A  group  of  brilliant  writers,  consisting  of  David  Ricardo, 
James  Mill,  John  Stuart  Mill,  and  Thomas  Robert  Mal- 
thus,  known  as  the  Manchester  School,^  preached  the 
doctrine  of  individualism  in  economics  with  such  extraor- 
dinary ability  that  it  was  universally  accepted  for  several 
generations.  This  philosophy  harmonized  well  with  the 
interest  of  the  manufacturers,  who  dreaded  State  interfer- 
ence in  economic  matters  lest  it  be  exerted  in  favor  of  their 
rivals,  the  landed  aristocracy,  or  of  their  subordinates,  the 
working  class. 

The  rate  of  human  progress  has  been  greatly  accelerated 
by  the  Industrial  Revolution,  In  the  past,  changes  took 
place  so  slowly  that  many  people  were  not  aware   ^ 

1  11  11       ^T^i  •  Increase  in 

that  they  took  place  at  all.  The  only  notice-  the  rate  of 
able  changes  were  those  produced  by  invasions  p''°s''^^^ 
of  hostile  armies,  by  pestilential  diseases,  or  by  natural  ca- 
lamities like  earthquakes  and  fires.  Hence,  conservatism 
was  the  principle  adhered  to,  for  it  meant  the  conserva- 
tion of  civilization.  Moreover,  an  agricultural  society  is 
static;   communication   is   slow   and    arduous;    and   it   is 

^  The  city  of  Manchester  became  famous  as  the  industrial  capital  of  Eng- 
land. 


44       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

consequently  difficult  to  spread  new  ideas.  As  long  as  the 
basis  of  a  people's  livelihood  remains  unchanged,  their 
ideas  remain  likewise  unchanged.  But  an  industrial  society 
is  dynamic.  A  factory  appears  in  an  isolated  hamlet,  and 
immediately  a  bustling  city  comes  into  being,  with  rail- 
ways, telegraphs,  telephones,  and  newspapers  connecting 
it  with  the  rest  of  the  world.  As  a  result,  old  habits  are 
broken  up,  new  relations  are  established,  and  sometimes  a 
new  population  appears  in  the  place  of  the  old.  The  "good 
old  times"  pass  quickly  and  new  traditions  take  root; 
progress  becomes  the  law  of  life,  and  backward  communi- 
ties soon  decay  and  die. 

In  the  Age  of  Machinery  there  appeared  a  new  politics, 
a  new  history,  and  even  new  subjects  of  study,  like  Polit- 
Influence  of  ical  Ecouomy,  Political  Science,  and  Sociology, 
the  Indus-      History,   particularly,   is  being  explained  from 

trial  Revo-  ■'.'    ^       .       .        "^ '  ,       r    i  -i  •        i 

lutionon  new  pomts  of  view.  Instead  ot  describmg  bat- 
thought  ^jgg^  sieges,  treaties,  dynasties,  constitutions,  and 
political  parties  almost  exclusively,  it  concerns  itself  also 
with  explaining  how  social  and  economic  conditions  influ- 
ence the  life  and  character  of  a  people.  These  forces, 
although  they  have  always  been  influential  in  moulding 
the  destinies  of  nations,  were  lost  sight  of  in  the  study  of 
the  more  sensational  happenings  of  war  and  politics.  But 
the  Industrial  Revolution  has  made  these  forces  visible. 
We  see  more  clearly  to-day  how  economic  changes  affect 
political  development;  how  weak,  divided,  agricultural 
Germany  became  strong,  united,  industrial  Germany;  how 
the  British  system  of  government  has  been  modified  as 
a  result  of  social  and  economic  changes;  how  semi-agri- 
cultural, semi-industrial  France  has  oscillated  between  rev- 
olution and  reaction;  and  how  the  American  railway,  more 
than  the  Federal  Constitution,  has  made  of  the  United 
States,  a  "more  perfect  Union." 


CHAPTER    IV 
OLD  ENGLAND 

England  has  the  proud  distinction  of  being  the  first 
country  to  institute  the  system  of  government  known  as 
constitutional,  or  Umited,  monarchy.    The  "Glo-  Parliament 
rious  Revolution"  of  1689,  which  resulted  in  the  supersedes 

,        .  r  T-ITM1-  r    i-x  1        1  •         1  •         the  King  as 

election  01  William  01  Orange  to  the  kingship,  ruler  of 
gave  to  Parliament  predominant  power  in  the  ^"^land 
government  of  the  nation,  although  the  king  continued  to 
exercise  the  executive  power,  to  appoint  and  remove  offi- 
cials, to  conduct  foreign  affairs,  and  to  exercise  the  veto 
power.  With  the  coming  of  the  Hanoverians  in  the  person  of 
George  I  (17 14),  another  great  step  was  taken  in  rendering 
powerless  the  English  monarchy.  The  king  ceased  to  ap- 
point officials,  to  veto  bills,  and  even  to  attend  cabinet 
meetings;  these  functions  were  taken  over  by  the  cabinet, 
headed  by  the  prime  minister,  which  was  responsible  to 
Parliament  for  all  of  its  acts.^ 

Because  of  England's  primacy  in  parliamentary  govern- 
ment she  was  regarded  by  the  reformers  on  the  Continent 
as  the  home  of  political  freedom  and  liberty.  England,  the 
The  great  French  writers,  Montesquieu  and  Vol-  ^^odd  of 
taire,  had  written  fulsome  praise  of  the  Eng-  Europe 
lish  system,  which  they  had  recommended  as  a  model  to 
the  oppressed  peoples  of  Europe.  In  the  opinion  of  the 
great  English  jurist,  Blackstone,  it  was  the  perfection  of 
human  wisdom.  England,  too,  was  the  only  country  which 
had  remained  unshaken  by  the  terrific  upheaval  caused  by 
the  French  Revolution  that  had  transformed  every  other 
nation  in  Western  Europe.  Freedom  combined  with  sta- 
bility seemed  to  be  the  happy  condition  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Great  Britain. 

1  See  p.  325. 


46       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Political  Conditions 

The  truth  was  that  England  was  far  indeed  from  having 
realized  the  ideal  of  true  democracy.  Behind  the  veil  of 
Unf  irn  Parliament  an  oligarchy  held   sway  through  a 

of  repre-  system  of  unfair  representation  and  shameless 
sentation  corruption.  In  1 815  the  House  of  Commons  con- 
sisted of  658  members  representing  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland.  Of  these,  186  were  elected  by  county,  or  country, 
constituencies,  467  by  boroughs,  or  towns,  and  5  by  the 
universities. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  Industrial  Revolution  had 
produced  great  changes  in  the  number  and  distribution  of 
the  population.  In  some  places,  particularly  in  the  north 
of  England,  small  villages  had  grown  into  large  cities;  in 
other  places,  as  in  the  agricultural  south,  the  population 
remained  stationary,  or  had  actually  declined.  But  repre- 
sentation in  the  House  of  Commons  was  largely  what  it 
had  been  since  the  Middle  Ages,  because  there  did  not  exist 
a  system  of  periodic  reapportionment  of  seats. 

The  unfairness  of  the  apportionment  of  representatives 
before  1832  was  most  glaring.  Towns  like  Buckingham, 
with  thirteen  voters,  Gatton  with  five,  Orford  with 
twenty,  Middlehurst  with  thirteen,  old  Sarum  with  none, 
and  Dunwich,  sunk  under  the  waters  of  the  North  Sea,  all 
duly  elected  members  to  Parliament;  whereas  great  cities 
like  Manchester,  Birmingham,  and  Leeds  had  no  repre- 
sentation in  the  national  legislature.  Scotland  was  given 
forty-five  seats,  and  the  county  of  Cornwall,  with  only  one 
eighth  of  her  population,  forty-four  seats.  The  members 
of  Parliament  from  the  "rotten  boroughs,"  as  the  decayed 
towns  were  called,  were  really  appointed  by  the  local  land- 
lords, who  had  little  difficulty  in  coercing  the  few  voters, 
generally  tenants  on  their  estates.  Many  seats  were  un- 
contested because  of  the  certainty  of  the  election  of  some 
noble  lord's  candidate.  A  system  of  "  borough-mongering  " 
had  grown  up  whereby  rich  men,  desirous  of  the  social  dis- 
tinction of  being  in  public  life,  would  purchase  seats  in 


OLD   ENGLAND  47 

Parliament.  Lord  John  Russell,  who  led  in  the  attack  upon 
these  conditions,  declared  that  if  a  stranger,  who  came  to 
England  full  of  admiration  for  the  land  of  political  freedom, 
were  taken  "to  a  green  mound,  and  told  that  this  green 
mound  sent  two  members  to  Parliament;  or  to  a  green  wall 
with  three  niches  in  it  and  told  that  these  three  niches  sent 
two  members  to  Parliament;  or,  if  he  were  shown  a  green 
park,  with  many  signs  of  flourishing  vegetable  life  but  none 
of  human  habitation,  and  told  that  this  green  park  sent 
two  members  to  Parliament,"  he  would  be  greatly  surprised. 
"  But  his  surprise  would  increase  to  astonishment  if  he  were 
carried  into  the  north  of  England,  where  he  would  see  large 
flourishing  towns,  full  of  trade  and  activity,  containing  vast 
magazines  of  wealth  and  manufactures,  and  were  told  that 
these  places  had  no  representation  in  the  assembly  which 
was  said  to  represent  the  people."  ^ 

The  right  to  vote,  too,  was  limited  to  comparatively  a 
very  few.  According  to  English  theory,  suffrage  was  not  a 
human  right,  appertaining  to  every  citizen,  but  Property 
a  privilege  attached  to  property,  particularly  to  restrictions 
landed  property,  or  to  certain  offices.  In  some  ^"  ^^^^ 
towns  the  mayor  and  council,  in  others  the  "freemen,"  a 
small  group  of  privileged  burghers,  chose  the  member  of 
Parliament.  In  the  counties,  only  those  who  owned  land 
yielding  forty  shillings  a  year  income  could  vote  in  the 
parliamentary  elections:  this  class,  because  of  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  peasant  proprietors,  was  very  small.  Hence, 
only  about  five  per  cent  of  all  the  adult  males  in  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Ireland  had  the  right  to  vote.  In  Scotland,  in  a 
population  of  about  two  million,  there  were  only  about 
three  thousand  voters.  Moreover,  bribery  was  open  and 
prevalent,  no  shame  attaching  to  vote-buying,  as  suffrage 
was  considered  a  property  right.  Candidates  would  openly 
advertise  their  prices  for  votes.  The  method  of  balloting 
then  employed  was  known  as  viva  voce,  or  declaration  of 
one's  choice  of  candidates  in  public.  This  method  en- 
couraged coercion  of  electors  by  those  who  had  power  over 
them,  such  as  landlords,  employers,  and  officials. 

^  Cheyney,  Readings  in  Etiglish  History,  p.  681. 


48       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

During  the  days  of  the  "  unreformed  "  House  of  Commons 
there  was  never  any  disagreement  between  that  body  and 
Control  of      ^^^  House  of  Lords,   for  the  reason  that  the 
Commons       electoral  system  then  in  vogue  resulted  in  the 
^  control  of  the  former  by  the  latter.  The  Govern- 

ment of  England  before  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832  might  be 
described*  as  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  landlords, 
for  the  landlords. 

Religious  Conditions 

Privilege  was  as  dominant  a  feature  in  the  Church  as  it 
was  in  the  Government.  As  long  ago  as  1689,  the  English 
had  by  law  established  freedom  of  worship,  whereby  any 
person  could  worship  as  he  or  she  pleased,  without  molesta- 
tion by  the  authorities.  But  this  did  not  at  all  mean  equal 
recognition  of  all  religions;  on  the  contrary,  the  greatest 
inequality  among  the  various  religious  sects  existed  in  Great 
Britain  well  into  the  nineteenth  century.  According  to  the 
law  the  people  were  classified  as  (i)  Anglicans,  or  members 
of  the  Established  Church;  ^  (2)  Dissenters,  or  Noncon- 
formists, i.e.,  Protestants,  like  the  Methodists,  Baptists, 
and  Congregationalists,  who  refused  to  conform  to  the 
ritual  and  organization  of  the  Established  Church;  and 
(3)  Catholics  and  Jews. 

The  Episcopal  was  the  favored  Church.  It  was  sup- 
ported by  special  local  taxes  levied  on  landholders  irrespec- 
Privileges  tive  of  their  religion,  and  by  the  income  from 
Established  ^^^^  properties  given  to  the  Church  in  times 
Church  past  by  the  Government;  it  had  the  exclusive 

right  to  register  births  and  perform  marriages;  of  all  re- 
ligious denominations  in  England  it  alone  was  accorded 
representation  in  the  House  of  Lords.  Episcopalians  were 
especially  favored  by  being  appointed  to  the  higher 
offices  in  the  government  service  and  by  special  educa- 
tional opportunities  in  the  universities.  Socially,  it  was 
considered  "  bad  form  "  to  profess  any  other  faith. 

^  In  Scotland,  the  Presbyterian,  not  the  Episcopal,  was  the  Established 
Church. 


OLD  ENGLAND  49 

The  position  of  the  Dissenters,  because  they  were  sub- 
ject to  disabilities,  was  humiliating  both  socially  and 
legally.  Although  they  were  permitted  to  vote  Disabilities 
and  to  be  members  of  Parliament,  they  were  Episcopa- 
disqualified  from  holding  high  office  in  the  ''^"^ 
Government.  Nevertheless,  the  law  often  became  a  dead 
letter,  as  Parliament  annually  passed  an  Indemnity  Act 
which  legalized  the  official  acts  of  the  Dissenters  in  office. 
They  were,  however,  socially  ostracized;  and  the  higher 
institutions  of  learning,  like  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  where 
degrees  were  granted  only  to  Anglicans,  were  practically 
closed  to  them.  The  Catholics  and  the  Jews  suffered  not 
only  all  the  disabilities  of  the  Dissenters,  but,  in  addition, 
they  were  barred  from  the  public  service;  they  could  not 
be  members  of  Parliament  and,  in  many  instances,  they  were 
denied  the  suffrage  entirely. 

Social  Conditions 

In  its  train  the  factory  system  brought  a  host  of  evils  to 
the  working  classes,  particularly  to  the  most  helpless  of 
them,  the  women  and  children.    Large  numbers  ^^     , 

'  _  °  Employment 

of  workers,  men,  women,  and  children,  were  gath-  of  women 
ered  in  huge  buildings  with  little  or  no  provision  j^  the  fac-^" 
for  the  safeguarding  of  health  or  for  the  pres-  tones  and 

r    1  11        f  •       1  mmes 

ervation  of  decency;  naturally,  lactones  became 
hot-beds  of  disease,  misery,  and  vice.  The  hours  of  labor 
were  from  twelve  to  sixteen,  even  for  children;  wages  were 
down  to  the  starvation  level,  and  frequently  the  entire 
family,  father,  mother,  and  children,  were  compelled  to 
work  in  the  factory  in  order  to  eke  out  an  existence.  In  some 
places  women  were  employed  in  the  mines,  where  they  were 
harnessed  to  coal  carts  which  they  dragged  around  creep- 
ing on  hands  and  feet  through  narrow  and  dangerous  pas- 
sages. Pauper  children  were  "apprenticed"  to  the  factory 
by  the  overseers  of  the  poor,  their  only  wages  being  food 
and  clothes  of  the  coarsest  kind.  These  child  slaves,  some 
only  five  or  six  years  old,  slept  in  relays  in  dormitories 
built  near  the  factory.     Early  every  morning  they  were 


50       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

awakened  and  taken  to  the  "mill,"  where,  "in  stench,  in 
heated  rooms,  amid  the  constant  whirling  of  a  thousand 
wheels,  idle  lingers  and  little  feet  were  kept  in  ceaseless 
action,  forced  into  unnatural  activity  by  blows  from  the 
heavy  hands  and  feet  of  the  merciless  overlooker,  and  the 
infliction  of  bodily  pain  by  instruments  invented  by  the 
sharpened  ingenuity  of  insatiable  selfishness."  If  any  were 
suspected  of  a  desire  to  run  away  in  order  to  escape  from 
their  unbearable  misery,  they  were  regarded  as  criminals  and 
mercilessly  chained  to  the  machines  which  they  operated. 
To  the  claims  of  humanity,  many  employers  had  become 
entirely  deaf  through  their  desire  for  large  profits.  But 
thoughtful  and  patriotic  Englishmen  realized  that  the  rising 
generation  of  the  working  class  was  growing  up  under  con- 
ditions which  produced  physical  degeneracy,  abject  igno- 
rance, and  shocking  immorality. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  cost 
of  living  was  continually  rising,  whereas  wages  either  re- 
Charity  sup-  mained  stationary  or  rose  very  slowly.  The 
plements  employment  of  women  and  children  had  the 
ow  wages  gfjg^.^  gf  throwing  many  men  out  of  work.  By 
the  Poor  Law  of  1782  those  who  could  not  support  them- 
selves by  their  earnings  were  "assisted"  by  "outdoor 
relief,"  the  money  for  which  was  raised  from  the  rates,  or 
local  taxes.  The  employers  who  contributed  to  the  poor 
rates  regarded  this  as  a  supplement  added  by  them  to  the 
factory  "hand's"  weekly  earnings  and  thereby  felt  them- 
selves justified  in  continuing  the  shamefully  low  wages. 
By  1 82 1  the  number  of  "assisted"  poor  had  risen  to  about 
two  and  a  half  million. 

Popular  education  being  in  a  very  low  state,  the  over- 
whelming majority  of  the  lower  classes  could  neither  read 
Q  .J  nor  write.  Private  religious  and  philanthropic 
to  popular  societies  conducted  small  schools  in  which  the 
e  ucation  rudiments  of  knowledge  were  crudely  imparted 
to  a  few,  who  were  taught  by  ill-paid  teachers  assisted  by 
"monitors,  "  or  pupil  teachers.  Astonishing  as  it  may  seem, 
education  for  the  lower  classes  was  generally  regarded  as 


OLD   ENGLAND  51 

an  evil  to  themselves  and  to  the  community  at  large.  When 
in  1807  Samuel  Whitbread  first  proposed  in  Parliament 
that  the  public  should  support  popular  education,  objec- 
tion was  raised  that  it  would  be  prejudicial  to  the  morals 
and  happiness  of  the  working  class;  that  "it  would  teach 
them  to  despise  their  lot  in  life  instead  of  making  them  good 
servants  in  agriculture  and  other  laborious  employment  to 
which  their  rank  has  destined  them;  instead  of  teaching 
them  subordination  it  would  render  them  fractious  and  re- 
fractory as  was  evident  in  the  manufacturing  counties;  it 
would  enable  them  to  read  seditious  pamphlets,  vicious 
books,  and  publications  against  Christianity ;  it  would  ren- 
der them  insolent  to  their  superiors." 

Although  freedom  of  the  press  was  theoretically  estab- 
lished when  Parliament  abolished  official  censorship  in 
1695,  a  system  of  "taxing  knowledge,"  never-  Taxation  of 
theless,  made  a  mockery  of  this  principle,  knowledge 
Special  taxes  on  paper  and  stamp  taxes  on  pamphlets, 
newspapers,  and  advertisements  so  increased  the  cost  of 
publication  that  the  average  price  of  a  newspaper  was 
fourteen  cents  a  copy.  A  cheap  press,  it  was  feared,  would 
curry  favor  with  its  readers  by  advocating  democratic  ideas 
and  so  undermine  the  authority  of  the  upper  classes.  It 
was  often  possible  to  evade  the  law  by  resorting  to  irregular 
publication  or  by  secret  circulation;  and  "private  papers" 
appeared,  poorly  printed,  badly  written,  and  ill-informed. 
Presaging  better  days,  the  London  Times  installed  its  first 
steampress  in  1814.  The  circulation  rose  to  five  thousand, 
but  the  price  of  a  copy  was  eighteen  cents!  And  outside  of 
London  there  was  not  a  single  daily  paper. 

The  attitude  of  the  public  toward  prisoners  is  suffi- 
ciently shown  by  the  barbarous  criminal  code  and  by  the 
conditions  in  the  prisons.  Death  was  the  pen-  Barbarous 
alty  prescribed  for  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  treatment  of 
offenses,  some  of  them  as  trivial  as  stealing  five  ^" 
shillings  worth  of  goods  from  a  shop,  picking  pockets, 
stealing  linen  from  bleaching-grounds,  or  harboring  of- 
fenders against  the  revenue  laws.    The  humanity  of  the 


5^   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

juries,  however,  softened  the  application  of  the  code,  as 
they  frequently  refused  to  send  men  to  the  gallows  for 
committing  petty  crimes.  The  prisons,  maintained  by 
keepers  subsidized  by  the  Government,  were  filthy  places; 
men,  women,  and  children  were  indiscriminately  herded 
together,  the  hardened  criminals  with  the  first  offenders. 
Naturally  enough,  prisons  became  schools  for  crime,  young 
criminals  learning  to  become  more  expert  in  their  dis- 
honest calling. 

Somber  as  was  this  side  of  English  life  before  the  great 
feform  movements,  in  the  rising  power  and  growing  in- 
Reform  fluencc  of  the   middle  classes  lay  the  hope  of 

by^'he 'mid?  ^  new  and  happier  England.  The  Industrial 
die  classes  Revolution  having  opened  for  them  wonderful 
opportunities  for  the  rapid  attainment  of  wealth,  great 
power  and  influence  accrued  to  this  element  in  society, 
which  proved  to  be  opposed  to  oligarchic  rule  in  politics,  to 
religious  discriminations,  to  general  illiteracy,  and  to  barba- 
rous and  archaic  systems  of  law.  During  the  nineteenth 
century  the  middle  classes  were  the  champions  of  progress 
in  almost  every  field  of  human  endeavor.  From  their  ranks 
were  produced  the  great  political  and  social  reformers  like 
Gladstone  and  Bright,  the  leaders  of  thought  like  John 
Stuart  Mill,  Darwin,  and  Huxley,  and,  in  many  cases, 
even  the  champions  of  the  working  classes.  To  organize 
society  on  an  industrial  basis  was  the  prime  function  of  the 
middle  class.  In  the  process  much  needless  suffering  was 
inflicted,  serious  problems  were  created,  and  many  vicious 
practices  were  condoned;  nevertheless,  the  task  once  ac- 
complished, it  marked  the  greatest  advance  mankind  had 
yet  made. 

The  Agricultural  Revolution 

During  the  eighteenth  century  land  in  Great  Britain  was 
rMj  r   1.-        cultivated  more  or  less  in  the  same  manner  as 

Old-fashion- 
ed methods     it  had  been  during  the  Middle  Ages.   Under  the 

of  farming  "open-field"  system,  farms  consisted  of  strips 
scattered  in  various  fields,  and  not  of  compact,  fenced-oif 


OLD   ENGLAND  53 

areas  as  they  generally  do  to-day.  Every  villager  owned 
several  of  these  strips,  one  of  rye,  another  of  oats,  and  a 
third  of  wheat.  This  system  compelled  all  to  work  upon  the 
strips  of  similar  crops  at  the  same  time,  and  to  take  equally 
good  care  of  their  land,  for  if  the  lazy  or  inefficient  farmer 
allowed  weeds  to  grow  on  his  strip,  that  of  his  diligent 
neighbor  suffered.  The  system  involved  a  twofold  eco- 
nomic waste:  of  much  cultivable  land  given  over  to  num- 
erous footpaths;  and  of  time  spent  in  going  from  one  to 
another  of  the  strips.  There  was  still  in  vogue,  also,  the 
centuries-old  "three-field"  system,  which  required  that  one 
field  be  allowed  to  lie  fallow  every  three  years  in  order  to 
preserve  its  fertility.  Root  crops,  like  carrots  and  turnips, 
were  virtually  unknown.  Progress  in  agricultural  methods 
was  difficult,  as  the  entire  village  community  had  to  take  the 
initiative;  this  was  seldom  possible  among  the  conserva- 
tive, old-fashioned  country  folk.  Besides  the  arable  land 
there  was  the  "common"  to  which  every  villager  was 
entitled  to  send  so  many  heads  of  cattle.  Promiscuous 
herding  of  cattle  tended  to  promote  disease  among  them; 
hence  the  live  stock  of  those  days  was  ill-fed  and  ill-kept, 
consequently  small  and  lean.  The  main  reason  for  raising 
cattle  was  not  for  their  meat,  but  for  their  hides  or  wool, 
or  for  draught  purposes. 

The  pressure  of  a  growing  population,  mainly  urban  in 
character,  was  directly  the  cause  of  an  Agricultural  Rev- 
olution, which,  if  not  so  profound  in  its  influence  ^j^^  ^    • 
as  its  industrial  counterpart,  nevertheless  deeply  cultural 
affected  the  history  of  the  English  people.    In 
order  to  fill  the  rapidly  increasing  demand  for  food  it  be- 
came necessary  to  convert  the  self-sufficing  village  farms 
into  factories  of  bread  and  meat.  This  Agricultural  Revolu- 
tion had  two  important  aspects:  (i)  a  reform  in  agricul- 
tural methods,  and  (2)  the  establishment  of  a  new  system 
of  land  tenure. 

One  of  the  most  distinguished  of  modern  agricultural  re- 
formers was  Jethro  Tull,  who  became  the  English  pioneer 
in  what  is  now  termed  scientific  agriculture.    About  the 


54       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  he  introduced  "drill  hus- 
Driil  bandry,"   by  which   is   meant  that,  instead  of 

husbandry  sowing  the  seeds  broadcast  as  had  been  the 
custom  from  time  immemorial,  they  were  to  be  sown  in 
furrows  by  a  "drill"  which  deposited  the  seeds  in  straight 
rows.  Tull  was  also  a  strong  advocate  of  pulverizing  the 
soil,  a  process  which  greatly  improves  the  crop. 

Viscount  Townshend,  an  enthusiastic  follower  of  Tull, 
turned  his  estate  into  a  model  agricultural  laboratory.  By 
Rotation  of  planting  root  crops  and  artificial  grasses  alter- 
crops  nately  with  grain  upon  the  same  land  in  suc- 

cessive seasons,  he  demonstrated  the  value  of  the  new  sys- 
tem called  the  "rotation  of  crops,"  by  which  he  kept  all 
his  land  under  cultivation  all  the  time,  to  such  good  effect 
that  the  value  of  his  estate  doubled  during  the  decade  1730- 
40,  and  a  death-blow  was  dealt  to  the  three-field  system  in 
England. 

The  pioneer  in  the  scientific  breeding  of  cattle  was 
Robert  Bakewell,  who  greatly  improved  the  breeds  of  sheep 
Cattle  and  cows  by  careful  feeding  and  selection.     As 

breeding  g^  result  of  his  new  methods  the  average  weight 
of  sheep  in  England  doubled  between  1710  and  1795. 

One  of  the  most  famous  of  English  agricultural  reform- 
ers was  Arthur  Young.  He  traveled  all  over  England  and 
Arthur  France  investigating  agricultural  conditions,  and 

Young  became  a  tireless  advocate  of  better  methods 

of  tilling  the  soil.  It  was  he  who  strongly  favored  the  idea 
of  large  farms  worked  by  men  with  capital  on  a  profit  basis, 
the  ideal  of  the  new  industrial  system  applied  to  agriculture. 
In  the  past,  farming  "had  been  the  pastime  of  the  town, 
the  inspiration  of  the  poets,  the  relaxation  of  statesmen, 
the  pursuit  of  individual  owners";  it  was  now  to  be  an  in- 
dustry like  any  other,  based  upon  capital  and  science. 

Along  with  these  changes  there  came  another,  the  en- 
The  yeo-  closure  movement,  which  was  the  effective  cause 
manry  q[  ^^  present  system  of  land  tenure  in  Great 

Britain.  Most  of  the  land  was  then  in  the  hands  of  "free- 
holders"  and    "copy-holders,"    peasant   proprietors   who, 


OLD   ENGLAND  55 

for  all  their  inefficiency,  managed  to  get  a  comfortable 
livelihood  from  their  strips.  These  men  were  the  yeo- 
manry, so  much  praised  in  English  literature  and  his- 
tory as  the  virile  class  that  had  upheld  English  honor  on 
many  a  battlefield.  The  advantages  of  the  new  methods  of 
cultivation  could  not  be  fully  reaped  until  a  system  of  land 
tenure  was  established  which  should  permit  greater  free- 
dom of  experiment  and  more  efficient  management  than 
the  conservative,  easy-going,  and  wasteful  system  of  strip 
cultivation  allowed. 

Enclosure,  or  the  consolidation  of  strips  into  unified, 
fenced-off  fields,  was  the  only  solution.  But  how  was  this 
to  be  brought  about?  The  easiest  way  was  the  ^j^^  enclo- 
one  that  appealed  to  the  selfish  interests  of  the  sure  move- 
great  landed  proprietors  who  then  dominated 
the  politics  of  England.  Acts  of  Parliament  were  passed 
appointing  commissioners  to  investigate  the  validity  of  le- 
gal claims  to  landowning.  These  commissioners  demanded 
that  the  yeomen  show  a  legal  title  to  their  farms,  and  if  it 
were  not  forthcoming,  their  claims  to  ownership  were  de- 
clared invalid.  As  many  of  these  titles  had  been  lost,  thou- 
sands of  peasants  were  summarily  ejected  from  the  lands 
which  they  and  their  ancestors  had  cultivated  for  centuries. 
Acts  of  "enclosure"  were  then  passed  by  Parliament  which 
consolidated  the  strips  into  farms  and  handed  them  over 
to  the  lord  of  the  manor.  Between  1750  and  18 10  no  fewer 
than  2921  such  laws  were  passed.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
eighteenth  century  there  were  about  180,000  yeomen  "free- 
holders"; by  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth,  this  class 
of  farmers  had  become  almost  extinct.  The  village  "com- 
mons," to  which  no  legal  title  had  ever  existed,  fell  an 
easy  prey  to  the  rapacity  of  the  great  lords.  These  lands 
were  "enclosed,"  and  became  the  property,  by  acts  of 
Parliament,  of  the  lord  of  the  manor. 

Thousands  of  husbandmen,  ruined  and  rendered  home- 
less, deserted  their  villages  ^  and  flocked  to  the  industrial 

^  Goldsmith's  famous  poem,  The  Deserted  Village,  is  a  description  of  the 
results  brought  about  by  this  change. 


56       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

centers,  constituting  a  large  supply  of  cheap  labor  for 
the  manufacturers.  This  great  confiscation  of  the  prop- 
erty of  the  poor  by  the  great  landlords  is  responsible  for 
modern  rural  England  with  its  huge  estates,  tenant  farm- 
ers, and  landless  agricultural  laborers.^ 

^  See  p.  350  ff . 


i 


III,-- 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  MAKING  OF  MODERN  ENGLAND 
1815-67 

The  Great  Reform  Bill  of  1832 

The  history  of  England  during  the  nineteenth  century  was 
largely  a  history  of  reforms.  Long-established  institutions, 
political,  religious,  social,  and  economic,  were  destined  to  be 
swept  away  or  to  be  radically  modified  by  the  liberal  tide 
which  rose  at  the  close  of  the  Napoleonic  wars. 

At  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  efforts  had  been 
made  to  reform  the  political  system  by  great  statesmen, 
like  Edmund  Burke  and  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  Appearance 
and    by  radical   agitators,   like  Thomas    Paine  of  a  power- 

lul  class  that 

and  John  Wilkes.  But  all  the  attempts  came  favored 
to  naught,  partly  because  the  reformers  lacked  ^^'""^"^ 
the  support  of  a  powerful  class  whose  interest  it  was  to 
change  political  conditions,  and  partly  because  the  ex- 
cesses of  the  Reign  of  Terror  in  France  had  discredited  the 
cause  of  democracy.  The  Industrial  Revolution  gave  birth 
to  a  class  of  manufacturers,  who  chafed  under  the  rule  of 
the  landed  aristocracy  that  controlled  the  State  in  its  own 
interests.  Most  of  the  high  positions  in  the  public  service, 
civil,  military,  educational,  and  even  religious,  were  re- 
served for  the  members  of  the  aristocracy  and  their  favor- 
ites. Socially,  the  factory  owners,  no  matter  how  wealthy, 
were  despised  by  the  upper  classes,  who  regarded  "trade" 
as  undignified  and  somewhat  defiling.  The  manufactu- 
rers determined  to  assert  their  power  in  the  State,  and 
they  consequently  became  stout  champions  of  reform 
which,  by  extending  the  suffrage  and  by  giving  representa- 
tion to  the  industrial  centers,  would  shift  political  power 
from  the  upper  to  the  middle  classes  among  whom  they 
were  the  leaders. 


58       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

To  the  help  of  the  manufacturers  came  the  working 
classes,  who  demanded  not  only  the  abolition  of  the  "rot- 
Thework-  ^^^  boroughs "  but  also  universal  manhood 
ingmen  suffrage.     The     workingmen,    too,    hated     the 

aristocrats  as  the  arch-enemies  of  their  class, 
for  they  were  prevented  from  organizing  and  agitating  by 
the  repressive  laws  of  the  day.  To  oust  the  aristocracy  from 
power,  it  was  thought,  would  mean  the  establishment  of 
democracy,  and  the  welfare  of  the  worker  would  thereby 
be  greatly  promoted.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  middle  class, 
not  the  working  class,  was  to  succeed  to  the  political  posi- 
tion formerly  held  by  the  landed  aristocracy. 

Chief  among  the  leaders  in  the  reform  agitation  were 
the  radicals,  Francis  Place,  a  London  tailor  of  great  or- 
ganizing  ability,  whose  shop  became  the  re- 
sort of  agitators  of  all  kinds;  Robert  Owen,  the 
well-known  social  reformer;  and  William  Cobbett,  the  first 
influential  popular  editor  in  England.  Cobbett  published 
and  edited  a  radical  newspaper.  The  Weekly  Register,  the 
price  of  which  he  reduced  from  one  shilling  to  twopence, 
or  four  cents,  a  copy.  It  was  brilliantly  and  forcefully  writ- 
ten and  was  widely  read  by  the  working  classes,  who  came 
to  regard  Cobbett  as  their  leader  and  spokesman.  "Let  us 
have  this  reform  [universal  suffrage]  first,  and  all  other 
good  things  will  be  given  unto  us,"  was  his  slogan. 

The  defeat  of  Napoleon  brought  peace,  but  not  pros- 
perity, to  England.  Thousands  of  discharged  soldiers  and 
The  Peterloo  ^^^^'^''^  were  without  employment ;  many  mer- 
Massacre;       chants  wcrc  ruined   by  the    reentrance  of  for- 

the  Six  Acts       •  ,.,.  -,•   ,  .,i  j 

eign  competition  which  came  with  peace;  and 
thousands  of  laborers  were  therefore  thrown  out  of  work. 
Discontent  of  all  kinds  was  skillfully  directed  by  the  radi- 
cals into  the  channel  of  parliamentary  reform.  Political 
societies  were  founded,  monster  demonstrations  were  or- 
ganized, and  petitions  demanding  reform  were  drawn  up. 
Riots  broke  out  in  almost  every  part  of  the  kingdom.  The 
Government  became  frightened  and,  in  1817,  suspended 
the  Habeas  Corpus  Act.  Two  years  later  an  event  occurred 


THE  MAKING  OF  MODERN  ENGLAND-       59 

which  aroused  the  greatest  indignation.  A  popular  mass 
meeting  was  to  be  held  at  St.  Peter's  Field  in  Manchester 
for  the  purpose  of  demanding  reform.  As  the  meeting  had 
been  prohibited  by  the  authorities,  the  military  were  ordered 
to  break  it  up;  they  charged  the  crowd,  killing  some  and 
injuring  many,  amid  the  wildest  confusion.  This  Mas- 
sacre of  Peterloo,  as  it  was  called,  was  followed  by  the  pas- 
sage of  the  famous  Six  Acts^  which  greatly  limited  the  free- 
dom of  speech,  of  the  press,  and  of  assembly.  The  governing 
classes  at  that  time  seemed  to  see  no  other  remedy  for 
discontent  than  repression,  and  they  were  willing  to  go  to 
the  extent  of  violating  the  traditional  ideals  of  freedom  so 
much  prized  by  the  English  people. 

Nevertheless,  England  continued  to  seethe  with  discon- 
tent, which  grew  in  volume  from  year  to  year;  but  Par- 
liament, completely  under  the  control  of  the  -pj^g  p^j^g  q£ 
aristocratic  Tory  party,  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  Wellington 
all  demands  for  reform.  The  July  Revolution 
of  1830  in  France  greatly  aroused  the  English  working 
class,  who  longed  to  imitate  their  French  brothers  behind 
the  barricades.  The  King,  George  IV,  died  in  1830  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  brother,  William  IV.  In  the  election 
which  usually  follows  the  accession  of  a  new  king,  the 
Tory  majority  was  considerably  reduced.  But  the  Duke 
of  Wellington,  the  Prime  Minister,  strongly  opposed  the 
reform  of  Parliament  because,  as  he  declared,  he  had 
"never  read  or  heard  of  any  measure  up  to  the  present 
moment  which  could  in  any  degree  satisfy  his  mind  that 
the  state  of  representation  could  be  improved,"  and  that 
it  would  be  difficult  to  reproduce  a  political  system  like 
the  present  one,  "  for  the  nature  of  man  was  incapable  of 
reaching  such  excellence  at  once."  A  wave  of  popular  in- 
dignation swept  over  the  country  as  a  result  of  this  speech, 
and  many  Tories  in  Parliament,  who  disliked  Wellington 

'  These  were:  (i)  the  prohibition  of  military  exercises  by  persons  not  author- 
ized to  perform  them,  (2)  quick  trials  for  offenders,  (3)  issuing  of  search  war- 
rants for  arms,  (4)  suppression  of  seditious  literature  and  the  banishment  of 
the  authors,  (5)  restriction  of  the  right  of  public  meeting,  and  (6)  heavy  stamp 
duties  on  newspapers. 


66       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

because  he  had  consented  to  Catholic  Emancipation,  ^ 
joined  with  the  Whigs  to  overthrow  the  Ministry.  A  Whig 
Cabinet  was  formed  on  March  i,  1831,  with  Earl  Grey 
as  Premier,  who  promptly  introduced  a  Reform  Bill.  In 
the  debate  which  followed,  the  measure  was  denounced  by 
the  Tories  as  "destructive  of  all  property,  of  all  right,  of 
all  privilege."  The  bill  was  defeated,  and  Parliament  was 
dissolved. 

The  election  which  followed  was  one  of  the  most  memor- 
able in  English  history.  Each  side  was  determined  to  win 
The  Reform  by  fair  means  or  foul,  and  intimidation,  violence. 
Bill  of  1832  ^^^  bribery  were  openly  practiced.  "The  bill, 
the  whole  bill,  and  nothing  but  the  bill!"  was  the  cry  of  the 
reformers.  The  result  was  a  great  victory  for  the  Whigs,  and 
Earl  Grey  again  became  Prime  Minister.  Lord  John  Rus- 
sell, a  prominent  Whig  leader,  introduced  the  Reform  Bill 
in  the  House  of  Commons.  It  was  passed  by  the  Com- 
mons, but  was  thrown  out  by  the  Lords.  During  the  next 
session  it  was  again  passed  by  the  Commons.  The  hostile 
attitude  of  the  Lords  to  reform  aroused  the  liveliest  indig- 
nation throughout  the  country.  Great  mass  meetings  were 
held  at  which  they  were  denounced  as  a  corrupt  and  self- 
ish oligarchy;  enormous  processions  were  organized  that 
paraded  in  favor  of  the  bill;  and  riots  broke  out  in  many 
cities.  England  seemed  to  be  on  the  verge  of  revolution. 
The  problem  was  how  to  pass  the  Reform  Bill  in  a  consti- 
tutional manner  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  Upper 
House.  An  expedient  was  hit  upon  by  the  Whigs:  the  King 
was  asked  to  swamp  the  House  of  Lords  by  creating  a  suf- 
ficient number  of  new  peers  pledged  to  vote  for  the  Reform 
Bill.  But  the  King  refused  the  request,  and  the  Grey  Cabi- 
net resigned.  The  Duke  of  Wellington  then  tried  to  form 
a  Ministry,  but  his  attempts  were  futile,  and  the  situa- 
tion became  exceedingly  dangerous  for  those  in  power. 
The  King  was  plainly  told  that  it  was  a  question  now  of 
reform  or  revolution,  and  he  finally  consented  to  the  plan 
of  creating  new  peers.    But  the  peers,  hearing  of  the  reso- 

*  See  p.  79. 


THE  MAKING  OF  MODERN  ENGLAND  6l 

lutlon  of  the  King  and  knowing  that  it  was  useless  further 
to  oppose  the  bill,  decided  to  let  it  pass:  one  hundred  of 
its  opponents  absented  themselves  from  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  the  bill  passed  that  body  on  June  4,  1832. 

The  provisions  of  the  new  law  concerned  (l)  the  redis' 
tribution  of  seats  and  (2)  the  qualifications  for  suffrage. 
Great  changes  were  made  in  the  system  of  repre-  Provisions 
sentation:  fifty-six  "  rotten  boroughs"  were  dis-  of  the  law 
franchised;  thirty-two,  with  populations  of  less  than  four 
thousand,  lost  one  seat  each;  twenty-two  large  cities  were 
given  two  seats  each;  and  twenty  got  one  each.  The  coun- 
ties were  divided  into  electoral  districts,  each  of  which 
elected  a  representative  to  Parliament.  New  qualifications 
for  voting  were  prescribed.  In  the  counties  the  vote  was 
given  to  tenants  \^hose  holding  was  of  the  annual  value  of  at 
least  fifty  dollars  (£10);  in  the  boroughs,  to  those  who 
rented  or  owned  a  building  of  the  same  annual  value.  As 
it  did  not  establish  universal  suffrage,  the  Reform  Bill  was 
very  far  from  being  a  completely  democratic  measure.  By 
the  provisions  of  the  bill  the  number  of  voters  was  in- 
creased from  435,000  to  656,000  out  of  about  6,000,000  adult 
males,  the  new  electors  being  almost  exclusively  from  the 
middle  classes ;  but  farm  laborers  in  the  country,  the  work- 
ingmen,  and  some  of  the  lower  middle  class  in  the  cities 
were  still  unenfranchised.  Nevertheless,  a  breach  was  made 
in  the  aristocratic  wall,  only  large  enough  at  first  for  the 
middle  classes  to  enter,  but  destined  to  be  widened  later 
to  admit  all  classes. 

The  Reform  Bill  of  1832  effected  as  great  a  change  in 
the  politics  and  government  of  England  as  did  the  Revo- 
lution of  1689.    It  transferred  supreme  political  The  middle 
power  from  the  landed  aristocracy  to  the  middle  classes  now 
classes,  who  maintained  their  supremacy  in  the  '"  p^^^"^ 
Government  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury.   The  House  of  Lords,  though  it  remained  under  the 
control  of  the  aristocracy,  came  out  of  the  struggle  with 
shattered  prestige  and  partial  loss  of  power.    It  was  now 
established  as  a  precedent  that  in  case  of  a  disagreement 


62       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

between  the  two  Houses,  the  Lords  must  yield  if,  in  the 
election  following  a  dissolution  of  the  Commons,  the  coun- 
try upheld  the  latter.  The  Crown  grew  in  popularity 
because  it  had  contributed  to  the  overthrow  of  the  aris- 
tocracy; and  whatever  republican  spirit  had  formerly  ex- 
isted now  disappeared.  That  the  Lords  yielded  to  the  de- 
mands of  the  people  without  any  other  than  a  contest  at 
the  polls  was  a  great  gain  to  orderly  progress.  The  idea 
that  great  reforms  could  be  brought  about  without  revolu- 
tion, if  only  there  was  sufficient  agitation  to  convince  the 
ruling  classes  that  the  people  were  determined  upon  a 
change,  took  deep  root  in  English  political  life.  It  is  to  the 
great  credit  of  the  English  aristocrats  that  they  have  never 
sought  to  undo  a  change  once  made:  unlike  the  French 
aristocrats,  they  have  been  conservative,  not  reactionary. 

The  Era  of  Reform 

The  passage  of  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832  opened  the 
floodgates  to  many  other  reforms.  For  a  generation  Parlia- 
T,,    ,,    .       ment,  which  was  now  under  the  control  of  the 

The  Mum-  ' 

cipal  Reform  reformers,  busied  itself  in  abolishing  old  abuses 
and  in  instituting  reforms  in  almost  every  field, 
political,  social,  religious,  and  educational.  In  1835  the 
Municipal  Reform  Act  was  passed,  which  radically  altered 
local  government.  Hitherto,  the  city  councils  had  been 
bodies  either  self-perpetuating  or  chosen  by  a  limited 
number  of  specially  privileged  persons  known  as  "free- 
men." These  municipal  oligarchies  had  become  notori- 
ously inefficient  and  corrupt,  and  they  were  abolished  by 
the  Act  of  1835.  Iri  their  place  councils  were  established 
which  were  chosen  by  the  rate-payers,^  who  were  practically 
the  same  men  that  voted  in  parliamentary  elections. 

Another  great  reform  was  the  abolition  of  slavery.  In 
the  British  West  Indies  there  were  many  negro  slaves  on 
Abolition  the  coffee  and  sugar  plantations.  As  a  conse- 
of  slavery  quence  of  an  anti-slavery  agitation  led  by 
William  Wilberforce  and  Zachary  Macaulay,  the  father  of 

■"■■'"■"'""■■""•'■"■""""■      ( 


THE   MAKING  OF  MODERN   ENGLAND  63 

the  historian,  a  law  had  been  passed  in  1806  abolishing  the 
slave  trade.  The  reformers  were  indignant  at  the  existence 
of  human  slavery  under  the  British  flag,  and  induced  Par- 
liament, in  1833,  to  pass  a  law  abolishing  slavery  through- 
out the  Empire,  The  slave-owners  were  mollified  by  being 
given  an  indemnity  of  about  one  hundred  million  dollars. 

During  the  same  year  a  famous  parliamentary  report  on 
the  Poor  Law  recommended  a  radical  revision  of  the  laws 
regarding  pauperism.  In  1834  Parliament  enacted   Reform  of 
a  law  which  limited  outdoor  relief  to  aged  and  the  Poor 
infirm  paupers.     It  also  established  a  new  sys- 
tem of  administration  by  dividing  the  country  into  districts 
which  elected  boards  of   guardians  to  take  charge  of  the 
administration  of  the  Poor  Law.    The  new  measure  gave 
general  satisfaction,  for  its  main  purpose  was  to  discourage 
pauperism. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  ap- 
peared in  England  a  new  attitude  toward  the  criminal 
which  was  an  eloquent  testimony  to  the  spirit  prison 
of  the  Age  of  Reform.  By  many  it  was  felt  that  ■'^f°''"^ 
the  harshness  of  the  criminal  code  in  holding  life  cheap  and 
property  dear,  far  from  discouraging  crime,  was  a  direct 
incitement  to  it:  a  man  might  as  well  be  hanged  for  com- 
mitting murder  as  for  stealing  a  trifling  sum  of  money.  A 
reform  of  the  criminal  code  had  long  been  advocated 
by  Jeremy  Bentham,  the  radical  reformer,  and  by  John 
Wesley,  the  founder  of  Methodism.  But  it  was  Sir  Samuel 
Romilly,  a  distinguished  member  of  Parliament,  who  began 
a  tireless  agitation  for  this  reform.  His  efforts  were  con- 
tinually frustrated  by  conservative  persons,  particularly 
the  judges,  who  feared  that  a  modification  of  the  code  would 
lead  to  the  spread  of  crime.  In  1820  Sir  Samuel  induced 
Parliament  to  make  the  first  breach  in  the  Draconian  laws: 
it  abolished  the  death  penalty  for  stealing  five  shillings  or 
more  from  a  shop.  Two  years  later  more  offenses  were 
exempted  from  the  death  penalty,  and  Parliament  con- 
tinued to  moderate  the  legal  code  until,  by  the  laws  of  1861, 
only  murder,  piracy,  and  treason  remained  capital  crimes. 


64       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Large,  airy  prisons  were  built  to  house  the  criminals, 
who  were  now  to  be  treated  in  a  spirit  of  compassion  and 
not  in  a  spirit  of  vengeance.  Contrary  to  general  expecta- 
tions, crime,  instead  of  increasing,  diminished. 

The  introduction  of  cheap  postage  was  another  achieve- 
ment of  the  reformers.  The  charge  for  transmitting  a  letter 
The  penny  depended  upon  its  size,  shape,  weight,  and  the 
post  distance  that  it  was  carried ;  the  average  cost  of 

sending  an  ordinary  letter  in  Great  Britain  was  about  six- 
pence, or  twelve  cents.  Rowland  Hill,  a  member  of  Parlia- 
ment, became  an  ardent  advocate  of  cheap  postage,  and, 
in  1840,  he  prevailed  upon  Parliament  to  pass  a  law  charg- 
ing a  uniform  rate  of  one  penny  to  any  part  of  the  United 
Kingdom.  The  penny  post  proved  a  great  success,  because 
the  great  increase  in  the  use  of  the  mails  more  than  made 
up  for  the  lower  charges.  In  1898  the  penny  post  was  ex- 
tended to  the  entire  British  Empire. 

The  remarkable  spread  of  general  education  during  the 
nineteenth  century  has  well-nigh  abolished  illiteracy,  at 
Educational  One  time  almost  universal.  Until  well  along  in 
reform  ^j^g   nineteenth   century,   the   mass   of   English 

people  could  neither  read  nor  write;  only  the  upper  and 
middle  classes  had  any  degree  of  education.  The  first 
attempt  to  abolish  illiteracy  was  through  the  Factory  Act 
of  1802,  which  required  that  apprentices  should  be  sent  to 
school  for  part  of  the  time;  but  the  law  was  generally 
evaded  by  the  employers,  who  were  more  anxious  that  their 
employees  should  be  in  the  factory  than  in  the  school.  Pop- 
ular education  found  a  champion  in  Lord  Brougham,  who 
introduced  two  bills,  one  in  181 5  and  another  in  1820,  with 
that  in  view,  but  both  were  defeated.  Finally,  in  1833,. 
Parliament  voted  an  annual  grant  of  one  hundred  thousand 
dollars  to  be  distributed  among  the  voluntary  schools, 
most  of  which  were  managed  by  religious  societies.  Al- 
though the  grant  was  increased  from  time  to  time,  this 
system  of  state  aid  to  private  schools  was  found  to  be 
unsatisfactory,  as  it  tended  to  promote  sectarian  rivalries 
in  education,  to  the  injury  of  the  schools.    In  1858  Parlia- 


THE  MAKING  OF  MODERN  ENGLAND  65 

ment  appointed  a  Royal  Commission  to  make  a  thorough 
inquiry  into  the  state  of  popular  education.  The  report  of 
this  Commission  recommended  many  changes  and  espe- 
cially urged  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  national 
secular  schools  to  be  supported  by  local  taxation. 

A  great  agitation  for  factory  reform  was  started  by 
philanthropic  people  who  were  shocked  at  the  cruelty  of 
industrial  life,  particularly  as  it  affected  women  Factory 
and  children.  Chief  of  these  factory  reformers  ^^^"''^ 
was  a  prominent  aristocrat,  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  whose 
unselfish  and  tireless  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  wretched 
mill-workers  entitles  him  to  a  great  place  among  modern 
humanitarians.  Something  had  already  been  done  by  the 
Act  of  1802,  which  limited  the  hours  of  labor  to  twelve, 
prohibited  night  work,  and  required  the  mill-owners  to 
furnish  more  beds  in  the  factory  dormitories.  But  that 
law  had  applied  only  to  the  pauper  children  working  in  the 
cotton  factories. 

The  most  bitter  opposition  to  factory  reform  came  from 
the  manufacturers,  most  of  whom  were  Liberals  in  politics. 
John  Bright,  the  "people's  friend,"  declared  Opposition 
that  such  legislation  would  be  "most  injurious  of  the  man- 
and  destructive  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
country,"  and  was  "a  delusion  practiced  on  the  working 
classes  which  would  lead  to  retaliation  on  the  part  of  the 
employers."  The  great  economists  of  the  day,  like  Ricardo 
and  Malthus,  were  stanch  believers  in  the  doctrine  of 
laissez  faire,  and  they  denounced  the  proposed  reforms  as 
a  violation  of  "the  liberty  of  the  subject"  and  of  "the 
freedom  of  contract,"  which  guaranteed  to  every  individual 
the  right  to  make  any  terms  without  interference'  by  the 
State.  Fear  was  also  expressed  by  the  manufacturers  that 
factory  reform  would  prove  so  expensive  to  them  that  they 
would  be  unable  to  compete  with  their  foreign  rivals,  who 
then  had  no  such  burdens. 

Many  aristocrats  took  up  the  cause  of  factory  reform, 
partly  because  they  were  sincerely  desirous  of  improving 
the  lot  of  the  workers,  and  partly  because  the  burden  of 


66       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  reforms  would  fall  on  the  manufacturers,  whom  they 
Factory  Act  cordially  disliked.  Accordingly,  the  Conserva- 
of  1833  tives  supported  the  reformers,  Lord  Shaftesbury, 

Robert  Owen,  Richard  Oastler,  and  William  Cobbett,  and 
Parliament  was  induced  to  pass  the  first  great  Factory  Law 
in  1833,  which  has  been  characterized  as  the  Magna  Charta 
of  labor.  The  law  prohibited  the  employment  in  the  textile 
factories  of  children  under  nine;  it  restricted  the  labor  of 
children  between  the  ages  of  nine  and  thirteen  to  forty- 
eight  hours  a  week,  and  of  those  between  thirteen  and 
eighteen  to  sixty-eight  hours;  it  prohibited  night  work  to 
those  under  eighteen;  it  provided  for  a  system  of  factory 
inspection;  and  it  established  schools  for  the  child  laborers.^ 
A  parliamentary  investigation  committee  horrified  the 
country  by  a  report  on  conditions  of  labor  in  the  mines, 
and  a  law  was  passed  in  1842  forbidding  the  employment 
in  the  mines  of  boys  under  ten  and  of  women  and  girls.  In 
1847  Parliament  took  a  most  radical  step  in  passing  the 
famous  Ten-Hour  Act,  which  limited  the  labor  of  women 
and  children  in  the  textile  factories  to  ten  hours  a  day. 
This  law  encountered  the  bitterest  opposition  of  the  manu- 
facturers, and  John  Bright,  the  stout  upholder  of  the  doc- 
trine of  laissezfaire,  declared  that  it  was  "one  of  the  worst 
measures  ever  passed  in  the  shape  of  an  act  of  the  legisla- 
ture." Further  legislation,  enacted  in  1846,  1861,  and  1867, 
extended  the  principles  of  factory  reform  very  widely,  to  the 
great  benefit  of  the  working  class  who,  otherwise,  might 
have  sunk  to  a  condition  of  degeneracy. 

Political  History  (1832-67) 

The  Reform  Bill  of  1832  completely  transformed  the  two 
historic  political  parties.  Both  took  new  names,  advocated 
The  new  new  principles,  and  found  new  leaders.  The 
e?s^*Sd  ^^  "  Tories  became  the  Conservatives,  in  theory  still 
principles  committed  to  the  aristocratic  ideals  of  society 
and  of  government,  but  in  practice  ready  to  accommodate 

1  Five  years  after  the  passing  of  this  law,  the  number  of  child  laborers 
decreased  from  56,000  to  24,000. 


THE   MAKING  OF  MODERN   ENGLAND  67 

themselves  to  the  new  conditions  in  political  life.  The 
Whigs  became  the  Liberals,  the  champions  of  reform  and  of 
progress,  but  with  due  regard  to  the  traditional  English 
way  of  making  substantial  changes  without  undermining 
the  cherished  institutions  of  the  country.  During  the  first 
half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  dominant  political  fig- 
ures were,  among  the  Liberals,  Lords  Melbourne,  Russell, 
and  Palmerston,  and  among  the  Conservatives,  Sir  Robert 
Peel  and  the  Earl  of  Derby,  all  of  whom  recognized  the 
necessity  of  broadening  the  institutions  of  England  in 
response  to  the  new  spirit  of  reform  which  had  arisen.  They 
were,  however,  strongly  opposed  to  universal  suffrage, 
which  was  then  regarded  as  revolutionary;  they  consid- 
ered the  lower  classes  unfit  to  exercise  political  power. 
Lord  John  Russell,  who  was  chiefly  instrumental  in  passing 
the  Reform  Bill,  regarded  that  measure  as  a  "finality," 
and  he  was  consequently  averse  to  any  change  that  would 
undermine  the  political  structure  erected  in  1832.  It  was 
not  till  Gladstone  and  Disraeli  appeared  that  the  Liberals 
and  Conservatives  were  willing  to  take  further  steps  toward 
democracy. 

In  1837  King  William  IV  died  and  he  was  succeeded  by 
his  niece,  Victoria,  then  a  young  girl  of  eighteen.  During 
the  years  of  her  long  reign  (1837-1901)  "the  Queen 
Queen,"  as  she  was  affectionately  called  by  her  Victoria 
subjects,  occupied  a  unique  place  in  the  life  of  England. 
She  was  very  careful  not  to  overstep  the  constitutional 
limits  of  an  English  monarch;  ^  yet,  indirectly,  she  exerted 
a  powerful  influence  on  the  conduct  of  affairs.  Queen 
Victoria  generally  insisted  upon  being  consulted  in  im- 
portant matters,  and  more  than  once  her  good  sense  pre- 
vented the  adoption  of  rash  and  partisan  policies.  Her 
marriage  to  Prince  Albert,  of  Saxe-Coburg,  in  1840,  was 
one  of  affection,  and  the  happy  royal  pair  became  the 
models  of  domestic  virtue  to  millions  of  English  men  and 
women. 

Lord  Melbourne,  who  was  Prime  Minister  from  1835 

1  See  p.  324. 


68       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

to  1 841,  was  a  great  favorite  of  the  Queen  because  of  his 
Lord  charm  of  manner  and  of  his  assiduous  attention 

Melbourne  ^q  j^^j-  wishes.  His  Ministry's  most  important 
achievements  were  the  Municipal  Reform  Act  and  the  es- 
tabhshment  of  the  penny  post.  A  rebellion  in  Canada  led 
the  Ministry  to  send  Lord  Durham  to  investigate  the  situa- 
tion, and  his  recommendations  resulted  in  the  establish- 
ment of  responsible  government  in  Canada.^ 

The  Ministry  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  (1841-46)  is  one  of  the 
most  notable  in  the  history  of  modern  England.  Peel  was 
Sir  Robert  a  Conservative  of  the  new  school,  one  who  was 
^^^^  willing  to  harmonize  Tory  principles  with  the 

new  political  conditions  established  by  the  Reform  Bill. 
He  was  cautiously  progressive  in  the  best  traditions  of 
English  statesmanship,  "a  complete  Briton"  as  he  was 
admiringly  called,  for  he  exercised  a  liberalizing  influence 
on  his  own  party  and  a  moderating  one  on  the  radical  re- 
formers who  opposed  him.  Peel  was  an  able  administrator 
and  fine  debater,  but  utterly  lacking  in  imaginative  quali- 
ties; hence  he  did  not  possess  the  greatest  elements  of  states- 
manship. Although  few  men  were  more  highly  esteemed  in 
his  day,  he  was  destined  to  be  driven  out  of  office  and  out 
of  his  party  because  of  his  championship  of  free  trade. 

England  entered  the  nineteenth  century  a  modern  in- 
dustrial nation,  but  encumbered  with  seventeenth  and 
Restrictions  eighteenth  century  economic  policies,  which  did 
on  trade  much  to  hamper  her  industrial  development. 
The  Navigation  Laws,  which  had  been  in  existence  since 
1 651,  created  a  protected  monopoly  for  British  shipping 
by  forbidding  the  transportation  of  goods  in  foreign  ves- 
sels between  parts  of  the  British  Empire.  Only  British  sub- 
jects could  be  employed  as  seamen  on  board  British  ships. 
Bounties  were  given  on  exports  to  encourage  selling  to  the 
foreigner,  and  high  tariffs  were  imposed  on  imports  to  dis- 
courage Englishmen  from  buying  from  him.  England,  it  was 
thought,  would  benefit  both  ways  and  so  prosper  greatly. 

These  views  of  trade  were  attacked  by  Adam  Smith, 

*  See  p.  408. 


THE  MAKING  OF  MODERN  ENGLAND  69 

whose  book,   The  Wealth  of  Nations,  exerted  a  profound 
influence  on  scholars  and  on  statesmen.  Adam    .  ,      ^    .  , 

_..  ,,..  rii  -^-i    Adam  Smith 

Smith  advocated  the  abohtion  of  all  artihcial 
restrictions  and  encouragements  to  trade  and  the  adop- 
tion of  the  policy  of  free  trade,  by  which  he  meant  that 
foreign  and  native  goods  should  compete  equally  in  the 
home  market.  Free  trade  would  (i)  stimulate  the  native 
producer  to  greater  enterprise  and  ingenuity  in  order  to 
compete  successfully  with  the  foreigner,  and  (2)  encour- 
age the  various  nations  to  produce  only  those  things  for 
which  they  were  best  fitted:  England,  for  example,  would 
specialize  in  cotton  goods,  woolens,  and  hardware ;  France, 
in  silks,  wines,  and  laces;  Russia,  in  agriculture,  lumber, 
and  furs.  In  this  way  the  world  would  benefit  by  getting 
the  best  products  at  the  lowest  cost. 

The  heaviest  protective  duties  in  Great  Britain  were  those 
on  corn,  or  breadstuffs,  like  wheat,  barley,  rye,  and  oats. 
In  defense  of  the  Corn  Laws,  as  they  were  The  Corn 
called,  it  was  argued  that  every  encouragement  ^^^^ 
should  be  given  to  the  nation  to  produce  its  own  food,  that 
agriculture  gave  employment  to  many,  and  that  rural  life 
sustained  the  stamina  of  a  nation.  As  the  landed  aristocracy 
was  then  in  control  of  the  Government,  the  Corn  Laws  were 
zealously  and  rigorously  enforced.  In  181 5  a  law  was  passed 
prohibiting  absolutely  the  importation  of  foreign  corn  un- 
til the  price  of  the  home  product  rose  to  a  point  which 
enabled  the  British  farmer  to  compete  with  the  foreigner. 
As  many  protested  against  this  artificial  method  of  keeping 
up  the  price  of  bread,  a  sliding  scale  was  adopted  in  1828 
which  provided  for  lowering  duties  when  prices  rose  and 
raising  them  when  prices  fell. 

An  attack  on  the  protective  system  was  made  by  Wil- 
liam Huskisson,  who  became  President  of  the  Board  of 
Trade  in   1823.    Through  his  influence  Parlia-  Repeal  of 
ment  was  induced  to  repeal  some  of  the  Naviga-  the  Naviga- 

T  1  ,  ^        r        •  1  •  tion  Laws 

tion  Laws;  and  by  1849  foreign  ships  were  put  on 

the  same  footing  as  English  ships.    Huskisson  made  further 

inroads  on  the  protective  system  by  abolishing  the  duty  on 


70       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

silk  and  lowering  it  on  wool,  but  the  Corn  Laws  remained 
intact. 

In  1838  Richard  Cobden  and  John  Bright  founded  the 
famous  Anti-Corn  Law  League,  which  began  an  energetic 
^,  .  .  propaganda  in  favor  of  free  trade.  Cobden  was 
Corn  Law  a  brilliant  writer  and  organizer  who  gave  his 
League  fortune  and  services  freely  to  the  cause  which 

became  his  life's  passion.  England  was  flooded  with  Anti- 
Corn  Law  pamphlets  which  denounced  protection  as  an 
economic  evil,  because  it  artificially  raised  the  cost  of 
food,  and  as  a  moral  evil,  because  it  incited  nations  to 
needless  and  fruitless  rivalries,  thereby  causing  wars.  Free 
trade,  it  was  claimed,  by  removing  national  barriers  would 
promote  international  peace.  Great  mass  meetings  and 
banquets  were  held  to  protest  against  the  "dear  bread" 
maintained  by  a  selfish  landed  aristocracy.  The  League 
received  the  powerful  support  of  the  manufacturers,  who 
believed  that  if  food  were  made  cheaper,  they  would  be 
enabled  to  pay  lower  wages;  and,  moreover,  if  foreign 
countries  were  permitted  to  send  their  food-stuflfs  free  of 
duty  to  England  they  would  buy  more  manufactured 
articles  from  her.  They  also  favored  free  trade  in  industrial 
products  as  they  had  little  fear  of  foreign  competition, 
England  being  so  much  further  advanced  industrially; 
moreover,  they  would  be  enabled  to  get  their  raw  material 
at  lower  cost.  In  this  way  the  free-traders  were  able  "to 
combine  comparatively  selfish  class  interests  with  other 
motives  springing  from  philanthropy  and  patriotism,  a 
combination  which  tended  to  give  them  that  combination 
of  moral  fervor,  efhcient  organization,  and  shrewd  politi- 
cal tactics,  which  made  the  Anti-Corn  Law  League  one  of 
the  most  effective  organizations  which  has  ever  taken  part 
in  British  political  history.  Neither  money  nor  ability 
was  wanting."  ^ 

In  1845  the  potato  crop  in  Ireland  was  ruined  by  the 
"blight,"  or  potato  disease,  which  meant  starvation  for 
thousands  of  Irish  peasants  for  whom  the  potato  was  the 

*  G.  Slater,  The  Making  of  Modern  England,  p.  140. 


THE   MAKING  OF  MODERN   ENGLAND  71 

chief  article  of  food.  At  the  same  time  the  English  grain 
crop  proved  unexpectedly  bad.  The  free-traders  p^^j  jgggrts 
seized  the  opportunity  to  demand  the  repeal  the  pro- 
of the  Corn  Laws,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  im- 
portation of  cheap  food  for  the  starving  Irish.  Sir  Robert 
Peel  was  a  protectionist,  but  the  seriousness  of  the  situa- 
tion forced  him  to  change  front.  In  1846  he  carried  through 
Parliament  the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws,  and  so  gave  the 
death-blow  to  the  protective  system  in  England.  The  pro- 
tectionists were  furious.  Benjamin  Disraeli  came  forward 
as  their  champion  in  a  speech  bitterly  attacking  Peel. 
For  the  time  being  the  Conserv^ative  Party  was  rent  in 
twain  by  the  action  of  Peel,  but  it  was  later  reorganized 
under  the  leadership  of  Disraeli  and  the  Earl  of  Derby. 
Free  trade  was  not  entirely  established  until  1867,  when 
Parliament,  through  the  efforts  of  Gladstone,  removed  the 
last  of  the  protective  duties.  A  tariff  on  tobacco,  tea,  sugar, 
and  spirits  was,  however,  maintained,  but  for  purposes  of 
revenue  only. 

The  Ministry  of  Lord  John  Russell  (1846-52)  witnessed 
the  culmination  of  a  revolutionary  movement  known 
as  "Chartism."     The  Great  Reform  Bill  had   ^,      . 

Chartism 

proved  a  bitter  disappomtment  to  the  workmg 
classes,  who  had  hoped  to  see  universal  suffrage  established. 
It  was  they  who  had  suffered  imprisonment,  exile,  and 
death  for  the  cause  of  reform  which,  they  realized,  bene- 
fited mainly  the  middle  classes.  The  workingmen  felt  that 
they  had  been  cheated  out  of  the  fruits  of  the  victory 
that  their  efforts  had  largely  won,  and  they  smarted  with 
disappointment.  Unlike  the  French,  who  had  had  a  similar 
experience  in  the  July  Revolution  of  1830,  the  English 
workingmen  were  not  converted  to  violent  revolution  as 
a  method  of  establishing  their  rights,  partly  because  of 
their  conservative  temperament,  but  chiefly  because  they 
had  just  seen  a  great  change  accomplished  through  peace- 
ful agitation.  Instead,  a  radical  democratic  movement 
known  as  "  Chartism"  began  to  make  rapid  headway  among 
the  unenfranchised.    In  the  year  1838  the  People's  Charter 


72       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

was  drawn  up  and  enthusiastically  acclaimed  at  great 
popular  meetings  held  in  Glasgow  and  in  Birmingham. 
It  demanded  the  famous  Six  Points:  (i)  universal  manhood 
suffrage;  (2)  vote  by  secret  ballot;  (3)  abolition  of  property 
qualifications  for  members  of  Parliament;  (4)  salaries  for 
members  of  Parliament;  (5)  annual  elections;  and  (6)  a 
division  of  the  country  into  equal  electoral  districts. 

This  program,  which  would  to-day  be  considered  exceed- 
ingly moderate,  excited  the  greatest  apprehension  among 
The  Char-  the  governing  classes,  to  whom  democracy  was 
tist  Petition  synonymous  with  anarchy.  At  first  the  "moral 
force"  element  among  the  Chartists,  those  who  believed 
in  peaceful  agitation,  was  in  the  ascendant.  Radical  clubs 
were  organized  to  conduct  a  democratic  propaganda; 
monster  processions  and  mass  meetings  were  held  and  im- 
passioned speeches  were  delivered.  A  gigantic  petition, 
embodying  the  demands  of  the  People's  Charter,  was 
presented  to  Parliament,  first  in  1839  and  again  in  1842, 
but  each  time  it  was  summarily  rejected.  This  so  discouraged 
many  that  the  "physical  force"  element,  or  those  who  ad- 
vocated violent  methods,  got  control  under  the  leadership 
of  Feargus  O'Connor. 

The  revolutionary  movement  of  1848  gave  great  encour- 
agement to  the  Chartists,  who  organized  a  great  convention, 
or  People's  Parliament,  in  London.  Another  petition  de- 
manding the  Charter,  which  was  to  be  presented  to  Parlia- 
ment by  a  procession  of  half  a  million  workingmen,  was 
drawn  up  and  subscribed  to  by  about  six  million  names, 
many  of  which  were  later  proved  to  be  fictitious.  It  was 
understood  that  if  the  petition  was  rejected  an  uprising 
would  follow,  as  many  of  the  Chartists  were  armed.  The 
Government  became  greatly  alarmed,  and  a  special  mili- 
tary force  of  seventeen  thousand  constables  was  organized 
and  put  under  the  command  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 
The  petition  was  rejected,  and  the  street  demonstrations 
which  followed  were  ruthlessly  suppressed. 

A  Conservative  Ministry  came  into  power  in  1852  with  the 
Earl  of  Derby  as  Premier  and  Disraeli  as  Chancellor  of  the 


THE   MAKING  OF  MODERN   ENGLAND  73 

Exchequer.  Although  they  had  bitterly  opposed  the  estab- 
lishment of  free  trade,  the  great  prosperity  that  The  Derby 
England  was  now  enjoying  convinced  them  of  deen^fn- 
its  benefits,  and  they  consequently  abandoned  istries 
protection,  which  remained  a  dead  issue  in  British  politics 
for  almost  two  generations.    The   Derby  Ministry  was  in 
office  but  a  short  time,  and  was  succeeded  in  1852  by  a 
Coalition  Ministry  headed  by  the  Conservative,  Lord  Aber- 
deen, and  the  Liberal,  Gladstone,  who  became  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer.    Although  the  Ministry  took  office  with 
great  promise,  It  aroused  a  storm  of  criticism  because  of  its 
conduct  of  the  Crimean  War,^  and  it  was  overthrown  in 

1855. 

The  man  who  succeeded  Peel  as  the  leading  figure  in  Eng- 
lish public  life  was  Lord  Palmerston,  who  now  became 
Prime  Minister.    If  Peel  was  a  liberal  Conserva-  „  , 

,  .  ralmerston 

tive,  Palmerston  was  a  conservative  Liberal. 
His  views  on  the  domestic  policies  were  exceedingly  moder- 
ate, as  he  had  little  sympathy  with  the  democratic  move- 
ment of  his  day.  His  main  interest  was  in  foreign  affairs, 
and  he  had  been  a  most  popular  Foreign  Minister  in  the 
Russell  Cabinet.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  Palmerston  had 
a  most  lively  sympathy  with  the  democratic  and  nation- 
alistic movements  abroad;  and  he  was  continually  at  odds 
with  the  Queen  because  of  his  anti-dynastic  policy  of  en- 
couraging the  revolutionary  movements  in  Italy,  Ger- 
many, and  Hungary.  Cavour  and  Kossuth  found  in  him  a 
stanch  friend  and  admirer,  but  he  was  hated  by  the  princes 
in  Germany,  who  used  to  say  that, 

"  If  the  Devil  has  a  son, 
His  name  is  Pahnerston." 

Palmerston  was  at  the  same  time  a  vigorous  upholder 
of  British  interests  abroad,  and  on  several  occasions  he 
gave  utterance  to  "jingo"  sentiments  which  greatly  de- 
lighted his  fellow  countrymen,  who  were  now  awaken- 
ing to  the  necessity  of  England  playing  a  great  part  in 

^  See  p.  629. 


74       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

international  affairs  as  well  as  in  domestic  reforms.  The 
Prime  Minister  was  temperamentally  irrepressible  and  in- 
discreet, and  frequently  shocked  and  delighted  his  contem- 
poraries by  blurting  out  his  true  sentiments  about  foreign 
affairs.  During  his  first  Ministry  the  Indian  Mutiny  took 
place,  causing  great  anxiety  in  England.  After  it  was  sup- 
pressed, Parliament  abolished  the  British  East  India  Com- 
pany, and  the  government  of  India  passed  into  the  hands 
of  the  Crown. ^ 

Palmerston  was  overthrown  in  1858,  but  he  came  back 
to  power  in  the  following  year.  His  new  Ministry  was  com- 
The  Amer-  pelled  to  face  the  serious  economic  disturbance 
War  dislo-  Occasioned  by  the  American  Civil  War.  Eng- 
cates  Eng-  land's  prosperity  depended  to  a  considerable 
dustries  degree  on  her  cotton   manufactures,  and  she 

imported  nearly  all  her  cotton  from  America.  When  the 
South  was  blockaded,  a  cotton  famine  in  England  caused 
many  of  the  factories  to  close,  throwing  thousands  of  men 
out  of  work  and  almost  ruining  many  of  the  manufac- 
turers. Palmerston  and  his  fellow  ministers,  notably  Glad- 
stone and  Russell,  sided  with  the  South  and  did  every- 
thing they  could  to  help  her  win.  Southern  privateers,  the 
most  famous  of  which  was  the  Alabama,  were  built  in  Eng- 
land to  prey  on  Northern  commerce,  and  they  destroyed 
the  then  flourishing  American  merchant  marine.  These 
privateers  were  sheltered  and  given  every  aid  and  encour- 
agement by  the  British  Government.  Although  the  upper 
classes  favored  the  South,  the  great  mass  of  the  English 
people  favored  the  North  as  the  champion  of  freedom  and 
democracy.  The  very  operators  who  were  thrown  out  of 
work  by  the  cotton  famine  enthusiastically  acclaimed  the 
cause  of  the  North.  John  Bright  who,  as  a  Quaker,  had  a 
burning  hatred  of  slavery,  became  a  most  eloquent  cham- 
pion of  the  North,  and  pleaded  with  his  fellow  country- 
men to  give  their  support  to  those  who  were  struggling  to 
free  the  negro  and  to  save  the  Union. 

England  herself  faced  a  political  crisis  during  those 
*  See  p.  402. 


THE   MAKING  OF  MODERN  ENGLAND  75 

momentous  years.    Chartism   had    been  suppressed,    but 
the  agitation  for   universal  suffrage  continued  The  agita- 
unabated.   Political  inequality  in  reformed  Eng-  fran/h^ge 
land  was  most  glaring.    When  Lord  John  Rus-  reform 
sell  became  Prime  Minister  for  a  second  time,  in   1865, 
only  one  man  in  five  enjoyed  the  right  to  vote.   The  work- 
ing classes  were  learning  the  art  of  organization  through 
their  unions,  and  the  spirit  of  discontent  was  being  con- 
stantly stimulated  by  strikes.    Leadership  within  the  Lib- 
eral Party  was  passing  from  the  hands  of  those  who,  like 
Russell  and   Palmerston,  were  satisfied  with  the  political 
conditions  established  by  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832,  to  the 
hands  of  a  younger  and  more  progressive  element  repre- 
sented by  Gladstone  and  Bright. 

Gladstone  became  the  champion  of  franchise  reform, 
and  in  1866  he  introduced  a  bill  proposing  to  reduce  the 
£10  franchise  to  one  of  £7;  this  was  a  moderate  The  Reform 
measure,  as  its  enactment  would  have  increased  ^^'^  °^  ^^^7 
the  electorate  by  only  400,000.  The  Conservatives  were 
opposed  to  this  bill,  and  with  the  aid  of  those  Liberals  who 
dreaded  the  coming  of  democracy,  they  succeeded  in  defeat- 
ing it.  The  Russell  Ministry  then  resigned,  and  the  Conserv- 
atives came  into  power  with  Lord  Derby  as  Premier  and 
Disraeli  as  leader  in  the  Commons.  It  was  naturally 
thought  that  a  Conservative  Ministry  would  be  even  less 
friendly  to  electoral  reform  than  a  Liberal  one  had  been. 
A  mass  meeting  in  favor  of  universal  suffrage  was  called 
in  Hyde  Park,  London;  but  the  Government,  fearful  of 
a  possible  uprising,  forbade  the  assembly.  In  spite  of  this, 
however,  a  great  throng  of  workingmen  crowded  to  the 
place  of  meeting.  When  they  arrived  they  found  that  it 
had  been  fenced  off  by  the  police  who  were  there  ready  to 
receive  them.  This  so  infuriated  the  mob  that  they  broke 
down  the  railings  and  stoned  the  police.  As  in  1832,  the 
governing  classes  realized  that  the  further  withholding  of 
reform  might  lead  to  revolution,  and  were  disposed  to  make 
another  concession  to  democracy.  Disraeli,  seeing  that  the 
extension  of  suffrage  was  now  inevitable,  determined  "to 


76       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

dish  the  Whigs"  by  granting  it  himself.  Under  his  leader- 
ship the  Conservative  Party,  in  1867,  passed  the  second 
great  Reform  Bill,  which  gave  the  vote  in  the  boroughs  to 
all  householders  irrespective  of  the  value  of  their  holding 
and  to  all  lodgers  who  paid  not  less  than  fifty  dollars  (£10) 
a  year  for  unfurnished  rooms.  The  main  purpose  of  this 
law  being  to  give  the  vote  to  the  working  classes  in  the 
towns,  only  slight  changes  were  made  in  the  suffrage  quali- 
fications of  those  living  in  the  country.  This  sweeping 
measure  raised  the  electorate  from  1,353,000  to  2,243,000. 
It  was  denounced  by  conservative-minded  Englishmen  as 
"a  leap  in  the  dark"  and  as  "shooting  Niagara."  The  only 
class  that  now  remained  without  the  vote  was  the  agricul- 
tural laborers. 

Industrial  Progress 

To  both  nature  and  man  is  due  the  extraordinary  de- 
velopment of  British  commerce  and  industry.  An  abun- 
Reasons  for  ^ance  of  coal  and  iron,^  a  good  climate,  fine  har- 
England's  bors,  a  long  coast  line,  a  large  merchant  marine, 
prosper!  y  plenty  of  capital,  and,  above  all,  priority  of 
invention,  gave  the  English  people  overwhelming  ad- 
vantages over  all  other  nations  in  the  race  for  economic 
supremacy.  France  was  seriously  handicapped  by  small 
quantities  of  coal  and  iron,  the  two  pillars  of  modern  in- 
dustry; Russia  was  rich  in  natural  resources,  but  these, 
owing  to  a  lack  of  capital,  were  undeveloped;  America  had 
both  resources  and  capital,  but  she  was  devoting  her 
energies  to  her  enormous  home  market;  and  Germany  was 
not  yet  in  existence  either  as  an  economic  or  as  a  political 
factor. 

An  era  of  railway  building  was  opened  up  in  England  by 
the  construction,  in  1825,  of  the  Stockton  and  Darlington 
Railway  Railway,  which  was  only  forty  miles  long.  In 
building  jg^o  the  Liverpool  and  Manchester  Railway  was 

built.    This  venture  proved  so  successful  that  a  "railway 

^  Between  1788  and  1839  the  iron  output  of  England  increased  from  61,000 
to  1,250,000  tons  annually. 


THE   MAKING   OF   MODERN   ENGLAND  77 

mania"  set  in,  and  England  was  in  a  short  time  covered 
with  a  network  of  railways  which  established  a  fine  system 
of  internal  communication.^  Owing  to  the  widespread  be- 
lief in  the  efficacy  of  competition,  State  ownership  was  not 
favored;  and  many  rival  companies  existed,  causing  waste- 
ful expenditures  of  labor  and  capital.  During  the  forties 
efforts  were  made  by  the  Government  to  regulate  condi- 
tions and  rates  in  the  various  railway  systems. 

Steam  navigation  was  a  little  slower  in  developing.  In 
1839  the  Royal  Mail  Steam  Packet  Company  had  only 
fourteen  small  steamers.    The  famous  "P.  and  ^r 

Expansion 

O."    (Peninsula  and   Oriental   Steam   Naviga-  of  the  mer- 

.'         r^  \   u  ^  •  J.  1,        chant  marine 

tion  Company)  began  by  runnmg  steamers  be- 
tween Falmouth  and  Lisbon,  but  soon  extended  its  traf- 
fic to  ports  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  Australia.  In  1840  the 
Cunard  Line,  aided  by  a  government  subsidy,  began  send- 
ing steamers  across  the  Atlantic;  and  the  Pacific  Steam 
Navigation  Company  was  organized  for  the  trade  with  the 
western  coast  of  South  America. 

The  period  from  1840  to  1870  was  the  Golden  Age  of 
British  commerce  and  industry.    The  repeal  of  the  Naviga- 
tion Laws,  the  establishment  of  free  trade,  and   England's 
the  improvement  in  the  means  of  transporta-  industrial 
tion  resulted  in  an  extraordinary  expansion  of 
business.    By  far  the  most  important  of  England's  Indus- 
tries was  the  textile  industry,  and  enormous  quantities  of 
cotton  and  woolen  goods  were  exported  to  all  parts  of  the 
world. 2    Foreign  commerce  was  greatly  stimulated  by  the 
Cobden  treaty  with  France  in  i860,  which  established  reci- 
procity between  the  two  countries.^    England  had  also  de- 
veloped a  great  reexport  business  by  distributing  foreign 
and  colonial  goods  to  all  parts  of  the  world,  so  that  she  be- 
came the  emporium  as  well  as  the  workshop  of  the  world. 

^  In  1874  there  were  about  16,500  miles  of  railways  in  the  United  Kingdom. 

2  In  1815  England  imported  82,000,000  pounds  of  raw  cotton,  and  in  1851, 
659,000,000  pounds,  showing  the  advance  of  the  cotton  industry. 

^  At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  England's  total  foreign  trade, 
excluding  precious  metals,  was  about  $200,000,000,  which  rose  in  1872  to  about 
$3,000,000,000. 


78       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Shipbuilding  became  practically  a  British  monopoly,  and 
the  world  not  only  bought  English  goods,  but  had  them 
transported  in  English  vessels,  which  yielded  a  golden 
harvest  to  the  English  shipowners.'-  Profits  multiplied 
very  rapidly  and  wages,  too,  rose,  but  the  cost  of  living, 
owing  to  free  trade,  remained  low.  The  enormous  sur- 
plus wealth  produced  in  England  was  invested  abroad  in 
new  industrial  enterprises  which  brought  handsome  returns 
to  the  investors.  Wealth  was  accumulating  at  a  stagger- 
ing rate  in  the  hands  of  the  "captains  of  industry,"  so 
that  even  haughty  aristocrats  condescended  to  invest 
their  money  in  "trade,"  which  they  had  always  affected  to 
despise. 

In  1 851  the  great  Universal  Exposition  was  opened  at 
the  Crystal  Palace,  London,  under  the  patronage  of  Queen 
The  Crystal  Victoria.  The  products  of  commerce,  industry, 
Palace  and  agriculture  were  shown  to  about  six  mil- 

lion visitors,  who  came  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  to  learn  from,  to  admire,  and  possibly  to  emulate, 
British  industrial  genius.  England  had  arrived  at  the  very 
zenith  of  her  economic  glory. 

Religious  Reform 

As  we  have  seen,  there  existed  in  England  various  de- 
grees of  legal  discrimination  against  those  who  were  not 
Removal  of  members  of  the  Established  Church.  The  Dis- 
tiesorthe'  scntcrs,  or  Nonconformists,  increased  rapidly  in 
Dissenters  numbers  owing  to  the  growth  of  the  Methodist, 
or  Wesleyan,  Church,  whose  adherents  came  mainly  from 
the  middle  classes,  at  this  time  rising  in  influence  and  im- 
portance. In  1828  Parliament  removed  the  disabilities  of 
the  Nonconformists  by  repealing  the  Test  and  Corporation 
Acts.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  movement  for  religious 
equality  in  England. 

To  emancipate  the  Catholics  was  a  much  more  dIfHcult 
undertaking,  partly  because  of  the  inherited  hatred  of 
Catholicism  on  the  part  of  the  English  people,  but  chiefly 

^  Between  1821  and  1849  British  shipping  increased  over  2500  per  cent. 


THE   MAKING  OF  MODERN   ENGLAND  79 

because  the  overwhelming  majority  of  Catholics  in  the  Brit- 
ish Isles  were  the  Irish,  a  subject  race.    Religious  catholic 
emancipation  of  the  Irish  might  lead  to  their  emancipa- 

,.  .      ,         ,  •  .         .  ^   ^       r    tion 

political  and  economic  emancipation,  a  state  01 
affairs  then  undesired  by  the  dominant  English.  A  wide- 
spread agitation  was  started  in  Ireland  under  the  leadership 
of  Daniel  O'Connell,  a  remarkable  orator  and  organizer, 
who  formed  the  powerful  Catholic  Association  to  intim- 
idate the  English  Government  into  removing  Catholic 
disabilities.  O'Connell  decided  upon  a  plan  for  calling 
public  attention  to  the  iniquity  of  the  anti-Catholic  laws. 
Accordingly,  in  1828,  he  became  a  candidate  in  an  Irish 
constituency  and  was  overwhelmingly  elected;^  but  Par- 
liament refused  to  admit  him  on  the  ground  that  his  elec- 
tion was  contrary  to  the  law  which  prohibited  Catholics 
from  entering  Parliament.  Immediately  all  Ireland  was 
astir.  Huge  mass  meetings  were  held  denouncing  the  ex- 
clusion of  O'Connell,  and  the  Catholic  Association  began 
an  orderly  though  menacing  agitation.  In  1829  the  fear  of 
a  possible  Irish  rebellion  induced  the  Duke  of  Wellington, 
then  Prime  Minister,  to  carry  the  Catholic  Emancipation 
Act  through  Parliament.  O'Connell  was  reelected  and  al- 
lowed to  take  his  seat,  and  Catholics  were  thereafter  made 
eligible  for  nearly  all  public  offices.  However,  the  prop- 
erty qualifications  for  voting  in  Ireland  were  shortly  after- 
wards raised,  which  had  the  effect  of  disfranchising  many 
Catholics. 

The  movement  to  emancipate  the  Jews  encountered  com- 
paratively little  opposition  for  the  reason  that  they  were 
few  in  number.  The  House  of  Commons  had  Jewish  eman- 
many  times  passed  a  bill  to  remove  the  disabili-  cipation 
ties  of  the  Jews,  but  each  time  it  was  rejected  by  the  Lords. 
Jews  were  excluded  from  Parliament,  not  by  any  special  law, 
but  by  the  oath  of  allegiance  which  required  a  member  of 
Parliament  to  swear  to  be  loyal  to  Great  Britain  "on  the 
faith  of  a  Christian."  A  member  of  the  Rothschild  family, 

*  In  1793  Catholics  had  been  given  the  right  to  vote,  provided  they  had  the 
required  property  qualifications. 


8o       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

who  had  been  elected  to  the  House  several  times,  was  not 
permitted  to  take  his  seat  because  he  had  refused  to  take 
this  oath.  Finally,  in  1858,  Parliament  passed  the  Jewish 
Relief  Act,  which  changed  the  oath  into  one  which  Jews 
could  conscientiously  take.  In  spite  of  the  removal  of  the 
religious  disabilities  of  British  citizens,  religious  equality 
was  not  yet  attained  for  the  reason  that  the  special  privi- 
leges of  the  Established  Church  continued  in  force. 

Within  the  Established  Church,  two  significant  tenden- 
cies appeared,  the  Oxford  movement  and  Christian  So- 
The  Oxford  cialism.  The  Oxford  movement,  so  called  be- 
movement  cause  it  was  initiated  by  a  group  of  scholars 
in  Oxford  University,  aimed  to  emphasize  the  medieval 
ideals  of  the  Church  as  the  center  of  all  activity,  the  su- 
premacy of  ecclesiastical  ideals  over  all  others,  and  the  im- 
portance of  ritual  in  service  and  holiness  in  life.  In  ont; 
sense  the  Oxford  movement  was  a  reflection  of  the  Romantic 
School  in  literature;^  in  another,  it  was  a  reaction  against 
the  worldly  bishops  and  "sporting  parsons"  in  the  Estab- 
lished Church,  who  scandalized  devout  people  by  their  lack 
of  devotion.  A  group  of  brilliant  writers  and  thinkers, 
among  them  John  Keble,  the  author  of  The  Christian  Year, 
John  Henry  Newman,  the  famous  preacher  and  writer,  and 
Dr.  Pusey,  the  most  eminent  ecclesiastical  scholar  in  Eng- 
land, began  advocating  their  ideas  in  a  series  of  pamphlets 
called  Tracts  for  the  Times.  The  Tractarians,  as  they  were 
called,  asserted  the  continuity  of  the  Church  of  England 
from  the  days  of  Christ;  hence,  the  separation  from  the 
Church  of  Rome,  effected  in  the  sixteenth  century,  did  not 
make  it  any  the  less  Catholic.  Before  long  a  trend  toward 
Roman  Catholicism  became  noticeable  among  the  Tracta- 
rians, and  the  leader  of  the  movement,  Newman,  was  con- 
verted to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith  in  1845.  He  was  later 
created  a  cardinal. 

Under  the  able  leadership  of  Cardinals  Newman  and 
Wiseman,  a  revival  of  Roman  Catholicism  took  place, 
encouraging   the  Pope   to   reestablish   the    Catholic  hier- 

*  See  p.  no. 


THE   MAKING   OF   MODERN   ENGLAND  8i 

archy,  which  had  not  been  in  existence  in  England  since 
the  days  of  the  Protestant  Revolution.    Cardinal   Regstablish- 
Wiseman  was  made  Archbishop  of  Westminster.   ;]?ent  of  the 

'^  Catholic 

The  Protestant  feelmgs  of  the  English  people  hierarchy  in 
were  now  greatly  aroused;  they  seemed  to  see  ^"g^^"*^ 
in  the  action  of  the  Pope  a  threat  to  destroy  the  Estab- 
lished Church  and  to  subject  England  to  Rome.  Parliament, 
in  1851,  passed  the  Ecclesiastical  Titles  Act,  forbidding 
any  person  to  assume  an  ecclesiastical  title  already  appro- 
priated by  the  Established  Church.  But  the  law  immedi- 
ately became  a  dead  letter,  and  the  Catholic  officials  con- 
tinued to  use  their  titles. 

Quite  opposite  to  the  medieval  tendencies  of  the  Trac- 
tarians  were  those  of  the  Christian  Socialists  led  by  Charles 
Kingsley,    the   famous   novelist   and   preacher,  jj^^  chris- 
Frederick  Denison  Maurice,  the  social  reformer,  tian  Social- 

ists 

and  Thomas  Hughes,  author  of  the  Tom  Brown 
stories.  The  Christian  Socialists  believed  that  if  the 
world  were  ordered  according  to  the  teachings  of  Christ, 
poverty  and  its  attendant  evils  would  disappear;  hence 
they  became  fervent  preachers  of  social  reform.  Charles 
Kingsley  was  a  stout  advocate  of  labor  unionism  and  sym- 
pathized with  the  Chartists  in  their  demand  for  better  con- 
ditions. His  novel,  Alton  Locke,  is  a  moving  description  of 
the  conditions  of  the  London  tailors,  whom  grinding  pov- 
erty had  reduced  to  a  state  of  misery,  wretchedness,  and 
hopelessness.  The  Christian  Socialists  busied  themselves 
among  the  working  class,  founding  trade  unions,  working- 
men's  colleges,  and  social  settlements;  they  were  largely 
influential  in  laying  the  foundations  of  the  great  social 
reform  movement  that  swept  o\'er  England  at  the  end  of 
the  nineteenth  century. 

Romantic  and  Victorian  Literature 

The  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century  witnessed 
the  high  tide  of  the  Romantic  school  in  English  litera- 
ture. The  period  was  especially  rich  in  poetr}-,  and  the 
works  of  Shelley,   Byron,  Keats,   Coleridge,   and  Words- 


82       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

worth  have  left  an  imperishable  influence  on  English  liter- 
Character-  ature  and  life.  Like  those  in  France,  the  Eng- 
HsfRo-^"^"  ^^^^  Romanticists  were  deeply  stirred  by  revo- 
manticism:  lutionary  feeling  of  which  the  lyrical  outbursts 
tionao'^  "'  of  Shelley  and  Byron  were  typical  expressions, 
fervor  Even  the  calm  and  retiring  Wordsworth  wrote 

of  the  French  Revolution,  — 

"Bliss  was  it  in  that  dawn  to  be  alive, 
But  to  be  young  was  very  heaven!" 

During  the  period  of  reaction  that  followed  the  Battle  of 
Waterloo,  revolutionary  sentiments  were  frowned  upon  in 
England  as  elsewhere;  both  Byron  and  Shelley  found  their 
native  land  unresponsive  to  their  message,  and  they  lived 
in  exile  during  the  latter  part  of  their  lives. 

Another  characteristic  of  the  English  Romanticists  was 
their  love  of  nature.  It  might  almost  be  said  that  they  dis- 
(2)  love  of  covered  nature,  as  the  writers  before  them  had 
nature  rarely  appreciated  either  the  charms  or  the  ter- 

rors of  field,  stream,  sea,  and  mountain.  It  was  the  aim  of 
the  Romanticists  not  merely  to  describe  nature,  but  to 
interpret  her  moods  and  to  show  her  various  aspects  in  order 
that  man  might  find  himself  in  greater  sympathy  with  the 
universe.  Byron  expressed  his  temperament  by  vividly 
describing  the  picturesque  and  the  grand,  such  as  the  sea 
and  mountain;  Wordsworth,  by  pensive  musings  on  the 
more  quiet  aspects,  the  shady  nook  and  the  gentle  hill. 

Percy  Bysshe  Shelley  (i  792-1 822)  was  aflame  with  the 
spirit  of  revolt.  His  greatest  poem,  Prometheus  Unbound, 
^.  „  is  an  apotheosis  of  revolution,  in  which  he  de- 

Sncllcv 

scribes  how  the  god  Prometheus,  the  "friend  of 
man,"  was  chained  to  a  mountain  by  Jove,  who  personifies 
conservatism,  and  how  he  is  finally  released  by  the  spirit 
of  revolution.  In  grace,  melody,  and  sheer  loveliness, 
Shelley's  lyrics  are  unsurpassed.  So  refined  and  delicate  are 
his  sentiments,  so  insatiate  is  his  craving  for  the  "Spirit  of 
Beauty,"  and  so  generous  is  his  sympathy  for  the  unfortu- 
nate, that  Shelley  has  come  to  embody  the  ideal  in  its 


THE  MAKING  OF  MODERN  ENGLAND         83 

revolt  against  the  gross,  the  stupid,  and  the  reactionary 
forces  of  the  world.  Although  he  died  at  the  age  of  thirty, 
he  is  regarded  as  the  supreme  genius  of  English  lyric  poetry. 

The  poetry  of  Lord  Byron  (i  788-1 824)  is  characterized 
by  great  virility,  intense  passion,  and  hostility  to  accepted 
ideas  and  institutions.  He  excels  in  magnificent  g  ^j^ 
descriptions  of  scenery  and  in  oratorical  decla- 
mation, which  are,  however,  frequently  marred  by  tawdry 
bombast.  Byron's  life,  like  his  poetry,  was  stormy.  Having 
roused  the  hostility  of  his  countrymen  by  flouting  their 
social  conventions,  he  was  perforce  exiled  for  the  remainder 
of  his  life,  and  died  aiding  the  Greeks  in  their  revolution 
against  Turkey.  Byron's  popularity  as  a  poet  was  so  great 
that  a  Byronic  cult  grew  up  which  glorified  romantic  revolt 
against  narrow  conventions.  Byronic  influence  on  the  Con- 
tinent was  widespread. 

John  Keats  (1795-1821),  like  Shelley,  was  a  seeker  after 
the  beautiful,  and  not  even  the  latter  was  more  devoted  to 
the  ideals  of  beauty,  pure  and  undefiled.  For  ^^ 
Keats,  poetry  existed  for  its  own  sake,  and  he 
held  himself  aloof  from  the  world  of  men,  things,  and 
"problems"  in  order  to  devote  himself  to  his  muse.  His 
poems  are  perfect  models  of  grace  and  exquisite  loveliness. 
His  death  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  cut  short  a  most  promis- 
ing poetic  genius. 

Quite  different  in  temperament  from  his  contemporaries 
was  Samuel  Taylor  Coleridge  (i 772-1 834).  Although  he 
wrote  very  few  poems,  these  have  been  consid-  „  .  . , 
ered  masterpieces  because  of  their  almost  flaw- 
less mechanism  and  enchanting  melody.  His  themes  are 
romantic,  mysterious,  weird.  His  best-known  poem,  Rime 
of  the  Ancient  Mariner,  tells  the  story  of  a  phantom  ship 
sailed  by  a  crew  of  dead  men,  and  contains  wonderful  pas- 
sages, the  product  of  a  rich  imagination  and  a  strange  mysti- 
cism. Coleridge  is  famous  also  as  a  literary  critic  and 
philosopher.  But  it  is  as  a  poet  of  regions  beyond  the  earth 
and  of  dreams  beyond  the  heavens  that  he  is  best  remem- 
bered. No  English  writer  succeeded  as  he  did  in  making  the 
supernatural  seem  natural. 


84       MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

The  Romantic  Movement  reached  high  tide  in  1798  when 
William  Wordsworth  (i 770-1 850)  and  his  friend  Coleridge 
Wordsw  rth  P^tilished  the  Lyrical  Ballads,  of  which  the 
Rime  of  the  Ancient  Mariner  was  the  most  no- 
table. A  second  edition  of  this  remarkable  volume,  printed 
in  1800,  contained  a  prose  preface  in  which  Wordsworth 
laid  down  a  new  theory  of  verse  in  which  he  pleaded  for 
freedom  of  rhyme  and  simplicity  of  diction. 

Wordsworth  is  generally  held  to  be  one  of  England's 
greatest  nature  poets.  To  him,  Nature  had  a  conscious  soul 
expressing  itself  in  the  daisy,  the  cloud,  or  the  skylark's 
song,  and  responding  to  the  moods  of  men  and  women  as 
plainly  and  intelligently  as  one  human  voice  responds  to 
another.  His  lifelong  aim  was  to  reveal  the  significance 
hidden  in  the  commonplace,  for  he  believed  that  the  supreme 
function  of  the  imagination  was  to  dignify  simple  people, 
places,  and  incidents;  hence,  his  poems  contain  no  striking 
themes  or  personalities  and  are  free  from  embellishments. 
There  is  another  note  in  Wordsworth's  poetry,  duty,  the 
"Stern  Daughter  of  the  Voice  of  God,"  rather  a  strange  one 
for  a  Romanticist;  he  apostrophizes  the  common  virtues 
as  he  does  the  common  things.  Although  unsurpassed  at 
his  best,  Wordsworth  is  often  dull,  tedious,  and  common- 
place. 

Sir  Walter  Scott  (i  771-1832)  stands  out  as  the  leading, 
and  one  might  say  the  only,  great  prose  writer  among  the 
„  English  Romanticists.   He  was  to  a  large  degree 

the  creator  of  the  historical  novel,  wherein  his- 
tory furnishes  the  background  for  fiction;  the  author  tries 
to  reproduce  the  past  partly  by  introducing  some  historical 
characters  and  incidents,  but  mainly  by  faithful  attention 
to  the  spirit  of  the  period  about  which  he  is  writing.  Scott 
was  a  master  in  the  art  of  invoking  bygone  ages,  and  he  actu- 
ally succeeded  in  making  history  more  real  by  clothing  it 
with  fiction.  Unlike  his  fellow  English  Romanticists,  Scott 
was  exceedingly  conservative.  He  chose  the  Middle  Ages 
for  his  favorite  field,  as  he  delighted  to  describe  picturesque 
characters,  such  as  kings,  knights,  ladies,  crusaders,  clans- 


THE   MAKING   OF  MODERN  ENGLAND  85 

men,  pirates,  and  gypsies.  No  one  has  ever  excelled  Scott 
in  the  power  of  vividly  portraying  romantic  characters  and 
stirring  incidents,  and  he  quickly  became  the  most  popular 
novelist  in  the  English  language.  He  was  also  a  fervent  lover 
of  his  country,  Scotland,  whose  history  and  legends  he 
knew  intimately;  Scotland  became  the  theme  of  many  of 
his  novels  and  poems.  Scott's  most  famous  works  are 
Ivanhoe,  which  deals  with  Norman  England,  The  Talisman, 
which  deals  with  the  crusades,  and  Old  Mortality,  which 
deals  with  Scotland  in  the  days  of  the  Covenanters. 

Two  remarkable  essayists  flourished  at  the  beginning  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  A  strange,  almost  uncanny  writer 
was  Thomas  de  Quincey  (1785-1859),  whose  De  Quincey 
mystical  and  eccentric  essays  would  have  per-  ^"^  Lamb 
ished  long  ago  had  it  not  been  for  the  extraordinary  pre- 
cision and  stateliness  of  his  style  which  placed  him  among 
the  masters  of  English  prose.  Charles  Lamb  (i 775-1 834) 
succeeded  in  turning  the  English  essay  into  a  "fine  art." 
Full  of  quaint  charm,  delicious  humor,  and  delicate  irony. 
Lamb  has  been  a  never-failing  source  of  delight  to  many 
readers  down  to  this  day. 

The  period  from  about  1840  to  the  end  of  the  nineteenth 
century  is  designated  in  English  literature  as  the  Victorian 
Age,  in  honor  of  Queen  Victoria,  whose  long  character- 
reign  was  so  notable  in  the  history  of  the  British  ^^tics  of  the 

°  .  .  Victorian 

people.  As  we  have  already  seen,  it  was  a  period  Age:  (i) 
of  great  prosperity,  of  social  unrest,  of  humani-  o^ahty 
tarian  reforms,  and  of  democratic  advance.  For  many  cen- 
turies social  ideals  had  been  largely  fashioned  by  the  upper 
classes;  now  that  the  middle  classes  had  at  last  come  into 
power,  there  came  with  them  new  ideals  of  personal  and 
social  conduct,  which  quickly  found  expression  in  the  liter- 
ature of  the  day.  Moral  purpose  dominates  much  if  not  all 
of  the  writing  of  the  Victorian  Age.  Art  was  practiced  for 
morality's  sake.  The  new  writers  produced  no^'els,  poems, 
dramas,  histories,  and  essays,  primarily  as  aids  to  bet- 
ter thinking  and  better  living,  and  incidentally  as  works  of 
art.    Dickens,  Thackeray,  and  George  Eliot  wrote  novels 


86   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

not  only  to  "adorn  a  tale,"  but  especially  "to  point  a 
moral";  Browning  wrote  poems  to  edify  and  instruct  his 
readers;  Macaulay  wrote  history  with  a  "purpose,"  to  show 
why  the  Whigs  were  right  and  the  Tories  wrong;  Carlyle 
wrote  biographies  of  heroes  as  the  embodiment  of  the 
"eternal  verities" ;  and  to  Ruskin,  painting  itself  was  a  form 
of  moral  expression. 

The  progress  of  popular  education  and  the  establishment 
of  cheap  magazines  and  newspapers  created  a  new  and  vast 
(2)  Democ-  reading  public.  Writers  were  forced  to  cater  to 
•^^^y  a  wider  and  more  varied  demand,  and  as  a  result 

literature  became  more  democratic;  it  began  to  concern 
itself  with  the  problems  of  humble  people;  it  searched  for 
comedy  or  tragedy  in  the  daily  routine  of  the  masses;  it 
became  a  passionate  advocate  of  social  and  political  reform. 

Another  striking  characteristic  of  the  Victorian  Age  was 
the  great  r61e  that  science  played  in  the  affairs  of  mankind. 
,  ,  „  .  The  wonderful  discoveries  of  the  inventors  and 

the  writings  of  the  great  scientists,  like  Dar- 
win and  Huxley,  exercised  a  profound  influence,  directly 
and  indirectly,  upon  imaginative  literature.  The  idea  of 
evolution  was  constantly  made  use  of  by  the  novelists;  and 
the  theme  of  some  of  the  greatest  poems  was  the  origin  and 
destiny  of  man  in  the  light  of  evolution.^ 

A  truly  great  and  representative  Victorian  was  Lord 
Macaulay  (1800-59),  the  historian  and  essayist.  No  man 
j^       .  had  the  faculty  of  investing  history  with  dra- 

matic power  so  wonderfully  as  Macaulay,  whose 
History  of  England  remains  to  this  day  one  of  the  most  pop- 
ular books  in  the  English  language.  Macaulay  is  a  pano- 
ramic rather  than  a  philosophic  historian ;  he  gives  graphic 
pictures  of  the  exterior  of  human  society,  but  seldom  sees 
the  great  underlying  causes  of  human  affairs.  Brilliance  of 
style,  vividness  of  narrative,  and  a  luxuriant  imagination 
combine  to  make  him  one  of  the  great  writers  of  English 
prose. 

Thomas  Carlyle  (i  795-1 881)  was  the  |reat  censor  of  the 

^  See  p.  612. 


THE  MAKING  OF  MODERN  ENGLAND  87 

Victorian  Age.    It  was  a  thrilling  message  that  this  Scotch 
philosopher,  historian,  and  biographer  preached  ^    ,  . 

1  •  •  A  >  •  ,  Larlyle 

to  his  generation.  A  man  s  prime  duty  was  to 
recognize  the  hero  qualities,  to  tear  away  shams,  and  to 
pierce  the  only  reality,  the  inner  spirit.  He  denounced  in 
prophet-like  language  the  materialism  and  selfishness  of  his 
time,  and  attempted  to  demonstrate  that  the  new  industrial- 
ism had  made  a  "swine's  trough"  of  the  world  by  estab- 
lishing only  a  "cash  nexus  "  between  man  and  man.  Carlyle, 
however,  had  no  faith  in  democracy,  for  his  ideal  govern- 
ment was  one  by  an  aristocracy  of  talent.  His  influence 
upon  his  own  and  succeeding  generations  was  of  the  pro- 
foundest,  and  he  may  be  justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  spir- 
itual makers  of  modern  England.  His  most  famous  books 
are  Sartor  Resartus,  a  series  of  philosophic  essays  in  the  form 
of  an  imaginary  biography;  The  French  Revolution,  a  highly 
dramatic  but  unbalanced  study  of  the  movement;  and 
Oliver  CromwelVs  Letters  and  Speeches,  a  unique  biography 
of  the  great  Protector. 

The  three  great  novelists  of  the  Victorian  Age  were 
Charles  Dickens,  William  Makepeace  Thackeray,  and 
George  Eliot.   Of  these,  Charles  Dickens  (181 2-  ^.  , 

XI  1  11  -1    Dickens 

70)  was  the  most  popular  and  the  most  typical 
representative  of  the  spirit  of  the  times.  Few  authors  have 
been  able  to  combine  humor  and  pathos  so  successfully  as 
Dickens;  and  generations  of  English-speaking  people  have 
laughed  and  cried  over  his  pages.  He  is  above  all  a  social- 
reform  novelist,  and  his  attacks  on  charity  schools,  law 
courts,  and  workhouses  led  to  beneficent  reforms  in  those 
institutions.  Dickens  was  the  first  to  introduce  the  poor 
and  the  degraded  of  industrial  England  into  literature,  and 
he  succeeded  in  arousing  the  widest  sympathies  for  the  un- 
fortunate classes  of  society.  His  most  famous  books  are 
David  Copperfield,  considered  by  many  his  masterpiece; 
A  Tale  of  Two  Cities,  a  historical  novel  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution; Pickwick  Papers,  a  rollicking  tale  of  the  adventures 
of  a  unique  character;  and  Oliver  Twist,  an  exposure  of  the 
suffering  of  the  poor  in  the  workhouses. 


88       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Quite  different  from  Dickens  was  William  Makepeace 
Thackeray  (i 811-63),  the  novelist  of  the  elegant  world. 
^,     ,  The   latter's   smooth   style,    delicate   wit,  and 

Thackeray  .  ,  •  i        ,  n-   i  • 

urbanity  contrast  sharply  with  the  rollicking 
humor  and  grotesqueness  of  Dickens.  Thackeray  was  essen- 
tially a  satirist  who  delighted  to  expose  the  foibles  of  the 
great,  and  for  that  reason  his  work  has  sometimes  been 
called  "a  whispering-gallery  of  scandal."  But  he  was  a 
satirist  touched  with  emotion,  for  it  is  his  habit  to  take  his 
readers  aside  in  order  to  preach  to  them  little  private  ser- 
mons on  the  evils  of  mankind.  His  most  famous  works  are 
Henry  Esmond,  a  historical  novel  of  the  eighteenth  century ; 
Vanity  Fair,  in  v/hich  the  famous  character  Becky  Sharp 
appears ;  Pendennis,  a  satire  on  society ;  and  The  Newcomes, 
a  study  of  a  lovable  character,  Colonel  Newcome. 

Mary  Ann  Evans  (1819-80),  known  to  the  world  by  the 
pen-name  of  George  Eliot,  is  the  novelist  of  the  middle 
George  classes  as  Dickens  is  of  the  lower,  and  Thack- 

Ehot  gj-^y  q£  ^j^g  upper  classes.   She  was  essentially  a 

philosopher,  and  her  novels  are  searching  studies  of  human 
character  and  motives.  An  ethical  atmosphere  pervades  all 
her  books  which,  were  it  not  for  the  author's  supreme  art, 
would  be  mere  moral  tracts.  George  Eliot  took  particular 
delight  in  analyzing  her  characters  psychologically  in  order 
to  discover  the  hidden  springs  of  good  and  evil.  Although 
not  so  popular  as  Dickens  or  Thackeray,  she  continues  to 
hold  a  great  place  in  English  literature.  Her  most  famous 
works  are  Silas  Marner,  a  story  of  a  poor  weaver;  Middle- 
march,  an  ethical  problem  novel;  Adam  Bede,  a  charming 
picture  of  country  life;  and  Romola,  a  historical  novel  of  the 
Italian  Renaissance. 


CHAPTER    VI 

DEMOCRACY  AND  REACTION  IN  FRANCE 

1815-52 

Conservative  and  Radical  Elements  in  French  Society 

The  French  Revolution  had  left  a  memory  which  never 
could  be  effaced,  the  stirring  tale  of  a  successful  revolt 
against  monarchs,  classes,  and  conditions.     It  ,  a  r 

°  '  '      ^  _  _   _  Influence  of 

had  uprooted  nearly  all  the  inherited  traditions  the  French 
of  the  land  and,  indeed,  had  enthroned  revolu- 
tion itself  as  an  established  tradition.  As  a  consequence 
there  was  engendered  among  the  people  a  spirit  of  resistance 
to  oppression,  which  was  later  to  overturn  the  thrones  of 
kings  and  of  emperors  and,  at  times,  to  threaten  the  social 
order  itself.  Even  though  the  restored  Louis  XVIII  sat  on 
the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  the  old  system  of  society,  the 
ancien  regime,  with  its  semi-serfdom,  political  despotism, 
special  privileges,  and  religious  intolerance,  was  gone  never 
to  return.  However,  the  work  of  the  Revolution  was  not 
yet  completed ;  it  was  as  much  a  promise  for  the  future  as  a 
notable  achievement  of  the  past;  in  a  broad,  general  way, 
it  indicated  the  line  of  progress  along  which  France  and  the 
rest  of  Europe  were  to  travel  for  the  next  century.  But  the 
deep  wounds  inflicted  by  the  Revolution  on  the  conserva- 
tive elements  of  French  society  embittered  the  latter  into 
becoming  reactionary;  hence  the  history  of  France  during 
the  nineteenth  century  is  the  story  of  a  struggle  between 
those  who  wished  to  fulfill  the  promise  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution and  those  who  sought  to  restore  the  old  order,  or,  at 
least,  to  keep  the  revolutionary  spirit  chained  to  what  it 
already  had  accomplished. 

On  one  or  the  other  side  of  this  dividing  line,  the  various 
elements  in  France  ranged  themselves  according  to  their 
interests  and  ideals.  On  the  conservative  side  were  natur- 
ally the  aristocrats,  who,  however,  exercised  but  little  influ- 


90       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

ence  over  the  nation  because  they  had  been  shorn  of  prop- 
Conserva-       erty  and  privilege  by  the  Revolution.   In  fact, 

tive  forces         t^  u        •  ^  t_  1*1 

in  French  ^  rencn  aristocracy  became  a  mere  name  which 
society  meant  little  or  nothing;  the  nobles  of  the  ancien 

regime  had  been  guillotined  or  discredited  by  treason  dur- 
ing the  Revolutionary  wars,  and  the  new  ones  created  by 
Napoleon  and  later  by  Louis  Philippe  were  of  too  recent 
origin  to  elicit  much  respect.  Far  stronger  as  a  conserva- 
tive force  was  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  which  feared  the 
establishment  of  a  democratic  republic  because  that  form 
of  government  was  favored  by  its  enemies,  the  partisans 
of  the  French  Revolution.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  ration- 
alism and  free  thought  were  widespread  among  all  classes 
of  society,  the  bulk  of  the  French  people  remained  Christian 
and  Catholic,  and  conservatism  found  in  the  Church  a  most 
powerful  support.  But  the  rock  against  which  revolution- 
ary movements  of  the  nineteenth  century  dashed  in  vain 
was  the  peasant.  Once  the  Revolution  had  freed  him  from 
feudal  dues  and  services  and  established  him  as  a  propri- 
etor of  the  land  which  he  cultivated,  the  peasant  became 
a  stanch  supporter  of  conservative  policies;  and  the  influ- 
ence of  the  great  mass  of  peasant  proprietors  has  more  than 
once  decided  the  fate  of  governments,  parties,  and  dynasties 
in  France.  Along  with  the  spirit  of  innovation  engendered 
by  the  Revolution  there  was  the  tradition  of  military  glory 
associated  with  the  name  of  Napoleon.  Frenchmen  could 
not  easily  forget  the  time  when  the  tricolor  had  waved 
triumphantly  on  the  great  battle  fields  of  modern  times. 
It  needed  but  a  phrase,  a  book,  a  "legend"  to  rekindle  in 
France  the  desire  for  military  conquest.  "The  man  on 
horseback"  remained  an  appealing  figure  to  the  imagina- 
tion of  Frenchmen  despite  his  having  frequently  trod  on 
principles  very  dear  to  them. 

The  mainstay  on  the  radical  side  was  the  bourgeoisie,  or 
Radical  middle  class.   The  disappearance  of  the  landed 

French"  aristocracy  had  left  them  masters  of  the  field, 
society  with  power  out  of  all  proportion  to  their  number 

or  to  their  wealth.    As  heirs  of  the  great  Revolution,  they 


DEMOCRACY  AND  REACTION  IN  FRANCE       91 

• 
generally  favored  a  democratic  suffrage,  a  republican  form 

of  government,  separation  of  Church  and  State,  and  free- 
dom of  thought.  Another  and  far  more  radical  element 
made  its  appearance  as  a  result  of  the  introduction  of  the 
factory  system,  namely,  the  working  class,  of  which  we 
shall  speak  later.  In  addition,  there  was  the  small  but 
powerful  group  of  philosophers,  poets,  artists,  novelists, 
and  dramatists  who,  in  France,  have  exercised  a  profound 
influence  on  public  affairs.  These  "intellectuals,"  inheriting 
the  revolutionary  traditions  of  the  great  philosophers  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  Diderot,  and 
Montesquieu,  nearly  always  allied  themselves  with  the 
radical  elements  of  the  nation. 

The  Industrial  Revolution 

While  the  statesmen  and  monarchs  of  the  Restoration 
Period  were  confidently  planning  to  restore  the  old  system 
of  government  and  society,  there  was  taking  Reasons  for 
place  in  the  life  of  the  people  on  the  Continent  France's 
that  silent  change  known  as  the  Industrial  backward- 
Revolution  which  was  to  render  all  their  plans  "^^^ 
abortive.  In  England  conditions  were  favorable  to  the 
growth  of  industry;  in  France,  the  reverse  was  true.  In  the 
first  place,  the  latter  country  did  not  possess  in  sufficient 
quantities  the  essentials  of  the  factory  system,  coal  and 
iron;  secondly,  there  was  no  over-supply  of  cheap  labor, 
because  peasant  proprietorship  was  the  inducement  that 
operated  to  prevent  an  exodus  of  the  country  folk  to  the 
cities ;  thirdly,  the  great  drain  in  men  and  money  during  the 
Revolutionary  and  Napoleonic  wars  depleted  the  requisite 
supply  of  labor  and  capital.  The  Industrial  Revolution  in 
France  was,  consequently,  neither  so  rapid  nor  so  wide- 
spread as  in  England.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century  the  domestic  system  was  still  in  full  bloom,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  middle  of  the  century  that  the  foundations 
of  the  new  industrial  era  were  laid. 

In  England,  as  we  have  seen,  the  manufacturers  devoted 
themselves  by  the  force  of  circumstances  to  the  production 


92       MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

• 
of  textiles  and  iron  and  steel  goods,  the  every-day  necessi- 

The  silk  ties  of  life ;  in  France,  on  the  contrary,  and  for 

industry  similar  reasons,  the  staples  of  industry  were 
silk  and  wine,  the  luxuries  of  life.  Cartwright's  loom  gave 
immediate  impetus  to  the  establishment  of  the  factory  sys- 
tem in  England;  but  a  similar  invention  in  France,  the 
famous  Jacquard  loom  for  the  rapid  weaving  of  complex 
patterns  in  silk  (1804),  had  no  such  immediate  influence  on 
the  establishment  of  the  factory  system  in  that  country; 
artisans  continued  to  spin  and  weave  silk  cloth  in  their 
homes.  Notwithstanding  the  retarded  development,  the 
value  of  the  product  of  the  silk  loom  more  than  tripled 
during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

Machinery  was  imported  from  England  in  order  to  give 
French  industry  a  start;  and,  about  1823,  the  power  loom 
Introduction  was  established  in  the  city  of  Miilhausen,  in 
of  machinery  ^/^isacg^  which  became  the  cotton  manufacturing 
town  of  France.  Lille,  because  it  was  situated  in  the  min- 
ing region  and  so  was  able  to  get  coal  quickly  and  cheaply, 
soon  developed  as  an  industrial  city  comparable  to  Man- 
chester and  Leeds.  Steam  was  introduced  as  a  motive 
force  between  1830  and  1840,  much  later  than  in  England, 
chiefly  because  of  the  low  output  of  coal. 

Although  industrially  backward,  France  was  a  wealthy  na- 
tion because  of  her  naturally  rich  soil  and  her  splendid  wine 
Rural  districts.    Rural   industries  were  greatly  aided 

industries  ju^y  ^^^  manufacture  of  wines,  liquors,  brandies, 
and  beet  sugar.  In  1846  more  than  half  of  the  exports  con- 
sisted of  silks  and  wines.  In  general,  it  might  be  said  that 
France  imported  raw  materials,  such  as  cotton,  wool,  and 
leather,  and  exported  manufactured  luxuries  and  agricul- 
tural products. 

In  the  matter  of  modern  means  of  transportation,  such 
as  railways  and  steamboats,  France  was  also  backward. 
Transporta-  During  the  two  preceding  centuries,  it  had  de- 
*'°"  veloped  a  fine  system  of  roads  and  canals,  but 

it  was  not  until  1837  that  a  railway,  only  twelve  miles  long, 
was  constructed.    The  first  law  regulating  the  construction 


1 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN   FRANCE      93 

of  railways  was  adopted  in  1 842 ;  it  provided  for  the  build- 
ing and  operation  of  a  comprehensive  system  of  railways 
by  private  companies  with  the  aid  of  government  grants. 
Four  years  later,  there  were  in  operation  over  eleven  hun- 
dred miles  of  railways,  transporting  annually  about  thir- 
teen million  passengers  and  three  and  a  half  million  tons 
of  merchandise.  Internal  trade  increased  greatly,  which  en- 
abled the  country  to  recover  from  the  economic  wounds 
left  by  the  Napoleonic  wars.  The  first  transatlantic  steam- 
ship line  was  established  from  Havre  to  New  York  in  1840. 
Protection  was  afforded  to  the  merchant  marine  by  legis- 
lation which  provided  for  special  taxes  on  goods  carried  in 
foreign  vessels,  and  which  forbade  trade  with  French  colon- 
ies in  any  but  French  ships. 

The  general  outcome  of  the   Industrial   Revolution  in 
France  was  the  same  as  that  in  England,  which  has  already 
been  described.    In  the  former  there  were,  how-  special  re- 
ever,    special   developments   worthy   of   notice,  ^"'j^  of  the 

/^i  1-1-  ri'i  -1    Industrial 

One  was  the  extreme  radicalism  of  the  industrial  Revolution 
laborers.  The  traditions  of  the  French  Revolu-  '"  ^^^^^^ 
tion  inherited  by  the  working  class  accentuated  their  hos- 
tility to  capitalism,  to  which,  almost  from  the  very  start, 
they  threw  down  the  gage  of  battle.  Although  few  in  num- 
ber and  poorly  organized,  the  French  workingmen  have 
ever  been  in  the  van  of  radicalism  and  an  example  to  the 
laborers  of  other  lands.  Another  was  the  strengthening  of 
the  power  of  the  petite  bourgeoisie,  or  lower  middle  class, 
who  invested  their  savings  in  industrial  enterprises  both 
at  home  and  abroad.  In  France  numerous  small  investors, 
whose  frugality  and  thrift  enabled  them  to  buy  a  few 
dearly  prized  shares  of  stock  or  government  bonds,  consti- 
tuted a  power  which  was  a  near  approach  to  a  governing 
class.  Kings,  emperors,  and  even  republics  were  apt  to 
suffer  swift  destruction  when  they  antagonized  the  interests 
of  this  numerous  and  influential  class  of  small  investors. 


94       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

The  Restoration 

After  the  Battle  of  Waterloo  the  Allies  once  more  tri- 
umphantly entered  Paris,  "carrying  the  Bourbons  in  their 
The  Charter  baggage."  Louis  XVIII  was  reseated  on  the 
of  1 814  throne  from  which  he  had  been  driven  by  Na- 

poleon after  the  latter' s  escape  from  Elba.  In  order  to  win 
the  people  to  the  new  order,  the  King  granted  the  nation, 
as  a  favor,  a  charter  establishing  constitutional  government. 
This  document  remained  in  force  with  various  modifica- 
tions till  1848.  According  to  its  provisions  full  executive 
authority  was  lodged  in  the  monarch ;  it  empowered  him  to 
appoint  officers,  name  the  cabinet,  direct  foreign  policies, 
veto  bills,  and  dissolve  parliament.  There  was  estab- 
lished also  a  legislature  of  two  houses,  a  hereditary  Cham- 
ber of  Peers  and  an  elective  Chamber  of  Deputies.  Age 
and  property  were  to  insure  conservatism  in  the  latter 
body.  A  Deputy  had  to  be  at  least  forty  years  old  and  had 
to  pay  a  minimum  of  two  hundred  dollars  a  year  in  direct 
taxes;  and  the  suffrage  was  limited  to  citizens  at  least 
thirty  years  of  age  paying  a  minimum  of  sixty  dollars  a 
year  in  direct  taxes.  An  aristocratic  parliament,  hardened 
by  the  spirit  of  Bourbon  despotism,  was  the  government 
instituted  by  the  returned  monarch.  The  social  organiza- 
tion of  France,  however,  remained  Revolutionary,  as  the 
famous  law  of  1789  abolishing  feudalism  was  not  repealed; 
the  administrative  system  organized  by  Napoleon  was 
likewise  accepted.  To  restore  the  structure  of  the  ancien 
regime  was  impossible,  for  it  would  have  meant  the  dis- 
location of  French  society  which  had  now  become  firmly 
knit  by  the  life  of  almost  a  generation  born  and  reared 
under  the  new  regime.  What  was  restored  was  the  spirit 
of  pre-Revolutionary  days,  for  the  exiled  nobles  returned 
cherishing  an  undying  hatred  of  democratic  principles. 

Opposition  to  the  King  developed  most  strongly  among 
the  reactionaries  led  by  a  brother  of  Louis  XVIII,  the 
Count  of  Artois,  a  true  Bourbon,  "  who  never  learned 
anything  and  never  forgot  anything."  His  party,  known 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN   FRANCE      95 

as  the  "Ultras,"  was  more  royalist  than  the  King  and  was 
composed  mainly  of  emigres  and  their  adherents  Moderation 
who  thirsted  to  avenge  their  sufferings  caused  ?^^y^V'^ 
by  the  Revolution  and  who  wished  to  restore  the 
old  system  of  government  and  society.  As  long  as  Louis 
lived  he  generally  held  the  Ultras  in  check,  not  because 
he  lacked  sympathy  with  their  views,  but  rather  because  he 
saw  the  folly  of  trying  to  restore  the  ancien  regime.  As  he 
himself  once  declared,  the  throne  was  "the  easiest  of  chairs," 
and,  like  King  Charles  II,  he  had  no  wish  "  to  go  on  his  trav- 
els" once  more.  Nevertheless,  an  increase  in  the  number  of 
the  Left,  or  radical  side  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  and 
particularly  the  election  of  Abbe  Gregoire,  the  famous 
revolutionist,  forced  the  King  to  the  side  of  the  Ultras.  The 
suffrage  was,  accordingly,  still  further  restricted  in  1820  by 
giving  the  rich  electors  a  double  vote;  and  a  drastic  press 
law  was  enacted  establishing  a  censorship  of  all  journals. 
Louis  XVIII  died  in  1824  and  his  brother  ascended  the 
throne  as  Charles  X. 

The  new  King  was  a  child  of  the  ancien  regime  to  whom 
the  French  Revolution  brought  bitterness  without  enlight- 
enment.   He  had  returned  from  exile  a  sadder  character 
but  not  a  wiser  man;  hence,  he  was  fully  de-  of  the  new 
termined   to  restore   both    the  spirit  and  the      "^ 
institutions  of  former  days.     To  Charles  a  divine  right 
monarchy  was  the  only  legitimate  form  of  government,  an 
intolerant  church  the  only  true  Christianity,  and  a  landed 
aristocracy  the  only  stable  basis  of  society.    His  mind  was 
a  curious  blend  of  mediocrity  and  fanaticism,  a  most  de- 
testable combination  in  the  eyes  of  the  enlightened  and 
brilliant  French  people,  which  was  bound  to  arouse  bitter 
opposition  and  to  lead  to  his  eventual  overthrow. 

Charles   forthwith    proceeded    to   carry   out   his   ideas. 
Under  his  influence  a   law  was  passed  by  the  Chamber 
which   aimed   to   indemnify   the   nobles   whose  Reactionary 
estates  had  been  confiscated  by  the  Revolution.  legislation 
To  raise  the  huge  sum, —  about  two  hundred  million  dol- 
lars, —  the  then  existing  debt  of  France  was  converted 


96       MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

from  five  per  cent  to  three  per  cent  bonds.  This  was  done 
in  order  to  prevent  the  imposition  of  new  taxes;  but  it  cut 
into  the  income  of  the  bondholders,  who  thenceforth  became 
the  bitter  enemies  of  the  Bourbon  Monarchy.  A  series  of 
laws  was  then  enacted  which  aroused  the  greatest  indigna- 
tion among  the  intellectual  classes.  Sacrilege,  or  profana- 
tion of  sacred  vessels  in  a  church,  was  made  punishable  by 
death;  the  control  of  higher  education  was  given  to  the 
clergy ;  and  the  liberty  of  the  press  was  still  more  curtailed. 
An  attempt  was  also  made  to  restore  primogeniture,  or  the 
right  of  the  eldest  son  to  inherit  the  entire  estate  of  the 
father.  As  equal  division  among  all  the  sons  of  land  be- 
queathed by  the  father  was  regarded  as  a  fundamental 
principle  of  the  French  Revolution,  the  attitude  of  the 
Government  aroused  the  bitterest  hostility  of  all  classes, 
especially  of  the  peasant  proprietors,  who  now  feared  the 
return  of  the  landed  aristocracy.  The  King,  in  addition  to 
procuring  the  passage  of  the  reactionary  laws,  made  it  quite 
clear  that  he  intended  to  disregard  the  Charter  and  to  re- 
establish naked  absolutism.  On  July  26,  1830,  were  issued 
the  infamous  "July  Ordinances,"  which  suspended  the  lib- 
erty of  the  press  by  requiring  government  authorization  for 
the  publication  of  periodicals  and  its  renewal  every  three 
years ;  which  dissolved  a  newly  elected  Chamber  even  before 
it  had  met,  because  the  majority  was  hostile  to  the  King; 
and  which  modified  the  electoral  law  in  order  to  disfran- 
chise the  wealthy  liberals  of  the  middle  classes,  so  that  the 
electorate  was  to  consist  of  only  about  twenty-five  thou- 
sand, mainly  large  landowners.  Charles  furthermore  ex- 
pressly claimed  the  right  to  interpret  the  Charter  in  any 
way  that  he  pleased. 

In  this  manner  the  King  managed  to  antagonize  every 
influential  element  in  France,  except  the  small  clique  of 
The  July  returned  emigres  headed  by  his  favorite  min- 
uprising  ister,  Polignac.   Opposition  to  the  Government 

became  general,  and  all  factions,  Bonapartist,  Republican, 
and  Liberal  Monarchist,  each,  however,  for  particular  rea- 
sons of  its  own,  united  to  overthrow  a  system  which  had 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN   FRANCE      97 

become  an  anachronism.  On  July  28,  1830,  rioting  —  prel- 
ude to  revolution  —  was  begun  by  Paris  workingmen  who 
had  erected  a  network  of  barricades  out  of  paving-stones, 
wagons,  and  old  furniture,  in  the  crooked  and  narrow  streets. 
The  soldiers  attempted  half-heartedly  to  suppress  the  re- 
volt, but  were  beaten  by  the  insurgents.  As  soon  as  it  ap- 
peared certain  that  Paris  was  in  the  hands  of  the  revolu- 
tionists, Charles  abdicated  and  fled  to  England. 

The  two  most  important  elements  that  brought  about 
the  July  Revolution,  as  it  was  called,  were  the  working- 
men,  who  desired  a  democratic  republic,  and  the  Louis 
middle  class,  who  wished  merely  a  constitutional  becJ^gg 
monarchy.  Most  of  the  fighting  behind  the  King 
barricades  was  done  by  the  former,  but  the  latter,  better 
organized  and  more  influential,  soon  got  control  of  the 
situation.  Their  candidate  for  the  throne  was  Louis 
Philippe,  Duke  of  Orleans,  a  member  of  the  younger  branch 
of  the  Bourbon  dynasty,  and  a  man  who  was  not  only  will- 
ing, but  even  desirous,  to  become  a  strictly  constitutional 
king.  "  He  will  respect  our  rights  because  he  will  hold  his 
from  us,"  was  the  announcement  made  on  his  behalf. 
Louis  Philippe  was  eager  to  show  his  democratic  bent  of 
mind.  He  wore  the  cockade  and  accepted  the  tricolor 
flag,  symbols  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  he  publicly 
embraced  General  Lafayette,  the  leader  of  the  popular 
party.  On  August  3,  1830,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  chose 
Louis  Philippe  as  King  of  the  French  by  the  "  grace  of  God 
and  the  will  of  the  nation";  and  once  more  did  the  Revo- 
lutionary tricolor  become  the  flag  of  the  nation  in  place  of 
the  Bourbon  fleur  de  lys,  or  the  white  banner  with  golden 
lilies. 

The  July  Monarchy 

The  new  regime    began  by  making  important  changes 
in  the  constitution.    Absolute  government  was  ^    ^.■. 
abolished  by  a  declaration  that  the  Ministers  tional 
were   to   be  responsible   to   the  Chamber    and  ^^  °^^^ 
not  to  the  King.    The  "July  Ordinances"  were  repealed, 


98       MODERN   AND    CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

and  freedom  of  the  press  and  of  assembly  assured.  An 
important  change  was  also  made  in  the  suffrage.  The  vote 
was  now  given  to  all  men  over  twenty-five  years  old  paying 
a  direct  annual  property  tax  of  forty  dollars  instead  of 
sixty  as  formerly;  in  the  case  of  professional  men  only 
twenty  dollars  was  the  requirement.  Although  the  electo- 
rate was  greatly  enlarged  by  these  provisions,  it  numbered 
only  about  two  hundred  thousand  out  of  a  population  of 
about  thirty  million.  These  property  requirements  for  suf- 
frage were  so  arranged  as  to  include  the  middle  class  and  to 
exclude  the  workingmen.  It  soon  became  perfectly  plain 
that  the  center  of  political  gravity  had  shifted  from  the 
landed  aristocracy  to  the  well-to-do  of  the  bourgeoisie. 

The  new  King  had  had  a  checkered  career.    Exiled  in 
1793  by  the  Terrorists,  he  had  traveled  all  over  Europe, 
Charact  r  of    ^'^^  even  in  America,  earning  a  livelihood  by 
the  "Citizen    teaching   French.     He   returned   to   his   native 
'"^  land  during  the  Restoration,  after  an  exile  of 

twenty-one  years.  Unlike  his  Bourbon  predecessors,  he 
was  shrewd  enough  to  see  that  a  new  class,  the  capitalists, 
was  rising  to  power  and  influence  and  that  it  would  soon 
displace  the  old  nobility  in  the  government  of  the  coun- 
try. He  therefore  did  everything  in  his  power  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  these  newly  rich,  greatly  to  the  disgust  of  his 
aristocratic  friends,  who  regarded  bankers,  stockbrokers, 
and  manufacturers  with  haughty  contempt.  It  was  his 
custom  to  walk  the  streets  unattended,  dressed  in  a  frock 
coat  and  top  hat  and  carrying  an  umbrella,  the  symbols  of 
the  new  regime,  as  wig,  knee-breeches,  and  sword  had  been 
of  the  old.  He  also  delighted  to  parade  ostentatiously  his 
liberal  views,  and  was  fond  of  calling  himself  the  "Citizen 
King."  In  the  opinion  of  many,  this  man,  who  in  his 
youth  had  fought  in  the  armies  of  the  Revolution  and  was 
now  so  democratic  in  his  manners  and  sentiments,  would 
be  the  ideal  constitutional  monarch  dreamed  of  by  lib- 
erals in  all  lands. 

Louis  Philippe's  policy  was  to  favor  the  middle  classes 
in   order   to   win   their   support   for   his   throne.    Just  as 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN  FRANCE      99 

Napoleon  had  created  a  nobility  from  among  his  soldier 
supporters,  so  the  new  King  began  to  create  a  The  new 
capitalist  nobility,  the  "July  nobles,"  as  they  f^^^^/g^^g"* 
were  derisively  called.  Bankers,  speculators,  and  middle 
manufacturers  received  patents  of  nobility,  and  ^  ^^^^^ 
the  old  aristocrats,  greatly  to  their  astonishment,  found 
themselves  unwelcome  at  Court.  The  only  opposition  to 
the  Government  came  at  first  from  the  Legitimists,  or  the 
supporters  of  the  Bourbons,  who  were  now  weak  and  dis- 
credited, and  from  the  Republican  workingmen  who,  as 
we  have  seen,  were  not  given  the  ballot,  although  they 
had  been  mainly  instrumental  in  the  expulsion  of  Charles  X. 
In  one  sense,  the  working  classes  were  even  worse  off  under 
the  new  regime  than  they  had  been  under  the  old,  because 
their  employers,  who  were  now  in  control,  had  a  direct 
interest  in  keeping  them  in  subjection.  Severe  laws  were 
passed  forbidding  the  formation  of  trade  unions  for  the 
purpose  of  increasing  wages.  The  hours  of  labor  were  long, 
sometimes  as  many  as  eighteen;  the  factories  were  unsani- 
tary; and  women  and  children  were  employed  under  out- 
rageous conditions.  Strike  after  strike  broke  out  in  the 
industrial  centers,  but  they  were  ruthlessly  suppressed  by 
the  Government.  The  silk  weavers  of  Lyons,  exasperated 
by  a  reduction  of  their  already  low  wages,  rose  in  revolt, 
declaring  that  they  would  either  "live  by  working  or  die 
fighting."  Many  died  fighting. 

Disappointed  with  the  outcome  of  the  July  Revolution, 
the  workingmen  began  to  organize  on  a  new  basis,  hos- 
tility to  the  capitalists  as  well  as  to  the  aristo-  Working 
crats.  One  revolution,  they  argued,  that  of  1789,  ^g^^^^^^^^g 
had  benefited  the  peasants  and  middle  classes;  "national  ^^ 
another,  that  of  1830,  the  capitalists;  the  next  ^"^kshops" 
was  to  be  a  revolution  for  the  benefit  of  the  working  classes. 
"We  have  in  view,"  they  declared  in  a  manifesto,  "not 
so  much  a  political  as  a  social  change.   The  extension  of 
political  rights,  electoral  reform,  universal  suffrage,  may 
all  be  excellent  things,  but  simply  as  a  means  to  an  end. 
Our  object  is  to  divide  the  burdens  and  benefits  of  society 


lOO     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

equally  and  to  establish  the  complete  reign  of  equality." 
This  new  working-class  movement  came  to  be  known  as 
"socialism."  The  leading  figure  in  it  was  Louis  Blanc, 
whose  book,  The  Organization  of  Labor  (1839),  was  widely 
influential  in  its  day.  According  to  the  plan  proposed,  the 
State  was  to  become  an  industrial  republic  by  organizing 
"national  workshops,"  which  were  to  be  managed  by  the 
workers  in  each  particular  industry.  The  product  of  their 
labor  was  to  be  divided  among  them  on  the  principle  of 
"from  each  according  to  his  capacity  and  to  each  according 
to  his  services";  in  this  way  the  laborers  were  to  be  ele- 
vated from  the  condition  of  wage-earners  to  that  of  indus- 
trial partners. 

Republican  sentiment,  even  among  the  middle  classes, 
finally  became  strong  enough  to  frighten  the  July  Mon- 
T-T  archy.    Incipient  insurrections  and  violent  dem- 

Newspaper  .  .  •  t 

attacks  on  onstrations  were  continually  breakmg  out,  and 
^  ^  '"^  several  attempts  were  made  even  on  the  life  of 
the  King.  The  country  was  covered  with  secret  societies, 
like  the  powerful  Society  of  the  Rights  of  Man,  which  aimed 
to  overthrow  the  Government.  Louis  Philippe,  although 
a  "King  of  the  Barricades,"  began  to  fear  that  he  might  at 
any  time  be  forced  to  flee  like  Charles  X.  Like  many  other 
tyrants,  he  had  no  policy  other  than  suppression.  Laws 
were  enacted  requiring  all  societies  to  submit  their  consti- 
tutions for  approval  by  the  Government.  In  spite  of  the 
constitutional  guarantees  of  freedom  of  the  press.  Republi- 
can journals  were  suppressed  and  their  editors  jailed,  fined, 
or  deported.  In  1835  were  passed  the  infamous  "Septem- 
ber Laws,"  which  prohibited,  by  severe  penalties,  criticism 
of  the  King  in  any  form.  Caricatures  of  Louis  Philippe  were 
especially  forbidden,  as  the  comic  journals  of  Paris  were 
fond  of  picturing  him  with  a  pear-shaped  head.  It  was  like- 
wise made  unlawful  to  question  the  institution  of  property 
or  to  defend  any  but  the  monarchical  system  of  govern- 
ment. Newspapers  had  to  deposit  twenty  thousand  dol- 
lars with  the  Government  as  a  guarantee  of  good  behavior. 
To  try  cases  arising  from  breaches  of  these  laws  special 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN   FRANCE     loi 

courts  were   organized  which  could  condemn  an  accused 
person  even  in  his  absence. 

By  these  methods  Louis  Philippe  managed  to  get  rid  of 
opposition  for  a  time.  But  the  more  liberal-minded  men  of 
all  classes  were  now  convinced  that  liberty  Reactionary 
would  not  be  safe  under  any  monarch,  no  mat-  the  icing  and 
ter  how  democratic  his  professions.  More  and  Guizot 
more  did  the  King  assert  his  prerogative  to  govern,  and  he 
firmly  declared  that  "the  throne  was  not  an  empty  arm- 
chair." He  began  a  policy  of  personal  government  by 
choosing  the  Cabinet  himself,  irrespective  of  the  wishes  of 
the  Chamber.  Adolphe  Thiers,  who  had  been  his  sponsor 
and  stoutest  supporter,  was  compelled  to  resign  his  posi- 
tion as  Prime  Minister,  because  he  believed  in  the  English 
theory  that  the  king  should  reign  but  not  rule.  In  Fran- 
cois Guizot,  the  famous  historian,  the  King  finally  found 
a  Minister  in  harmony  with  his  ideas.  Guizot  had  op- 
posed the  tyranny  of  Charles  X  most  bitterly,  and  he 
was  now  as  strongly  opposed  to  the  other  extreme,  the 
rule  of  the  common  man.  According  to  him,  the  essence 
of  free  government  was  that  of  a  king  and  parliament,  the 
latter  to  be  chosen  by  property-owners,  i.e.,  the  upper  and 
middle  classes.  The  cabinet  should  be  chosen  independ- 
ently by  the  king  and,  at  the  same  time,  receive  the  sup- 
port of  parliament.  In  order  to  insure  this  support,  Guizot 
organized  a  system  of  political  corruption  to  grind  out 
majorities  for  the  Government  during  the  elections.  The 
two  hundred  thousand  voters  were  known  as  the  pays  legal, 
or  the  legitimate  source  of  political  power.  They  chose 
electoral  colleges  which,  in  turn,  chose  the  Deputies  to  the 
Chamber.  In  the  highly  centralized  government  of  France, 
both  local  and  national  patronage,  as  well  as  special  favors 
to  localities,  were  used  by  Guizot  to  gain  supporters.  The 
Deputies  themselves  were  often  bribed  by  being  made  stock- 
holders in  industrial  corporations  or  by  being  given  govern- 
ment contracts.  In  this  way  Parliament  became  a  willing 
tool  in  the  hands  of  the  King;  the  system  was  not  unlike 
the  one  which  existed  in  England  under  George  III  and 


I02     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

his  Minister,  Lord  North.  To  Guizot,  whose  mind  was  of 
the  rigid,  pedantic  type,  adherence  to  parlimentary  forms 
constituted  poHtical  Uberty;  consequently  he  was  exceed- 
ingly careful  to  observe  the  constitution  in  regard  to  the 
rights  of  the  legislature. 

Naturally  enough  this  system  encountered  great  opposi- 
tion. Sharp  demands  were  made  for  universal  suffrage,  di- 
Unpopular-  rect  election  of  Deputies,  and  ministerial  respon- 
Kmg^and  sibility.  To  all  of  these  Guizot  turned  a  deaf 
of  Guizot  ear.  The  tyranny  of  the  July  Monarchy  was 
all  the  more  resented  because  it  had  come  in  on  the  wave 
of  revolution;  moreover,  unlike  the  Bourbons  or  Imperial- 
ists, it  could  point  to  no  great  traditions  or  achievements 
with  which  to  arouse  enthusiasm.  Hypocrisy  was  the  stamp 
of  its  birth,  as  mediocrity  was  of  its  life.  The  common- 
place King  and  his  stilted,  pedantic  Minister  were  begin- 
ning to  bore  France,  always  a  fatal  thing  in  that  vivacious 
land.  What  made  the  Government  most  odious  was  its 
tendency  to  pursue  a  peace-at-any  price  policy  in  foreign 
affairs.  At  that  time  Mehemet  Ali,  Viceroy  of  Egypt  and  a 
vassal  of  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  rebelled  against  his  suzerain 
and  received  the  support  of  France.^  But  the  Sultan  was 
supported  by  England,  Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia,  who 
arranged  a  conference  in  London  (1840)  in  order  to  agree 
on  the  means  of  fighting  the  rebellious  viceroy.  France 
was  ignored.  This  aroused  a  warlike  sentiment  among  the 
French,  to  which  the  King  refused  to  respond  because  he 
feared  that  an  unsuccessful  war  might  lead  to  his  downfall. 
It  was  felt  by  many  that  Louis  Philippe  was  willing  to 
sacrifice  the  honor  of  his  country  for  his  own  safety. 

Opposition  to  the  Government  gathered  force  every 
year,  although  both  the  King  and  Guizot  failed  to  see  the 
Uprising  Strength  of  the  revolutionary  movement  which 
of  1848  ^^g  uniting  moderate  monarchists  and  extreme 

socialists  against  their  regime.  A  number  of  "reform  ban- 
quets" were  organized  to  promote  the  agitation.  On  Feb- 
ruary 22,  1848,  a  great  reform  banquet  was  to  be  held  in 

1  See  p.  404. 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN   FRANCE     103 

Paris,  but  a  government  order  forbade  It.  However,  on  the 
day  appointed  a  great  crowd,  composed  mainly  of  students 
and  worklngmen,  gathered  before  the  hall  to  protest  against 
this  order.  The  National  Guard  was  sent  to  disperse  the 
mob,  but,  Instead,  It  joined  the  rioters  with  shouts  of  "Long 
live  Reform!  Down  with  Gulzot!"  The  King,  frightened, 
promised  concessions.  Gulzot  resigned.  But  the  march  of 
events  was  swifter  than  the  tardy  concessions.  On  the  next 
morning  barricades  appeared  In  the  streets,  and  Paris  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  revolutionists,  who  proclaimed  a  repub- 
lic amid  shouts  of  "Long  live  Reform!"  A  mob  entered 
the  Tuilerles  palace  and  destroyed  the  throne,  and  then 
rushed  Into  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  with  cries  of  "  Down 
with  Royalty!"  Louis  Philippe  abdicated  and  fled  to  Eng- 
land. A  provisional  government,  composed  of  seven  Repub- 
licans and  three  Socialists,  was  then  organized. 

The  Second  Republic 

The  complete  success  of  the  February  Revolution  was  as 
much  a  surprise  to  the  victors  as  to  the  vanquished.    It  was 
the  work  largely  of  two  elements,  (i)  the  mill-  working- 
tant  Parisian  worklngmen  who  were  now  deter-  ^?^,^^'^, 

...      middle  class 

mmed  to  control  the  new  government  m  their  win  the 
own  interests,  and  (2)  the  Idealistic  Republicans  ^^^olution 
of  the  middle  class  whose  program,  when  they  had  one, 
consisted  of  demands  for  political,  religious,  and  educational 
reform.  Lamartlne,  poet,  essayist,  and  statesman,  was  the 
spokesman  of  these  "  Men  of  '48."  To  Louis  Blanc,  the 
leader  of  the  Socialists,  the  time  was  now  propitious  for  a 
social  revolution  which  was  to  establish  Liberty,  Fraternity, 
and  Equality  in  economic  as  well  as  in  political  matters. 

The  ease  with  which  the  July  Monarchy  was  overthrow:! 
stirred  the  hopes  of  the  socialists.    Events  moved  rapidly 
in  their  direction,  so  It  seemed.  Fearing  to  arouse  The  estab- 
the  Parisian  worklngmen,  the  Provisional  Gov-  ''national 
ernment  recognized  the  principle  of  the  "right  workshops" 
to  labor,"  namely,  that  the  State  owed  every  one  an  oppor- 
tunity to  gain  a  livelihood;  and  it  also  established  a  Labor 


104     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Commission  and  ordered  the  creation  of  the  "national  work- 
shops" demanded  by  Louis  Blanc  and  his  followers.  But  it 
was  not  at  all  the  intention  of  the  Provisional  Government 
to  favor  these  socialistic  experiments;  on  the  contrary,  it 
proposed  to  do  everything  possible  to  frustrate  them.  The 
recommendations  of  the  Labor  Commission  were  ignored, 
and  the  "national  workshops"  were  placed  in  charge  of  a 
man  avowedly  hostile  to  the  idea.  What  was  established 
was  a  caricature  of  Blanc's  plan.  Men  of  all  trades  were 
assuredly  given  "the  right  to  work"  —  building  fortifications 
at  a  wage  of  forty  cents  a  day.  In  spite  of  this  low  wage, 
however,  over  one  hundred  thousand  men  were  at  one 
time  at  work  on  the  fortifications,  for  there  was  great  dis- 
tress owing  to  general  unemployment. 

The  Provisional  Government  soon  gave  place  to  a  Consti- 
tutional Assembly  which  met  May  4,  1848.  Most  of  the 
The  "June  delegates  elected  to  this  body  were  moderate 
days"  republicans   and   bitterly  hostile   to   socialism. 

A  demand  made  by  Blanc  for  the  creation  of  a  Ministry  of 
Labor  was  refused.  The  Parisian  workingmen  soon  realized 
that  socialism  was  as  little  favored  by  the  republicans  as 
by  the  monarchists.  In  fact,  almost  the  first  act  of  the 
Assembly  was  to  abolish  the  "national  workshops  "  and  to 
discharge  the  laborers,  who  were  denounced  by  the  con- 
servatives as  "a  reserve  army  of  insurrection,  a  perpetual 
strike  supported  by  public  money."  Many  men  were  thus 
thrown  out  of  employment,  and  so  bitterness  was  added  to 
disappointment.  Once  more  the  barricades  went  up  in  the 
streets  of  Paris,  this  time  against  those  who  had  but  recently 
been  behind  them.  Street  fighting,  such  as  had  not  been 
seen  since  the  Reign  of  Terror,  took  place  during  the  famous 
"June  days"  (June  23-26,  1848),  between  the  workingmen 
under  the  red  flag,  the  emblem  of  socialism,  and  the  military. 
The  middle  classes,  now  thoroughly  alarmed,  took  a  terrible 
revenge.  General  Cavaignac  was  given  full  power  and  the 
uprising  was  ruthlessly  suppressed.  About  ten  thousand 
men  were  killed  or  wounded  and  many  were  deported  or 
imprisoned.   The  terrible  "June  days"  had  important  con- 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN   FRANCE    105 

sequences.  A  bitter  and  lasting  antagonism  arose  between 
the  bourgeoisie  and  the  working  classes.  The  latter  became 
more  or  less  indifferent  to  political  reforms,  no  matter  how 
radical;  and  the  former  became  hostile  to  government  by 
the  "  vile  mob,"  no  matter  how  idealistic  their  sentiments. 
Again,  there  took  place  a  consolidation  of  conservative  sen- 
timent among  all  property-owners,  great  and  small,  cap- 
italists, peasants,  and  shopkeepers  alike,  who  saw  in  the 
insurrection  of  the  workingmen  a  menace  to  their  prosper- 
ity, and  even  to  their  very  existence.  The  "June  days" 
were  to  exercise  a  decided  influence  on  the  downfall  of  the 
Second  Republic. 

The  Constitutional  Assembly  then  drew  up  a  constitution 
for  the  Republic.  A  parliament,  called  the  Legislative  As- 
sembly, was  provided  for,  to  consist  of  one  The  new 
house  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  members  constitution 
elected  by  universal  suffrage.  Full  executive  power  was 
given  to  a  president,  to  be  chosen  by  universal  suffrage  for 
a  term  of  four  years.  Complete  freedom  of  speech  and  of 
assembly  were  especially  guaranteed.  As  candidates  for  the 
Presidency  there  appeared  three  men:  General  Cavaignac, 
Republican,  Ledru-Rollin,  Socialist,  and  Louis  Napoleon 
Bonaparte.  The  last  was  a  son  of  Louis  Bonaparte,  brother  of 
the  great  Napoleon,  and  Hortense  Beauharnais,  the  daughter 
of  Empress  Josephine  by  her  first  husband;  hence  he  wasi 
related  to  the  great  Napoleon  by  the  ties  of  blood  and 
marriage. 

After  the  downfall  of  the  Empire,  Louis  Napoleon  had 
led  a  life  of  exciting  exile  in  many  lands.    In  Italy,  he  be- 
came a  member  of  the  secret  revolutionary  soci-  character 
ety  known  as  the  Carbonari;  in  England,  he  of  Louis 
became  a  special  constable  to  suppress  the  Char- 
tist rioters.    Throughout  his  life  he  was  obsessed  with  the 
idea  that  France  had  still  another  imperial  life  to  lead  and 
that  he,  the  sole  inheritor  of  the  great  Napoleonic  tradition, 
was  destined  to  revive  the  glories  of  the  First  Empire.    In 
1836   and  again   in   1840,  he  made  attempts  to  provoke 
an  uprising  in  the  French  army,  but  each  time  he  failed 


io6      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

miserably  and  was  imprisoned.  In  appearance  the  inheritor 
of  Napoleonic  traditions  was  peculiar:  his  body  was  long, 
but  his  legs  were  short ;  his  face  was  adorned  by  a  pointed 
moustache  and  by  an  "imperial,"  or  pointed  beard,  in  order, 
so  his  enemies  said,  to  hide  a  weak  chin.  Some  thought 
him  commonplace;  others,  crafty;  still  others,  dreamy;  all 
thought  him  insignificant  and  ridiculous.  But  the  revival 
of  a  great  emotion  gave  this  singular  man  his  opportunity. 
The  bourgeois  monarchy  of  Louis  Philippe  had  bored  the 
French,  who  harked  back  to  the  splendor  and  glory  of  the 
past  at  the  very  time  that  the  Napoleonic  "legend"  was 
in  the  process  of  formation. 

In  1840  the  remains  of  the  great  Emperor  were  brought 
from  St.  Helena  and  deposited  with  elaborate  ceremonies 
Th   Na  ^^  ^  magnificent  tomb.    Thiers,  who  was  a  his- 

leonic  torian   as  well    as   a   politician,    published   his 

^^^"  famous  work,  The   Consulate   and   the  Empire, 

which  was  a  glorification  of  the  Emperor's  life  and  deeds. 
Louis  Napoleon  himself  wrote  a  book  called  Napoleonic 
Ideas,  in  which  he  contended  that  his  famous  uncle  was  a 
true  servant  of  the  French  Revolution,  his  chief  aim  having 
been  to  establish  a  democratic  government,  but  that  he 
was  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the  tyrant  kings  of  Europe. 
For  this  reason  his  work  remained  unfinished.  "I  repre- 
sent before  you,"  declared  Louis  Napoleon  at  his  trial  for 
treason  in  1840,  "a  principle,  a  cause,  a  defeat.  The  prin- 
ciple is  the  sovereignty  of  the  people;  the  cause  is  that  of 
the  Empire;  the  defeat  is  Waterloo."  In  the  campaign  for 
the  Presidency  of  the  Second  Republic,  he  naturally  had  the 
advantage  of  a  great  name  and  a  great  tradition.  "  Why 
should  I  not  vote  for  this  gentleman?"  said  a  Napoleonic 
veteran,  "I,  whose  nose  was  frozen  at  Moscow?"  In  the 
election  that  followed,  Louis  Napoleon  received  about 
5,400,000  votes,  almost  three  times  as  many  as  both  of  his 
opponents  combined.  "My  duty  is  clear,"  announced  the 
Prince-President,  "  and  I  shall  fulfill  it  as  a  man  of  honor. 
I  shall  regard  as  enemies  of  the  country  all  those  who 
endeavor  to  change  by  illegal  means  that  which  France  has 
established."  How  he  fulfilled  his  "duty  "  we  shall  soon  see. 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN  FRANCE     107 

Overthrow  of  the  Second  Republic 

The  result  of  the  election  to  the  Legislative  Assembly  In 
1849  was  surprising.  It  was  overwhelmingly  monarchist, 
as  only  about  250  out  of  the  750  members  were  ^j^^  ^^^^_ 
Republicans,  either  moderate  or  socialist.  There  archist 
was  now  a  "republic  without  republicans."  Both  ^^*^"^  ^ 
the  President  and  the  Assembly  immediately  devoted  them- 
selves to  the  suppression  of  the  democratic  propaganda. 
Republican  journals  were  suppressed,  their  editors  jailed 
on  one  pretense  or  another,  and,  in  some  cases,  Republican 
representatives  were  deprived  of  their  seats.  The  Assembly 
proposed  also  to  "purify"  universal  suffrage.  In  1850  it 
passed  an  electoral  law  which  directly  disfranchised  mem- 
bers of  secret  societies  and  those  who  had  taken  part  in  the 
revolutionary  agitation;  and,  indirectly,  it  disfranchised 
many  workingmen  by  requiring  that  a  citizen,  in  order  to 
be  qualified  as  an  elector,  had  to  have  his  name  on  the  local 
tax  list  for  at  least  three  consecutive  years.  Few  working 
men  could  fulfill  these  qualifications. 

Having  thus  disposed  of  the  Republicans,  the  Prince- 
President  and  the  monarchist  Assembly  fell  to  quarreling 
with  each  other.   Their  rival  ambitions  clashed,  The  Presi- 
for  the  secret  desire  of  the  former  was  to  become  credits  the 
Emperor,  whereas  the  latter  wished  to  restore  Assembly 
either  the  Bourbon  or  the  Orleans  dynasty.  Louis  Napoleon 
demanded  the  repeal  of  the  provision  in  the  constitution 
which  made  the  President  Ineligible  for  a  second  term,  and 
the  Assembly  naturally  opposed  him.    Failing  in  this  he 
decided  to  discredit  that  body  by  demanding  the  repeal  of 
the  franchise  law  of   1850,  and  so  posing  as  a  champion 
of  universal  suffrage.     As  Commander-in-Chief  he  put  his 
friends  in  positions  of  command  In  the  army,  the  rank  and 
file  of  which  were  enthusiastic  over  the  idea  of  having  a 
Bonaparte  at  its  head. 

Everything  was  prepared  for  a  coup  d'etat,  or  the  over- 
throw of  the  Republic  by  a  military  conspiracy,  and  the 
jiay  chQsen  was  December  2,  1851,  the  anniversary  of  the 


io8   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Battle  of  Austerlitz.  One  morning  Paris  awoke  to  find 
The  coup  the  whole  city  placarded  with  announcements  by 
d'ciat  ^^Q  President  that  he  had  dissolved  the  Assembly 

and  had  ordered  the  reestablishment  of  universal  suffrage 
in  order  to  "save  the  country  and  the  Republic  from  harm." 
The  soldiers  forcibly  ejected  the  members  of  the  Assembly, 
arresting  all  who  opposed  them.  A  list  of  republicans  in 
all  parts  of  France  had  been  drawn  up,  and  over  twenty 
thousand  Frenchmen  were  imprisoned  or  exiled.  In  spite  of 
the  great  care  that  the  conspirators  exercised  in  preventing 
the  erection  of  barricades,  an  uprising  took  place  in  the 
streets  of  Paris,  but  the  soldiers  were  prepared,  and  the 
"massacre  of  the  boulevards"  followed,  in  which  many  were 
wounded  and  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  killed.  Louis 
Napoleon  was  now  virtual  master  of  France.  A  referendum, 
known  as  a  "plebiscite,"  was  then  ordered,  in  which  all 
citizens  were  asked  whether  they  approved  or  disapproved 
of  the  President's  action  and  of  the  new  constitution  which 
he  proposed.  By  a  vote  of  7,481,000  to  647,000,  France 
gave  her  seal  of  approval  to  the  coup  d'etat. 

This  new  constitution  provided  that  Louis  Napoleon 
should  serve  as  President  for  a  new  term  of  ten  years.  He 
The  new  was  to  have  full  executive  power  and  the  cabinet 
constitution  ^g^g  ^q  ]jq  responsible  to  him  only.  There  were  to 
be  three  legislative  bodies:  (i)  a  Council  of  State,  appointed 
by  the  President  to  prepare  all  the  laws ;  (2)  a  Corps  legis- 
latif,  elected  by  universal  suffrage  to  discuss  and  to  vote 
on  bills;  and  (3)  a  Senate,  appointed  by  the  President  for 
life,  to  which  was  given  the  somewhat  vague  function  of 
being  the  "guardian  of  the  fundamental  compact  and  of 
public  liberties."  This  scheme  was  merely  a  disguised  dic- 
tatorship, and  shortly  afterwards  (November  7,  1852)  Louis 
Napoleon  was  openly  proclaimed  by  the  Senate  Napoleon 
III,  Emperor  of  the  French.  This  action,  too,  was  ratified 
by  a  plebiscite.  There  was  now  a  second  Restoration,  this 
time  of  the  Napoleonic  dynasty  and  in  the  person  of  the 
fantastic  adventurer  and  poverty-stricken  exile  on  whom 
had  been  poured  so  much  ridicule  9.nd  contempt. 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN  FRANCE    109 

It  would  be  only  too  easy  to  ascribe  the  startling  change 
from  the  democratic  Republic  of  1848  to  the  autocratic 
Empire  of  1852  to  the  instability,  or  "frivolous-  Reasons 
ness,"  of  the  French.  But  this  would  hardly  do  ^ccepted"^^ 
justice  to  a  great  people  whose  influence  in  the  Napoleon 
world  has  been  most  profound.  There  are  more  worthy 
explanations.  In  the  first  place,  the  great  number  of  prop- 
erty-owners in  France,  the  peasants  and  the  middle  classes, 
had  become  badly  frightened  at  the  growth  of  revolutionary 
socialism  among  the  workingmen.  The  "June  days"  had 
inspired  a  fear  that  democracy  would  spell  socialism,  and 
that  this  might  mean  the  confiscation  of  private  property. 
"The  agitation,  set  on  foot  by  the  Liberals,"  declared  Jules 
Simon,  the  distinguished  French  statesman,  "resulted  in 
the  Republic  which  they  dreaded,  and  at  the  last  moment 
universal  suffrage,  set  on  foot  by  certain  Republicans,  re- 
sulted in  promoting  the  cause  of  socialism  which  they 
abhorred."  Louis  Napoleon  appeared  to  many  substantial 
persons  as  the  "savior  of  society,"  the  strong  man  who  would 
sternly  suppress  the  uprising  of  the  socialists  as  his  great 
uncle  had  suppressed  the  Jacobins,  with  a  "whiff  of  grape- 
shot."  In  the  second  place,  the  workingmen  themselves 
were  more  or  less  indifferent  to  the  coup  d'etat.  Since  the 
"June  days,"  they  had  come  to  regard  a  bourgeois  republic 
with  the  same  hatred  as  a  bourgeois  monarchy.  And  was 
not  Louis  Napoleon  in  favor  of  universal  suffrage,  which 
had  been  abolished  by  the  Assembly?  In  the  third  place, 
the  French  people  were  not  in  a  position  to  prevent  the 
change  to  autocracy,  even  had  they  been  willing  to  do  so, 
because  the  plebiscite  was  a  tricky  form  of  referendum. 
Instead  of  asking  the  people  whether  they  wished  to  make 
a  change,  Louis  Napoleon  first  made  the  change  and  then 
asked  for  approval.  It  was,  then,  a  choice  between  accept- 
ing the  new  government  or  nothing;  hence  there  was  no 
alternative  but  to  vote  approval.  Over  a  million  and  a  half 
electors  stayed  away  from  the  polls  rather  than  take  part 
in  this  farcical  referendum.  The  new  Emperor  combined 
with  a  dreamy  and    impulsively  generous    disposition   a 


no     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

cunning  that  was  almost  unfathomable  and  an  unscrupu- 
lousness  that  was  almost  unbelievable.  Finally,  Louis  Na- 
poleon with  his  romantic  history  and  great  tradition  made 
a  powerful  appeal  to  the  highly  imaginative  French.  They 
believed  that  under  his  rule  France  would  again  assume  a 
dominant  position  in  European  affairs;  and,  as  we  shall  see, 
they  were  not  mistaken. 

Romantic  Movement  in  French  Literature 

French  literature  during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth 
century  saw  the  rise  and  decline  of  the  Romantic  move- 
Reaction  nient.  The  Restoration  brought  in  its  train  a 
against  the  hatred  for  the  writings  of  the  eighteenth-century 
philosophers,  who  were  regarded  as  responsible 
for  the  French  Revolution.  In  contradistinction  to  the  latter, 
who  wrote  in  a  clear,  faultlessly  "classic"  style  about 
"  reason,"  the  writers  of  the  new  period,  influenced  partly 
by  Rousseau  and  partly  by  Chateaubriand,  threw  "reason" 
to  the  wind,  and  wrote  in  a  style  and  on  subjects  in  which 
emotion  and  imagination  had  free  play.  These  Romanti- 
cists, as  they  were  called,  preached  vehemently  against  the 
cold  rationalism  of  their  predecessors,  and  turned  for  inspi- 
ration to  the  fantastic  tales  and  marvelous  deeds  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  The  Romantic  movement  has  been  well  de- 
scribed as  the  "  renaissance  of  wonder,"  for  anything  that 
was  wonderful,  strange,  curious,  and  imaginative  made  a 
powerful  appeal  to  the  writers  of  this  new  school. 

The  movement  in  France  began  with  a  small  group  in 
Paris  calling  itself  the  Cenacle,  of  which  Victor  Hugo  was 
Romanti-  *^^  leading  spirit.  It  was  the  production  in  1830 
cists  versus  of  the  latter's  play,  Hernani,  a  grandiloquent 
melodrama  of  a  heroic  brigand,  which  started  a 
storm  of  applause  and  condemnation;  so  strong  was  the 
feeling  that  almost  every  performance  was  followed  by 
lively  scrimmages  between  the  "Romanticists"  and  the 
"Classicists."  The  battle  of  the  schools  raged  for  almost 
a  generation;  books,  pamphlets,  and  manifestoes  were  is- 
sued, defending  or  attacking  Romanticism. 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN   FRANCE     iii 

Victor  Hugo  (1802-85),  the  chief  protagonist  of  Roman- 
ticism, became  a  sort  of  literary  dictator  to  the  rising  gen- 
eration of  French  men-of-letters,  and  his  pop-  ... 

Victor  Hugo 

ularity  has  persisted  down  to  this  day,  not  only 
in  France,  but  throughout  the  world.  Gifted  with  an  extra- 
ordinary imagination,  he  wove  a  magic  web  over  everything 
that  he  wrote,  whether  poem,  drama,  novel,  history,  or  essay. 
"He  can  conjure  up  the  strangest  vision  of  fancy;  he  can 
evoke  the  glamour  and  the  mystery  of  the  past ;  he  can  sing 
with  exquisite  lightness  of  the  fugitive  beauties  of  Nature; 
he  can  pour  out,  in  tenderness  or  in  passion,  the  melodies 
of  love;  he  can  fill  his  lines  with  the  fire,  the  stress,  the  cul- 
minating fury,  of  prophetic  denunciation;  he  can  utter  the 
sad  and  secret  questionings  of  the  human  spirit  and  give 
voice  to  the  solemnity  of  Fate."  ^  Half-prophet,  half-jour- 
nalist, Hugo  had  both  a  wide  and  a  deep  influence  on 
his  generation,  whose  spokesman  he  regarded  himself.  His 
verbal  facility  was  amazing.  Words  poured  from  his  pen 
in  a  swift  and  steady  stream,  and  he  almost  exhausted  the 
resources  of  the  French  language  of  whose  treasures  he 
was  master.  Like  many  other  French  men-of-letters,  Hugo 
was  keenly  interested  in  public  affairs,  and  he  became  an 
eloquent  champion  of  democratic  principles.  For  denounc- 
ing the  coup  d'etat  of  Louis  Napoleon  he  was  driven  into 
exile,  where  he  wrote  bitter  invectives  against  the  Emperor 
whom  he  called  ''Napoleon  le  petite 

His  most  famous  novel  is  Les  Miserables,  a  prose  epic  of 
modern  society,  which  is  an  eloquent  indictment  of  inhu- 
mane social  conditions.  The  characters  that  appear  in  this 
book  constitute  a  wonderful  gallery  of  portraits  of  saints 
and  sinners,  whose  characters  and  ideals  are  depicted  in  a 
style  suffused  with  emotion  and  in  a  spirit  of  fervent  hu- 
manitarianism. 

Hugo's  chief  title  to  fame  is,  however,  as  a  poet.  The 
lyrical  quality  and  vivid  imagery  of  his  verse  is  unexcelled 
in  French  poetry.  The  collection  of  poems  called  Chdtiments 
is  a  lyrical  outburst  of  love  of  humanity  and  hatred  for 

^  G.  L.  Strachey,  Landmarks  in  French  Literature,  p.  215. 


112     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

tyranny.  In  his  Contemplations  other  qualities  are  shown, 
symbolic  and  even  mystic  brooding  over  religion,  love,  and 
destiny.^ 

The  chief  followers  of  Hugo  were  the  poets,  Alfred  de 
Vigny  (1797-1863)  and  Alfred  de  Musset  (1810-57)  and 
The  Roman-  ^^^  novelists,  Theophile  Gautier  (181 1-72)  and 
tic  poets  and  Alexandre  Dumas  (1803-70).  De  Vigny's  poetry 
is  at  times  idealistic  and  full  of  delicate  imagery ; 
at  other  times,  it  is  melancholy  to  the  point  of  pessimism. 
It  was  said  of  him  that  he  was  like  a  beautiful  angel  who 
had  drunk  of  vinegar.  Brilliant,  vivacious,  and  senti- 
mental was  Alfred  de  Musset,  the  "poet  of  love,"  whose 
poems  and  plays  have  a  high  place  in  French  literature. 
His  most  famous  work  is  Les  Nuits,  a  series  of  philosophic 
poems  in  the  form  of  dialogues.  Theophile  Gautier,  novel- 
ist, essayist,  and  poet,  was  an  ardent  Romanticist,  whose 
sensational  appearance  at  the  first  performance  of  Hernani, 
with  his  long  hair  disheveled  and  his  person  adorned  with  a 
flaming  red  waistcoat,  aroused  much  hilarity.  Master  of 
a  style  which  was  almost  flawless  in  its  perfection,  his  themes 
are  often  trivial  and,  according  to  some  critics,  his  work 
is  lacking  in  ideas.  The  best-known  Romantic  novelist  of 
the  day,  next  to  Victor  Hugo,  was  Alexandre  Dumas,  whose 
tales  have  been  described  as  "cloak-and-sword"  romances 
because  they  deal  with  daring  adventures,  wicked  conspira- 
cies, and  romantic  loves.  Dumas  is  the  great  favorite  among 
boys,  few  of  whom  have  not  read  his  famous  novels,  the 
Three  Musketeers  and  the  Count  of  Monte  Cristo. 

The  chief  contribution  of  the  Romantic  movement  to 
French  literature  was  a  revival  of  lyric  poetry,  particu- 
Romanti-  larly  in  the  work  of  Hugo,  whose  enduring  fame 
cists  become  rests  on  his  greatness,  not  as  a  novelist,  but 
as  a  lyric  poet.  It  also  created  a  new  type  of 
prose  which  profoundly  influenced  later  French  literature. 
In  politics,  unlike  the  German  Romanticists,  who  became 
reactionaries,  the  French  Romanticists  became  radical 
democrats,  "contemners  of  kings  and  laws,"  despite  their 

^  For  further  account  of  Hugo,  see  p.  165. 


DEMOCRACY  AND   REACTION   IN   FRANCE    113 

love  for  the  Middle  Ages.  Hugo  and  his  disciples  were  too 
close  to  the  great  Revolution,  and  too  much  inspired  by  its 
ideals,  to  welcome  the  return  of  medievalism ;  what  they  did 
was  to  fuse  the  themes  of  the  Middle  Ages  with  the  spirit 
of  the  French  Revolution. 

Alphonse  Prat  de  Lamartine  (i  790-1 869)  is  the  unique 
example  >of  a  poet  turned  statesman.  Lamartine  was  a 
philosphic  poet,  and  might  be  described  as  the 
French  Wordsworth.  His  volume  of  Medita- 
tions consists  of  philosophic  elegies  written  in  a  beautiful, 
melodious  style  on  such  themes  as  Religion,  Love,  and  Na- 
ture. His  famous  History  of  the  Girondins  is  less  a  history 
than  an  eloquent  tribute  to  the  ideas  of  the  Girondins  of 
the  French  Revolution,  whom  he  greatly  admired.  Lamar- 
tine was  a  sincere  lover  of  freedom,  and  he  threw  himself 
into  the  revolutionary  movement  of  1848  with  ardor,  hop- 
ing to  establish  true  democracy  on  the  ruins  of  the  bourgeois 
monarchy.  He  proved  himself  a  remarkable  orator,  and 
becoming  a  popular  idol,  he  was  elected  President  of  the 
Constituent  Assembly.  But  his  popularity  was  short-lived, 
as  both  socialists  and  monarchists  opposed  him  and  he  was 
compelled  to  retire  from  politics. 

Aurore  Dupin  (1804-76),  better  known  by  her  pseu- 
donym, "George  Sand,"  is  the  representative  of  the  Idealist 
school  In  French  literature.  Her  novels  of  coun-   ^         ^     , 

,.r  .  .  ,  n        •  11  George  Sand 

try  hie,  written  m  a  clear,  rlowmg  style,  have 
an  idyllic  charm  which  has  endeared  her  to  thousands  of 
readers.  She  effected  something  like  a  revolution  in  litera- 
ture by  introducing  peasants  and  common  laborers  as  heroes. 
Later  in  life  she  became  a  warm  advocate  of  the  rights  of 
women  and  of  workingmen,  and  an  ardent  adherent  of 
Utopian  socialism. 

In  the  novels  of  Honore  Balzac  (i  799-1 850)  the  prob- 
lems of  the  middle  classes  for  the  first  time  become  the 
leading  themes  in  literature.    His  famous  Come-  „  , 

J-       TT  ■  •  1-11  r  Balzac 

die   Humatne,    m   which   about   five    thousand 
characters  pass  and  repass   through  a   series  of  one  hun- 
dred novels,  constitutes  a  veritable  storehouse  of  "human 


114     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

documents"  illustrating  the  social  life  of  France  during  the 
first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  virtues  and  vices 
of  the  middle  classes  are  analyzed  and  portrayed  with 
wonderful  power  and  insight  in  this  bourgeois  epic,  in  which 
money,  not  love  or  war,  is  the  theme,  the  moral,  and  the 
tale.  Balzac's  attitude  toward  human  beings  is  almost  that 
of  a  naturalist  toward  animals;  he  analyzes  them  as  ob- 
jectively, classifies  them  as  emotionlessly,  and  judges  them 
as  dispassionately.  He  loves  to  ferret  out  the  hidden 
motives  for  human  action,  and  to  expose  mercilessly  the 
secret  springs  and  hidden  trapdoors  of  society.  In  the 
opinion  of  many  literary  critics  Balzac  is  the  greatest  of 
all  the  French  novelists.^ 

*  His  chief  novels  are  Eugenie  Grandet,  Le  Pkre  Goriot,  Le  Cousin  Pons,  La 
Cousine  Bette,  and  Grandeur  et  Decadence  de  Cesar  Birotteau. 


CHAPTER  VII 

CENTRAL  EUROPE 
1815-50 

Introduction 

Since  the  dissolution  of  the  ancient  Roman  Empire  two 
great  problems  have  constantly  confronted  the  Western, 
European   people,  nationalism  and  democracy.  Problem  of 
Throughout  the  chaos  of  the  feudal  period  a  nationalism 

.         ,  .  1111-  solved  by 

national  consciousness  was  slowly  developing  France  and 
in  France  and  England  which  found  expression  ^"sland 
in  the  growing  power  of  the  king;  and  by  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  century  the  feudal  barons,  who  had  been  prac- 
tically independent  monarchs  in  their  own  domains,  were 
forced  to  give  up  their  political  independence  and  become 
courtiers  or  servants  of  the  king.  Furthermore,  as  a  result 
of  the  Protestant  Revolution,  the  Church  was  shorn  of  most 
of  her  secular  authority  and  was  also  reduced  to  a  position  of 
subservience  to  the  king,  who  was  thereupon  acknowledged 
by  all  his  subjects  as  their  supreme  ruler.  By  the  seven- 
teenth century  France  and  England  had  solved  one  prob- 
lem, nationalism,  which  grew  stronger  as  the  people  became 
more  homogeneous,  the  laws  more  uniform,  and  the  lan- 
guage and  culture  more  common. 

It  was  quite  otherwise  in  Germany.  By  a  curious  irony 
of  circumstances  those  forces  w^hich  made  for  nationalism 
in  France  and  England  produced  the  opposite  Not  solved 
effect  in  Germany.  During  the  Middle  Ages  the  ^^  Germany 
Holy  Roman  Emperor,  who  claimed  absolute  dominion, 
not  only  over  Germany,  but  over  Italy  as  well,  was  unable 
to  enforce  his  authority  over  the  feudal  barons  and  the 
independent  towns  that  often  rebelled  against  him.  The 
great  struggle  between  the  Papacy  and  the  Empire  re- 
sulted in  the  triumph  of  the  former  and  in  the  consequent 


ii6     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

weakening  of  the  latter.  Moreover,  the  Imperial  Crown 
was  elective,  not  hereditary;  hence  those  great  lords  known 
as  the  "Electors,"  who  controlled  the  election  of  the  Em- 
peror, were  in  a  position  to  bargain  with  prospective  candi- 
dates for  their  own  advantage  at  the  expense  of  the  mon- 
archy and  therefore  of  the  nation.  Instead  of  gradually 
increasing  and  consolidating  his  authority  by  reducing  the 
feudal  barons  to  submission,  the  Emperor  gradually  lost 
much  of  his  power  and  became  a  figurehead,  for  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire  was  but  a  shadowy  union,  "neither  Holy 
nor  Roman  nor  an  Empire,"  in  Voltaire's  witty  descrip- 
tion. The  Protestant  Revolution  had  a  disastrous  effect  on 
German  national  unity.  As  Germany  was  the  battleground 
between  the  contending  parties,  she  found  herself  in  a  state 
of  almost  complete  ruin  at  the  end  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War. 
The  result  being  a  victory  for  the  Protestants,  the  Emperor, 
who  had  championed  the  cause  of  Catholicism,  lost  what- 
ever little  power  and  prestige  he  had  had,  and  Germany 
was  now  more  disrupted  than  ever  before. 

A  map  of  Germany  during  the  eighteenth  century  had 
the  appearance  of  a  crazy-quilt.  There  were  fully  three 
The  "Ger-  hundred  independent  states,  the  "Germanics" 
manies"  ^g  ^j^gy  were  then  called  by  the  French,  varying 
in  size  from  a  large  kingdom  like  Prussia  to  a  tiny  territory 
of  a  knight  of  the  Empire,  each  with  its  own  flag,  system  of 
government,  tariff,  and  army.  More  confusing  still  was  the 
fact  that  some  states  lay  wholly  or  partly  within  the  bound- 
aries of  other  states  like  scattered  strips  on  a  medieval  farm. 
Among  the  Germans  of  that  day  love  for  the  Fatherland 
did  not  exist ;  there  was  none  to  love.  Those  who  emigrated 
from  Germany  to  other  lands  readily  became  assimilated 
with  other  nationalities  and  quickly  forgot  their  native 
language  and  customs.  At  home  the  Germans  were  apt  to 
be  narrow  and  provincial,  cherishing  a  strongly  developed 
Heine's  de-  Spirit  of  "particularism,"  or  love  of  their  state, 
scription  of  and  an  affectionate  regard  for  their  princes. 
This  is  humorously  described  by  the  poet,  Hein- 
rich  Heine,  in  the  following  manner: 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  117 

"Our  Elector  was  a  fine  gentleman,  a  great  lover  of  the 
arts,  and  himself  very  clever  with  his  fingers.  He  founded 
the  picture  gallery  at  Dusseldorf,  and  in  the  Observatory 
in  that  city  they  still  show  a  very  artistic  set  of  wooden 
boxes,  one  inside  the  other,  made  by  himself  in  his  leisure 
hours,  of  which  he  had  twenty-four  every  day. 

*'  In  those  days  the  princes  were  not  overworked  mortals 
as  they  are  to-day.  Their  crowns  sat  very  firmly  on  their 
heads,  and  at  night  they  just  drew  their  nightcaps  over 
them,  and  slept  in  peace,  while  peacefully  at  their  feet 
slept  their  peoples ;  and  when  these  woke  up  in  the  morning 
they  said,  'Good-morning,  Father,'  and  the  princes  replied, 
'Good-morning,  dear  children.'" 

It  was  no  wonder,  then,  that  Napoleon  found  it  easy  to 
conquer  a  people  who  were  so  lacking  in  national  senti- 
ment and  so  divided  among  themselves.  The  Napoleon's 
great  consolidation  of  the  German  states  effected  consolidation 
by  the  French  Emperor  in  1803-06  was  a  step  of  inestim- 
able importance  in  the  process  of  unifying  Germany,  as  it 
gave  the  necessary  basis  for  the  work  of  Bismarck  in  1870. 

The  other  problem,  democracy,  was  also  solved,  at  least 
partially,     by    England    and    France.     Parliaments    were 
originally  created  by  the  kings  in  order  to  get  Problem  of 
more   taxes  from  the  burghers  of   the  towns,  democracy 

°  solved  by 

But  an  institution  created  for  one  purpose  England  and 
was  made  to  serv^e  quite  another  in  England,  F''^"^^ 
where  Parliament,  through  possessing  the  power  of  the 
purse,  was  able  to  wring  concessions  from  the  king.  The 
struggle  between  Parliament  and  the  Stuarts,  the  Crom- 
wellian  Rebellion,  and  the  Revolution  of  1689  resulted  in 
establishing  the  supremacy  of  the  legislature  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  England;  later,  even  the  executive  functions  of 
the  king  were  taken  over  by  the  Cabinet,  which  was  made 
responsible  to  Parliament.  Consequently,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  England  had  the  machinery  of 
a  democratic  state;  all  that  she  needed  in  order  to  become 
a  complete  democracy  was  to  reform  and  to  broaden  her 
electoral  system,  France,  too,  had  partially  solved  the  prob- 


ii8     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

lem  of  democracy.  Although  she  had  remained  an  autocracy 
down  to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  French 
Revolution  accomplished  in  one  decade  what  it  had  taken 
England  centuries  to  achieve.  The  restoration  of  absolutism 
by.  Napoleon  and  later  by  the  Bourbons  lasted  only  till 
the  Revolution  of  1830,  which  established  constitutional 
government.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
France  was  on  her  way  toward  becoming  a  democratic 
state. 

Germany,  possessing  neither  the  English  tradition  of  lib- 
erty, "broadening  down  from  precedent  to  precedent,"  nor 
Not  solved  the  revolutionary  impulses  of  France,  entered 
by  Germany  ^j^g  nineteenth  century  a  naked  absolutism,  un- 
checked by  representative  institutions  and  unquestioned 
by  the  mass  of  the  people.  It  has  been  the  history  of  almost 
every  country  in  Europe  that  the  solidarity  of  the  people 
has  always  preceded  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  for 
modern  democracy  cannot  take  root  except  in  the  rich  and 
fertile  soil  of  nationalism.  A  people  divided  in  their  alle- 
giance, as  were  the  Germans,  meant  a  people  divided  in 
their  energies.  They  exhausted  themselves  in  fratricidal 
strife  and  petty  quarrels,  with  the  result  that  they  had  no 
energy  left  to  struggle  for  democracy.  The  narrow  atmos- 
phere of  the  little  "Germanics"  cramped  their  souls  and 
starved  their  national  spirit.  In  despair  they  took  to  phil- 
osophy. For  in  the  wide  realm  of  metaphysics  the  German 
spirit  could  soar  freely  and  majestically,  knowing  neither 
the  constraint  of  boundaries  nor  the  repression  of  despots. 
It  was  then  a  common  jest  that  whereas  France  ruled  the 
land  and  England  the  sea,  Germany  ruled  the  clouds. 
Many  Germans  affected  to  despise  the  nationalism  to 
which  they  could  not  attain,  and  they  became  cosmopoli- 
tans, calling  themselves  "citizens  of  the  world."  "The 
love  of  country,"  declared  the  dramatist,  Lessing,  "  is  a 
sentiment  which  I  do  not  understand.  It  is,  as  it  seems 
to  me,  at  best  a  heroic  infirmity  which  I  am  most  happy 
in  not  sharing." 


jKuxhaven 


"haven    TPvf     ^^^5 1— iiti?t  '-ik 


-cXauenbnrBt..-         „r,HWEItrv.     _,    i,.     ■*'A.J 


O  7"  o 


Luneburg 
(l 866) 


'**^"a^3^'^*V*'I 


'■-.  i>-j 


'?  ,~,'?J'Klotze 


•;Jriii^' 


Spamlauj' 
HaiioveA      ^7\\      •'  '■  (U16)/  \Potsd,a)ii/'4'. 

"^fr^^a.;^"' viil48)  iPKjS^i 


EXPANSION 

OF 

PRUSSIA 

I         I  Prussia,  1815 

I         1 1815  Newly  acquired  Territory 

S  Acquisitions  u*itil  1S61 
Acquisitions  of  William  I1S61-8 
I         I  Acquisitions  of  William  11 


fu  Greenwich 


18° 


CENTRAL   EUROPE  119 

Prussia 

The  rise  of  Prussia  to  the  leadership  of  the  German  peo- 
ple is  one  of  the  most  important  events  in  the  history  of 
modern  Europe.  Early  in  the  fifteenth  century  Expansion 
the  Electorate  of  Brandenburg,  one  of  the  of  Prussia 
smaller  states  in  the  Empire,  came  under  the  rule  of  the 
Hohenzollern  family,  hitherto  scarcely  known  in  Germany. 
Ambition  to  extend  their  domains  has  been  the  most 
conspicuous  trait  of  this  dynasty;  its  proud  boast  is  that 
a  Hohenzollern  always  leaves  his  country  larger  than  he 
finds  it.  The  first  great  annexation  was  the  Duchy  of 
Prussia,  which  was  acquired  by  the  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg in  1 61 8  through  inheritance  from  a  younger  branch 
of  the  family  that  ruled  there.  By  shrewd  diplomacy  the 
Great  Elector,  Frederick  William,  managed  to  secure  large 
additions  of  territory  at  the  Treaty  of  Westphalia  in  1648. 
Brandenburg  was  soon  important  enough  to  be  classed  as 
a  kingdom;  and  in  1701  the  Elector  Frederick  III  was 
created  King  of  Prussia  under  the  title  of  Frederick  I. 
The  most  remarkable  of  the  Hohenzollerns  was  Frederick 
II,  the  Great,  who  managed  by  his  wonderful  military  and 
diplomatic  abilities  almost  to  double  the  size  of  his  do- 
mains. He  conquered  Silesia  from  the  Austrians  and  West 
Prussia  from  the  Poles  and  obtained  a  part  of  Poland  as  a 
result  of  the  first  partition.  His  successor,  Frederick  Wil- 
liam II,  got  large  additions  of  territory  as  a  result  of  the 
later  partitions  of  Poland.  By  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century  Prussia  had  risen  to  be  one  of  the  Great  Powers 
of  Europe  and  a  rival  to  Austria  for  the  leadership  of  the 
German  people. 

The  steady  growth  of  Prussia  was  interrupted  by  the 
Napoleonic  wars.   After  the  crushing  defeat  at  Jena,   in 
1806,    Prussia   as   an   independent   nation  was  Prussia 
almost  annihilated.    Half  of  her  territory  was  ^rushed  by 

,  ,        ,  .        1  1  .  Napoleon 

taken  away,   and  what  remamed  was  subject 

to  French  domination.    Prussia  would  have  been  entirely 

dismembered  by  Napoleon  had  not  the  Tsar  interfered  in 


I20     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

her  behalf.  After  centuries  of  aggrandizement  Prussia  had 
reached  the  pinnacle  of  power  only  to  collapse  at  the  touch 
of  Napoleon. 

There  then  began  a  great  heart-searching  among  the  rul- 
ing classes  of  the  nation.  What  was  the  real  cause  of  her 
Regeneration  great  humiliation  and  defeat?  They  came  to  the 
of  Prussia  conclusion  that  the  Prussian  armies  were  de- 
feated because  the  Prussian  people  lacked  a  national 
consciousness,  due  to  their  being  divided  by  caste  and  re- 
stricted by  tyrannical  laws.  Under  the  leadership  of  two 
remarkable  statesmen,  Stein  and  Hardenberg,  the  regen- 
eration of  Prussia  was  begun.  Serfdom  was  abolished  and 
fully  two  thirds  of  the  entire  population  were  liberated. 
A  great  blow  was  struck  at  the  feudal  caste  system  by  re- 
moving class  and  property  distinctions  in  the  legal  code. 
The  entire  administration,  both  local  and  national,  was 
reformed  and  made  the  basis  of  the  wonderfully  efficient 
German  governmental  system  of  to-day.  The  army  was 
reorganized  by  Scharnhorst  on  the  basis  of  universal  mili- 
tary service.  All  these  far-reaching  reforms  were  accom- 
plished, not  as  a  result  of  revolution  from  below  or  even 
because  of  threats  of  rebellion,  but  by  edicts  of  King  Fred- 
erick William  III.  The  regeneration  of  Prussia  has  been 
variously  described  as  a  "revolution  from  above"  and  as  a 
"royal  night  of  August  4."  ^  The  effect  of  these  reforms 
was  immediately  seen  in  the  enthusiastic  national  revival 
known  as  the  Liberation  Movement,  which  helped  to 
overthrow  Napoleon  and  brought  about  Prussia's  recovery. 

The  German  Confederation 
As  we  have  already  seen,^  the  consolidations  effected 
Germany  in  Germany  by  Napoleon  were  left  practi- 
b°Mie'con-  cally  undisturbed  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna, 
federation  To  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  succeeded  the  Ger- 
man  Confederation,  which   was    pledged   to    "the   main- 

1  This  expression  is  used  to  denote  the  abolition  of  feudalism  by  royal  edict 
as  opposed  to  the  revolutionary  method  employed  by  the  French.    See  p.  9. 

2  See  p.  18. 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  121 

tenance  of  external  and  Internal  security  and  the  Independ- 
ence and  integrity  of  the  Individual  states."  But  this  new 
union  united  Germany  no  more  than  did  the  old  one,  as 
it,  too,  was  "bound  together  by  a  spider's  web."  The  Con- 
federation was  an  exceedingly  loose  union  of  sovereign 
states,  which  possessed  no  common  executive  and  no 
common  judiciary,  but  only  a  common  legislature,  the 
Bundestag,  or  Diet,  which  met  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main 
under  the  presidency  of  Austria.  The  Diet  was  really  a  con- 
gress of  ambassadors,  as  the  members  were  all  appointed 
by  the  local  sovereigns  and  were  subject  to  their  instruc- 
tions on  all  matters  before  that  body;  hence  Its  powers 
were  limited  by  the  wishes  of  the  German  princes.  More- 
over, no  important  measure  could  pass  the  Diet  without  a 
unanimous  vote,  and  It  was  therefore  almost  impossible  to 
get  anything  done.  In  many  respects  the  German  Confed- 
eration resembled  the  loose  union  of  the  thirteen  Ameri- 
can States  under  the  Articles  of  Confederation  just  prior 
to  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  All  It  accom- 
plished was  to  stimulate  the  desire  for  a  "more  perfect 
union."  The  Frankfort  Diet  was  ridiculed  all  over  Ger- 
many as  a  "center  of  Inertia,"  for  the  delegates  spent  most 
of  their  time  debating  Inconsequential  matters  or  quarrel- 
ing over  their  relative  dignity  of  rank. 

In  nearly  every  state  of  the  Confederation,  the  govern- 
ment was  an  absolute  monarchy.  The  title  of  the  mon- 
arch varied  according  to  the  size  of  his  state:  Government 
in  the  large  ones,  like  Prussia  and  Bavaria,  It  °^  ^^^  states 
was  king;  In  the  smaller  ones,  like  Baden  and  Hesse,  grand 
duke;  In  the  still  smaller  ones,  like  Brunswick  and  Saxe- 
Melnlngen,  duke;  and  in  the  smallest,  like  Waldeck  and 
LIppe,  prince.  In  some  of  the  states  there  existed  aristo- 
cratic bodies  known  as  the  Landstdnde,  or  assemblies  of  the 
estates.  In  which  were  represented  the  various  classes, 
nobles,  burghers,  and  peasants,  as  In  the  Middle  Ages.  In 
some  of  the  southern  states,  like  Bavaria,  Baden,  and 
Wiirttemberg,  the  monarchs  had  granted  moderate  consti- 
tutions establishing  parliaments  elected  on  a  property  basis 


122     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

and  having  very  limited  powers.  In  general,  constitutions 
and  parliaments  were  regarded  as  revolutionary  innova- 
tions to  be  resisted  at  all  costs. 

The  Confederation  became  the  field  for  a  kind  of  inter- 
national German  diplomacy.  The  "great  Powers"  were 
„  ,  ^.  Austria  and  Prussia;  in  the  second  rank  were 

Relations 

between  Bavaria,  Saxony,  and  Wiirttemberg ;  the  rest  were 

e  s  a  es  ^j^^  "minor  Powers."  The  Germans  exhausted 
their  diplomatic  genius  on  themselves,  as  the  various  states 
formed  alliances  and  counter-alliances  with  one  another  and 
against  one  another;  nothing  delighted  the  German  princes 
so  much  as  this  game  of  diplomatic  intrigue  which  they 
practiced  to  their  hearts'  content. 

Prussia  in  time  challenged  Austria  for  the  leadership  of 
the  German  people,  and  the  Frankfort  Diet  often  became 
Advantages  the  scene  of  rivalry  between  these  two  states, 
of  Prussia  Prussia  had  the  advantage  of  condition,  Austria, 
of  prestige.  Excepting  the  Poles  in  the  east,  the  popula- 
tion of  Prussia  was  entirely  German;  her  efficient  bu- 
reaucracy, her  strong  army,  her  patriotic  kings,  and  par- 
ticularly her  leadership  of  the  German  people  in  the  struggle 
against  Napoleon,  convinced  all  those  who  were  dreaming 
of  unity  that  Prussia  alone  could  become  the  effective 
leader  of  a  united  German  people.  All  that  was  necessary 
was  to  persuade  the  Hohenzollerns  to  pursue  a  German 
rather  than  a  distinctly  Prussian  policy. 

Austria  was  not  a  nation,  but  a  "monarchical  machine." 
The  House  of  Hapsburg  was  the  only  bond  of  union  among 
Disadvan-  ^  conglomeration  of  nations,  or  surviving  rem- 
tages  of  nants  of  former  nations,  mainly  Slavic  and  Hun- 

garian, who  regarded  German  nationalism  with 
indifference  if  not  with  distrust.  Only  about  one  fifth  of  the 
population  in  the  Hapsburg  dominions  were  of  German 
origin  and  speech ;  so  in  spite  of  the  great  prestige  of  Aus- 
tria, whose  supremacy  in  Germany  had  been  recognized  for 
centuries,  it  was  felt  that  she  was  too  non-German  and  too 
inefficient  to  become  the  leader  in  the  movement  for 
unity. 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  123 

The  Austrian  Government  had  just  one  policy,  namely, 
to  maintain  the  status  quo  at  all  costs.   Even  its  apologists 
declared  that  the  country  was  like  a  rickety  old  £^,ii  effects 
building  which  would  fall  to  pieces  the  moment  of  the  Met- 

1  .       .         rr^,        ternich 

any  attempts  were  made  to  repair  it.  The  system  in 
French  Revolution,  which  had  directly  modern-  ■^"^'^"^ 
ized  Western  Germany  and  which  had  indirectly  led  to  the 
regeneration  of  Prussia,  exerted  little  if  any  influence  in 
Austria,  where  the  old  regime,  with  its  absolutism  in  gov- 
ernment, inequality  in  law,  and  intolerance  in  religion 
was  still  intact;  the  Austrian  peasants  were  still  semi- 
serfs,  paying  dues  and  ser\'ice  to  the  lords.  There,  Met- 
ternich  reigned  as  undisputed  master  and  infallible  guide. 
Through  his  influence  a  system  of  intellectual  repression 
was  instituted  which  became  notorious  as  the  "Metternich 
system."  A  harsh  censorship  was  established  over  jour- 
nals, books,  plays,  and  schools.  Spies  were  introduced 
into  the  university  classrooms,  who  took  notes  at  the  lec- 
tures delivered  by  the  professors  and  reported  any  utter- 
ances unfavorable  to  the  Government.  Librarians  had  to 
report  the  kind  of  books  borrowed  by  liberal  minded  per- 
sons. The  sale  of  books  expressing  liberal  views,  even  of 
the  most  moderate  kind,  was  forbidden.  Most  of  the 
schools  were  placed  under  the  control  of  the  Catholic  clergy, 
and  students  were  compelled  to  go  to  mass  on  pain  of  dis- 
missal. Prevention  was  the  sum  total  of  the  "Metter- 
nich system,"  which  lay  like  a  dead  weight  on  the  people 
for  an  entire  generation. 

Young  Germany 

During  the  generation  from  18 15  to  1848  the  political 
life  of  Germany  was  drawn  into  two  powerful  currents: 
one,  toward  democracy,  or  the  establishment  of  National 
constitutional  government  in  each  of  the  states;  cmic'^'"°' 
and  the  other,  toward  nationalism,  or  the  more  currents 
perfect  union  of  the  various  states  into  a  German  nation. 
Sometimes  these  currents  flowed  parallel  with  each  other 
and  sometimes  in  opposite  directions,  but  generally  they 


124     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

united  to  form  one  mighty  stream  in  the  political  life  of 
the  German  people.  Nationalism  and  democracy  were 
twin  spirits  animating  nineteenth-century  Europe;  one 
was  incomplete  without  the  other,  for  both  were  the 
deadly  enemies  of  absolute  monarchy,  which  aimed  to 
keep  the  people  divided  into  hostile  groups  in  order  to 
prevent  its  authority  from  being  undermined.  A  united 
German  people,  passionately  devoted  to  the  Fatherland 
and  not  to  the  various  princes,  would  inevitably  mean  a 
lessening  of  the  latter's  power;  hence  the  rulers  were  as 
bitterly  opposed  to  union  as  they  were  to  liberty. 

For  centuries  the  spirit  of  nationalism  had  hovered  over 
the  German  people,  but  at  no  time  did  the  dream  of  a 
The  princes  united  country  seem  harder  of  realization  than 
oppose  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.    The 

nationalism      t-  i      t->         i    ,  •  i    .1 

l^rench  Revolution  was  now  over,  and  the  re- 
stored despots,  full  of  hatred  for  its  principles,  determined 
to  crush  any  attempt  to  lessen  their  autocratic  power  and 
influence.  However,  the  popular  uprising  in  Germany 
against  Napoleon  had  left  an  indelible  memory  of  the 
might  of  an  aroused  people  which  boded  ill  for  the  princes, 
who  were  determined  to  do  their  utmost  to  suppress  the 
popular  sentiment  which  had  been  so  useful  to  them  when 
their  thrones  were  in  danger. 

It  was  among  the  rising  generation  that  the  movement 
for  liberty  and  union  began.  Young  Germany  was  swayed 
Rising  gen-  ^^^^  ^Y  indent  memories  than  by  the  events 
eration  longs  of  the  immediate  past,  the  French  Revolution 

for  freedom  1      1       t  -i  •         ■»  t  r      o  rr^i 

and  the  Liberation  Movement  of  1813.  ihese 
young  men  of  the  early  nineteenth  century  felt  their  souls 
cramped  and  minds  warped  in  the  petty,  autocratic  "  Ger- 
manies";  therefore,  they  most  ardently  longed  for  a  freer 
government  in  order  to  have  "space  in  which  a  free  spirit 
might  find  room  to  soar." 

In  the  universities  societies  were  organized  by  the  stu- 
The  Bur-  dents  and  teachers,  which  became  known  as 
schenschaften  ^}^g  Burschenschaften,  or  brotherhoods  of  young 
men  whose  motto  was  "Honor,  Liberty,  Fatherland!"  This 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  125 

movement  originated  at  the  University  of  Jena  under  the 
influence  of  Jahn  and  Arndt,  who  had  been  prominent  in 
arousing  Germany  against  Napoleon;  and,  in  a  short  time, 
sixteen  societies  were  estabhshed  in  various  German  uni- 
versities. Any  German  student  of  whatever  state  was  per- 
mitted to  join  the  Burscheyischaften,  which  were  founded 
on  a  national  basis  in  opposition  to  those  student  societies 
that  were  organized  according  to  the  states  from  which  the 
members  came.  It  was  the  object  of  this  new  student  move- 
ment to  agitate  for  German  unity  and  freedom;  and  they 
adopted  a  flag  of  red,  black,  and  gold,  which  were  sup- 
posedly the  colors  of  the  volunteers  during  the  War  of 
Liberation.  Now  a  new  war  of  liberation  was  begun,  this 
time  against  the  tyrant  princes  at  home. 

The  students  determined  to  arouse  the  German  people 
by  holding  a  patriotic  national  festival.  Accordingly,  on 
October  18,  181 7,  the  jubilee  year  of  the  Prot-  The  Wart- 
estant  Revolution  and  the  fourth  anniversary  burg  Festival 
of  the  Battle  of  Leipzig,  a  great  student  celebration  took 
place  at  the  Castle  of  Wartburg,  famous  in  the  history  of 
early  Protestantism.  Patriotic  addresses  were  made,  and 
the  students  partook  of  the  Lord's  Supper  to  solemnize  their 
holy  resolve  to  strive  for  a  united  Fatherland.  The  closing 
of  the  festival  was  marked  by  a  hilarious  meeting  around 
a  bonfire  where,  in  imitation  of  Luther's  burning  of  the 
Papal  Bull,  the  young  patriots  consigned  to  the  flames 
certain  reactionary  books,  as  well  as  a  corporal's  baton 
and  an  officer's  wig  and  corset,  the  symbols  of  military 
tyranny. 

The  Wartburg  Festival  caused  consternation  among  the 
princes,  who  feared  that  a  revolution  was  brewing.  They 
were  thoroughly  enraged  when  Kotzebue,  a  Rage  of 
reactionary  journalist  known  to  be  a  spy  in  the  ^^^  pnnces 
secret  pay  of  the  Tsar  of  Russia,  was  assassinated  by  a 
student  patriot.  The  universities  were  denounced  as 
breeding-places  of  revolution,  as  schools  that  were  educat- 
ing the  rising  generation  to  hate  authority  and  to  commit 
deeds  of  violence.   Metternich,  as  usual,  took  upon  himself 


126     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  guardianship  of  the  established  order.  He  called  a  con- 
ference of  the  princes  at  Carlsbad  where,  in  1819,  they 
drew  up  the  famous  Carlsbad  Decrees,  which  fettered  the 
intellectual  life  of  Germany  for  an  entire  generation. 

These  decrees,  later  adopted  by  the  Diet  of  the  Confed- 
eration, provided  that  special  officials  should  be  appointed 
The  Carls-  in  all  the  universities  to  supervise  the  conduct  of 
bad  Decrees  |-j-jg  students  and  teachers.  It  was  to  be  the  duty 
of  these  officials  to  report  any  departure  from  conservative 
principles,  and  to  give  a  "salutary  direction "  to  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  youth.  Any  teacher  who  was  known  to  "propa- 
gate harmful  doctrines  hostile  to  public  order,  or  subversive 
of  existing  governmental  institutions,"  was  to  be  dismissed 
from  his  position  and  his  appointment  to  any  other  univer- 
sity forbidden.  The  Burschenschaften  were  ordered  dissolved, 
and  a  student  expelled  from  a  university  for  political  activ- 
ity was  not  to  be  admitted  to  any  other  German  university. 
The  display  of  the  red,  black,  and  gold  flag  was  forbidden, 
and  persons  were  prosecuted  for  even  wearing  a  combination 
of  these  colors  in  their  clothes,  such  as  a  yellow  hat,  black 
coat,  and  red  waistcoat.  A  rigid  press  censorship  was  estab- 
lished, which  made  it  almost  impossible  to  have  any  sort 
of  free  expression  of  opinion  on  things  political. 

Prussia  had  at  first  been  the  hope  of  the  liberals,  but 
King  Frederick  William  III  elected  to  follow  Metternich's 
Persecution  lead.  Even  the  heroes  of  the  Liberation  Move- 
of  patriots  ment  were  now  persecuted  as  demagogues. 
"Father"  Jahn,  whose  patriotic  gymnastic  societies  had 
once  roused  the  youth  of  Prussia  against  the  French  in- 
vaders, was  imprisoned.  Ernst  Morltz  Arndt,  whose  patri- 
otic poems  were  on  every  one's  lips,  was  removed  from  his 
position  in  the  university.  Fichte's  famous  Address  to  the 
German  Nation,  which  had  stirred  all  Germany  against 
Napoleon,  was  forbidden  republication. 

The  Zollverein 

The  barriers  between  the  German  states  were  economic 
as  well  as  political.  Each  member  of  the  Confederation  had 


CENTRAL   EUROPE  127 

a  protective  tariff  against  the  goods  of  every  other  mem- 
ber; furthermore,  nearly  everyone  of  the  states  internal 
had  internal,  or  provincial,  tariffs.  Prussia  had  tariffs  hin- 

.  ,  .  f     .  ...    der  trade 

no  fewer  than  sixty-seven  of  these  provmcial 
tariffs.  The  object  of  these  numerous  tariffs  was  to  raise 
revenue  for  the  Government  by  laying  a  tax  on  goods  as 
they  passed  through  different  parts  of  the  country.  Hence 
the  transit  of  goods  from  one  part  of  Prussia  to  another,  and 
from  one  German  state  to  another,  was  enmeshed  in  a  net- 
work of  tariff  duties  which  greatly  hindered  the  develop- 
ment of  German  commerce  and  industry,  and  emphasized 
the  division  of  the  German  people.  Smuggling  and  dis- 
honest valuations  of  goods  were  greatly  encouraged  by  this 
system,  for  it  was  well-nigh  impossible  to  enforce  so  many 
tariffs,  which  varied  from  city  to  city  and  from  district  to 
district. 

A  school  of  economists,  who  saw  the  intimate  connection 
between  economic  and  political  unity  appeared  In  Ger- 
many, the  most  distinguished  among  whom  was  Frederick 
Frederick  List.  List  was  a  convinced  and  enthu-  ^'^*^ 
siastic  advocate  of  what  he  called  a  "national  system  of 
political  economy,"  according  to  which  there  was  to  be 
free  trade  within  Germany  with  high  protective  duties  on 
all  foreign  products.  This  system,  in  his  opinion,  would  tend 
to  bind  all  Germany  into  one  economic  whole  and  so  inevit- 
ably lead  to  closer  political  union.  He  denounced  the  thirty- 
eight  different  tariffs  as  a  hindrance  to  Germany's  economic 
growth,  because  they  had  "much  the  same  result  as  if  one 
decided  to  bind  up  the  various  members  of  the  human  body 
in  order  to  prevent  the  blood  from  circulating  from  one  to 
the  other."  List's  influence  in  Germany  was  as  great  as 
that  of  Adam  Smith  in  England. 

A  sweeping  change  was  made  by  Prussia  when  she  abol- 
ished all  her  internal  duties  in  181 8.    She  then  invited  the 
other  German  states  to  join  a  Zollverein,  or  cus-  The  Zoll- 
toms  union,  with  the  object  of  establishing  free  '^e''^'" 
trade  among  the  members.    Although  there  was  some  hesi- 
tation at   first   about  joining   the  union,  the  commercial 


128     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

advantages  were  so  obvious  that,  by  1842,  all  the  states  of 
the  German  Confederation,  except  Mecklenburg,  Hanover, 
and  Austria,  came  under  the  operation  of  the  Zollverein. 
The  inclusion  of  Prussia  and  the  exclusion  of  Austria  in  this 
economic  alliance  was  of  great  political  significance,  for  it 
gave  to  the  former  a  far  larger  influence  in  Germany  than 
she  had  ever  enjoyed  before.  Later  this  new  alignment  was 
to  be  a  decisive  factor  in  the  unification  of  Germany. 

The  Revolution  of  1848  in  Prussia 

The  King  of  Prussia,  Frederick  William  III,  died  in  1840. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Frederick  William  IV,  a  man  of 
Frederick  vehement,  romantic  temperament,  a  lover  and 
William  IV  patron  of  learning,  and  an  orator  who  was  ex- 
ceedingly fond  of  making  speeches.  The  new  King's  reign 
opened  auspiciously  for  liberalism.  Jahn  and  Arndt  were 
pardoned  and  the  latter  was  restored  to  his  professorship. 
The  brothers  Grimm,  the  well-known  scholars,  returned 
from  exile  and  were  welcomed  in  Berlin.^  But  it  was  not 
at  all  the  intention  of  the  King  to  grant  a  constitution,  as 
he  was  a  strong  believer  in  absolute  monarchy  based  on 
divine  right.  "No  sheet  of  written  paper,"  he  once  declared, 
"shall  ever  thrust  itself  like  a  second  Providence  between 
God  in  Heaven  and  this  land."  A  constitutional  regime  was 
a  "government  by  paragraphs,"  which,  to  his  mind,  would 
never  supplant  the  spontaneous  loyalty  of  the  people  to  a 
God-fearing  king. 

When  the  Revolution  of  February,  1848,  took  place  in 
Paris,  it  was  the  signal  for  a  general  uprising  against  ab- 
Revolution  solute  monarchy  throughout  Europe.  The  rev- 
of  1848  olutionary  year   1848  is   famous   in    European 

annals,  as  it  marks  the  end  of  the  Restoration  period  and 
the  collapse  of  the  "Metternich  system."  Throne  after 
throne  was  overturned  as  the  revolutionary  tide  rolled  on 
from  Paris  to  Warsaw;  parliamentary  governments  were 
established  in  almost  every  country  in  Western  Europe; 

^  As  a  protest  against  the  abrogation  of  the  constitution  of  Hanover  they 
had  gone  into  voluntary  exile. 


CENTRAL   EUROPE  129 

and  constitutions  were  granted  guaranteeing  freedom  of 
speech,  of  the  press,  of  assembly,  of  religion,  and  equality 
of  all  classes  before  the  law.^ 

In  nearly  all  the  German  states  parliaments  were  called 
by  the  frightened  monarchs,  who  hoped  thereby  to  save 
their  thrones  if  not  their  prerogatives.  The  Diet  Uprisings  in 
of  Frankfort  was  in  a  panic;  it  made  haste  Germany 
to  repeal  the  Carlsbad  Decrees  and  went  so  far  as  to  adopt 
the  once  forbidden  red,  black,  and  gold  flag  as  the  em- 
blem of  the  Confederation.  In  both  Prussia  and  Austria 
the  democratic  movement  encountered  serious  opposition. 
King  Frederick  William  IV  tried  to  avert  revolution  by 
calling  together  a  United  Diet  composed  of  delegates  from 
the  local  assemblies;  but  this  body  refused  to  grant  the  loan 
demanded  by  the  King  and  it  was  summarily  dismissed. 
Matters  became  serious  when  a  great  mob  appeared  in  the 
courtyard  of  the  royal  castle,  shouting  for  a  constitution 
and  threatening  open  rebellion  in  case  it  was  not  granted. 
The  King  was  compelled  to  appear  on  the  balcony  and  he 
promised  a  written  constitution  and  the  summoning  of  a 
parliament.  Inadvertently  a  fight  broke  out  between  the 
mob  and  the  military  in  which  several  people  were  killed 
by  the  soldiers.  Almost  immediately  Berlin  was  in  a  state 
of  insurrection.  Barricades  went  up  and  the  streets  became 
impassable;  for  several  days  street  fighting  raged  between 
the  citizens  and  the  troops.  The  King  endeavored  in  vain  to 
appease  "his  dear  Berliners"  by  assuring  them  of  his  good 
intentions,  but  the  only  thing  which  would  satisfy  the  riot- 
ers was  a  withdrawal  of  the  military,  which  was  accordingly 
ordered;  whereupon  the  tumultuous  "March  days"  came 
to  an  end. 

A  funeral  service  for  those  who  had  fallen  in  the  barricade 
war  was  arranged  in  the  courtyard  of  the  royal  castle.  The 
bodies  of  the  dead  were  wreathed  in  laurel,  and  Humiliation 
their  gaping  wounds  exposed.  Cries  went  up  o(  the  Prus- 
from  the  crowd  below  that  the  King  come  out 
and  see  his  handiwork.  As  he  appeared,  the  mob  shouted, 
^  For  a  detailed  description  of  the  Revolution  of  1848,  see  pp.  102,  205,  486. 


I30     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

"Take  off  your  hat!"  The  proud  Hohenzollern  obeyed  and 
bowed  low  before  the  bodies  of  the  dead  citizens.  He  was 
now  fearful  that  the  monarchy  would  be  entirely  abolished ; 
so,  in  order  to  curry  favor  with  the  people,  he  ordered  the 
red,  black,  and  gold  flag  hoisted  from  the  castle,  and  fer- 
vently announced  that  his  only  wish  was  for  German  free- 
dom and  unity. 

A  convention  was  then  assembled  at  Berlin,  which  set 
about  drafting  a  constitution.  A  radical  document  was 
A  radical  produced  which  made  the  King  such  in  name 
constitution  only,  abolished  the  nobility,  and  provided  for  a 
propose  parliament  to  be  elected  by  universal  suffrage. 

Freedom  of  speech,  of  assembly,  of  the  press,  and  of  religion 
were  also  guaranteed. 

But  there  was  one  power  yet  to  be  reckoned  with, 
namely,  the  Prussian  army,  which  remained  loyal  to  the 
The  King  K^^g-  The  latter  recovered  his  courage  as  it 
recovers  became  evident  that  most  of  the  Prussian  peo- 
is  power  pj^^  particularly  the  peasants,  had  no  sympa- 
thy whatever  with  revolution,  for  they  were  still  quite 
strongly  attached  to  the  Hohenzollern  dynasty.  Berlin  was 
declared  in  a  state  of  siege,  and  the  army  took  charge  of  the 
situation.  The  convention  was  ordered  dissolved  and  its  pro- 
ceedings declared  illegal.  Many  of  the  leaders  of  the  revolu- 
tion were  arrested,  and  thousands  fled  to  America  to  escape 
punishment.  Some  of  these  "Men  of '48,"  like  Carl  Schurz, 
General  Franz  Sigel,  Francis  Lieber,  and  Dr.  Abraham 
Jacobi,  became  prominent  citizens  in  their  adopted  country. 
Reaction  took  full  swing,  and  all  popular  manifestations 
were  sternly  suppressed.  On  January  31,  1850,  the  King 
promulgated  a  constitution  which  left  to  him  almost  as 
much  power  as  he  had  enjoyed  before.  It  provided  for  a 
parliament  whose  influence  in  the  Government  was  greatly 
circumscribed  by  its  limited  powers  and  by  the  undemo- 
cratic three-class  system  of  election.^ 

1  See  p.  280. 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  131 

The  Uprising  in  Austria 

The  storm  center  of  the  Revolution  of  1848  was  Vienna, 
the  citadel  of  despotism.  The  democratic  revolution  against 
the  " Metternich  system"  in  the  Hapsburg  do-  Louis 
minions  was  complicated  by  a  national  uprising  ^^ossuth 
of  the  subject  races  against  Austrian  domination.  The  lead- 
ing figure  of  the  uprising  was  Louis  Kossuth,  the  Hunga- 
rian patriot.  Kossuth  was  a  typical  radical  of  the  era  of 
1848 ;  for,  although  humanitarian  in  his  sympathies  and  out- 
look, and  a  stanch  believer  in  intellectual,  political,  and 
religious  freedom,  he  was,  nevertheless,  strongly  national- 
istic in  his  political  opinions.  Kossuth  first  became  known 
as  the  militant  editor  of  a  democratic  journal,  and  because 
of  his  radical  views  he  was  sent  to  prison  for  three  years, 
where  he  employed  his  time  studying  the  English  language. 
Later,  when  visiting  England  and  the  United  States  on  a 
speaking  tour,  he  astonished  his  audiences  by  his  extraor- 
dinary command  of  the  English  tongue.  Kossuth  was  one 
of  the  great  orators  of  the  nineteenth  century ;  his  fine  voice, 
dignified  presence,  and  superb  eloquence  always  aroused  his 
countrymen  to  the  highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm. 

Hungary  was  then  governed  by  a  diet  composed  of  two 
Tables,  or  Houses.  The  Table  of  Magnates  was  com- 
posed of  great  landed  aristocrats  who  held  their  Government 
seats  by  hereditary  right;  the  Table  of  Estates  °^  Hungary 
was  composed  of  representatives  of  the  lower  nobility,  with 
a  few  from  the  middle  and  lower  classes.  The  powers  of  the 
Diet  were  greatly  limited,  being  subject  to  the  control  of 
the  Emperor  of  Austria,  who  was  also  King  of  Hungary. 
The  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  Hungary,  Croatians, 
Serbs,  and  Rumanians,  were  Slavonic  in  race;  they  were 
peasants  in  a  semi-feudal  relation  to  their  lords,  who  be- 
longed to  the  dominant  race  called  the  Magyars. 

Kossuth  and  his  fellow-radical,  Francis  Deak,  favored  the 
abolition  of  the  dues  and  services  of  the  peasants,  the  equal- 
ity before  the  law  of  noble  and  non-noble,  and  the  substi- 
tution of  a  democratically  elected  parliament  for  the  aristo 


132     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

cratic  Diet.  They  also  strongly  advocated  the  complete 
Kossuth  autonomy,  if  not  the  independence,  of  Hungary, 
advocates       Qn  March  31,   1848,  Kossuth  delivered  a  stir- 

nationalism         .  1      1     r  1        tt  •  x-v- 

and  democ-  rmg  speech  before  the  Hungarian  Diet  which 
^^^^  electrified  the  entire  Hapsburg  dominions.    He 

denounced  the  Austrian  Government  as  apolitical  charnel 
house  whence  came  stifling  odors  and  pestilential  winds 
which  deadened  freedom  and  the  national  spirit.  This 
speech,  widely  read  and  publicly  declaimed,  was  the  imme- 
diate cause  of  the  revolt  in  Vienna.  Barricades  were  erected 
in  the  streets,  and  revolution  was  soon  in  full  swing  under 
the  leadership  of  students  who  organized  themselves  into 
an  "Academic  Legion."  A  mob  surrounded  the  Imperial 
Palace,  crying,  "Down  with  Metternich!"  The  once  power- 
ful statesman  was  compelled  to  flee  in  disguise  to  England, 
and  the  mob  took  its  revenge  by  burning  his  house  amid 
shouts  of  joy.  With  the  flight  of  Metternich  the  whole  sys- 
tem of  repression,  so  laboriously  constructed  since  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna,  went  crashing  to  destruction.  Emperor 
Ferdinand  was  compelled  to  grant  a  liberal  constitution 
establishing  a  democratic  parliament,  to  abolish  the  dues 
and  services  of  the  peasants,  and  to  guarantee  freedom  of 
speech  and  of  the  press. 

In  Hungary  the  march  of  revolution  was  even  swifter. 
Under  the  influence  of  Kossuth  the  Diet  passed  the  famous 
Democracy  "March  laws,"  which  completely  transformed 
alism  tn  °""  Hungary  from  a  feudal  to  a  modern  state.  A  new 
Hungary  constitution  was  adopted  according  to  which  the 
government  of  the  country  was  to  be  in  the  hands  of  a  Diet 
elected  by  the  people.  The  privileges  of  the  nobility  and  the 
dues  and  services  of  the  peasants  were  abolished.  Freedom 
of  speech,  of  the  press,  and  of  religion  were  guaranteed. 
Radical  changes  were  made  in  the  relations  between  Hun- 
gary and  Austria.  Henceforth  the  former  was  to  have  its 
own  army,  its  own  national  flag,  its  own  system  of  taxes, 
and  even  the  control  of  its  own  foreign  relations.  The 
capital  was  moved  from  Pressburg,  near  the  Austrian 
frontier,  to  Buda-Pesth,  in  the  heart  of  Hungary,  which  wag 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  133 

now  united  to  Austria  only  by  the  slender  tie  of  a  personal 
union  through  the  Emperor.  Pressed  by  the  revolution  in 
Vienna,  the  latter  was  forced  to  consent  to  these  revolu- 
tionary changes. 

In  Lombardy-Venetia,  the  Italian  provinces  of  Austria, 
rebellion  was  also  rife,  and  the  Imperial  troops  were  expelled 
from  several  cities.    Bohemia,  too,  raised  the  flag  jj^^  p^^_ 
of  revolt  and  was  likewise  granted  liberal  conces-  Slavic 
sions.    A  movement  was  also  begun  to  unite  all 
the  Slavic  peoples  against  the  hated  domination  of  the 
Germanic  Austrians.  On  June  2,  1848,  was  convened  a  Pan- 
Slavic  Congress  in  the  Bohemian  city  of  Prague,  to  which 
came  representatives  from  nearly  all  the  Slavonic  nations 
in  Europe,  although  the  majority  of  the  members  were  the 
Czechs  of  Bohemia.    As  no  one  Slavic  tongue  was  under- 
stood by  all  the  delegates,  they  were  forced  to  have  recourse 
to  the  hated  German  language  in  conducting  the  Congress. 

The  ancient  House  of  Hapsburg,  which  had  dominated 
Germany  for  five  centuries  and  which  had  so  markedly 
influenced  the  policies  of  Europe,  was  on  the  Division 
brink  of  ruin.  Emperor  Ferdinand  fled  from  re^ohftion- 
Vienna  and  the  capital  fell  completely  into  the  ists 
hands  of  his  rebellious  subjects.  The  Hapsburg  dominions 
were  rapidly  disintegrating  and,  for  a  time,  it  seemed  as 
though  the  Empire  would  dissolve  into  many  nations  and 
possibly  into  anarchy  and  chaos.  Yet  there  were  several 
elements  in  the  situation,  serious  as  it  was,  favorable  to 
the  dynasty.  When  it  came  to  dividing  the  fruits  of  vic- 
tory, the  heterogeneous  character  of  the  population  of  the 
Empire  was  bound  to  produce  discord  among  those  who 
had  just  triumphed.  To  play  off  one  race  against  the  other 
and  thereby  divide  the  victors  into  hostile  factions  was 
the  astute  policy  of  the  Government.  Furthermore,  in  Ra- 
detzky  and  Windischgraetz  two  able  generals  were  found, 
who  were  determined  to  suppress  the  rebellion  at  all  costs. 

In  Bohemia  a  bitter  race  feud  arose  between  the  Czechs 
and  the  Germans.  The  Government  naturally  supported  the 
Germans;  and  an  army  under  Windischgraetz  besieged  and 


134     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

took  the  city  of  Prague.  The  Pan-Slavic  Congress  was 
Suppression  expelled,  and  the  concessions  granted  to  Bohe- 
of  the  up-  mia  were  withdrawn.  The  victorious  Windisch- 
graetz  now  laid  siege  to  Vienna,  which  surren- 
dered after  a  bombardment  of  five  days.  The  army  entered 
the  city  determined  to  put  a  stop  to  the  "parliamentary 
game."  Many  of  the  revolutionists  were  imprisoned,  exiled, 
or  executed;  Parliament  was  dissolved,  and  the  Constitu- 
tion declared  null  and  void.  An  army  under  Radetzky  was 
sent  to  reduce  the  rebellious  provinces  in  Italy,  which  he 
did  most  effectively,  and  Lombardy-Venetia  once  more 
came  under  Hapsburg  rule. 

Hungary  presented  the  most  serious  problem  to  the  Gov- 
ernment ;  but  the  Hungarians  played  into  its  hands  by  their 
Division  in  refusal  to  share  the  newly  won  liberties  with  their 
Hungary  Slavic  fellow  citizens.  The  arrogant  Magyars 
determined  to  suppress  the  nationality  of  the  Croats,  Serbs, 
and  Rumanians  by  making  Hungarian  the  only  official  lan- 
guage in  the  country.  A  fierce  race  war  now  broke  out 
between  the  Magyars  and  Slavs;  and  Austria,  eager  to 
drive  the  wedge  of  discord  deep  into  the  ranks  of  her  ene- 
mies, promptly  came  to  the  aid  of  the  Slavs.  The  Imperial 
Government  declared  the  Hungarian  Diet  dissolved,  and 
a  Croat  named  Jellachich,  who  was  bitterly  hated  by  the 
Magyars,  was  given  command  of  the  Austrian  army  in 
Hungary.  On  December  2,  1848,  Emperor  Ferdinand  was 
forced  to  abdicate ;  he  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew,  Francis 
Joseph  I,  then  a  youth  of  eighteen.  The  purpose  of  this 
change  was  to  have  a  pretext  for  abrogating  the  "March 
laws"  which  Ferdinand  had  sworn  to  uphold,  as  the  Gov- 
ernment declared  that  Ferdinand's  oath  was  not  binding 
upon  his  successor. 

This  action  aroused  the  Hungarians  to  fury.  Under  the 
enthusiastic  leadership  of  Kossuth,  the  Diet  denounced  the 
Conquest  House  of  Hapsburg  as  perfidious  and  perjured; 
of  Hungary  ^^^^  qj^  April  1 4,  1 849,  Hungary  declared  its  inde- 
pendence of  Austria.  The  Hungarians  were  now  contending 
bravely  against  the  Slavs  in  their  midst,  and  against  the 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  135 

invading  Austrian  armies.  But  whatever  doubt  there  was 
as  to  the  outcome  of  the  struggle  was  settled  by  the  entrance 
of  Russia  on  the  side  of  Austria.  Tsar  Nicholas  I  regarded 
the  uprising  of  the  Hungarians  with  great  misgiving;  he 
feared  lest  an  independent  Hungarian  Republic  on  his  bor- 
ders would  be  an  incentive  to  rebellion  among  the  subject 
nationalities  of  Russia.  Moreover,  he  was  a  fervent  believer 
in  absolutism,  and  he  was  therefore  eager  to  come  to  the 
rescue  of  a  fellow  autocrat  in  distress.  Russian  armies 
poured  over  the  Carpathian  Mountains,  and  the  Hungarian 
revolt  was  soon  quelled.  All  the  reforms  granted  to  Hun- 
gary were  abrogated,  and  she  was  reduced  to  the  position 
of  a  province  in  the  Empire.  The  leaders  of  the  uprising 
were  executed,  but  Kossuth  managed  to  escape  to  Turkey. 

The  National  Movement 

The  democratic  outburst  of  1848  in  Germany  was  accom- 
panied by  a  corresponding  movement  for  national  unity. 
To  weaken  the  princes  meant  to  weaken  the  Die  Wacht 
barriers  which  divided  the  German  people,  who  ""^  ^^^^" 
would  have  been  glad  to  unite  into  one  nation  had  they 
been  given  an  opportunity  to  do  so.  A  wave  of  national 
sentiment  had  swept  over  Germany  in  1840,  when  the 
French  chauvinists  began  to  agitate  for  the  annexation  of 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine.  It  was  then  that  the  famous 
national  anthem  of  Germany,  Die  Wacht  am  Rhein,  was 
written;  and  a  year  later,  another  famous  patriotic  song, 
Deutschland,  Deutschland  iiber  alles,  appeared. 

The  national  momentum  rose  to  a  great  height  in  1848. 
A  self-constituted  body  of  liberals  drew  up  a  plan  for  a 
national  assembly  to  be  elected   by  universal  ^j^^  Frank- 
suffrage  throughout  the  Confederation  with  the  fort  Assem- 
object  of  framing  a  constitution  to  unite  the  Ger-      ^ 
man  people.    This  body  was  chosen  and  met  in  Frankfort 
on  May  18,  1848,  amid  great  enthusiasm,  for  it  was  uni- 
versally  believed   that   the   outcome   would   be   a   united 
Fatherland.    The  leaders  of  the  Frankfort  Assembly  were 
not  practical  statesmen  but  scholars  and  poets,  like  the 


136     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

historians  Dahlman  and  Droysen,  the  literary  historian 
Gervinus,  the  philologist  Jacob  Grimm,  and  the  poet  Arndt. 
Unfortunately,  much  time  was  wasted  in  long  and  weary 
discussions  of  abstract  questions  such  as  "fundamental 
rights"  and  the  "liberty  of  the  individual,"  with  the  result 
that  many  of  the  delegates,  disgusted  with  the  doctrinaires, 
began  to  leave. 

The  two  most  important  questions  before  the  Assembly 
were  the  inclusion  or  exclusion  of  Austria  and  the  form  of 
Division  in  government  of  the  proposed  union.  On  the  first, 
Wyi^^Sgard  ^^^  Assembly  was  sharply  divided  into  two 
to  Austria  parties,  the  Grossdeutschen,  or  Great  Germans, 
who  wished  to  include  Austria,  and  the  Kleindeutschen,  or 
Little  Germans,  who  favored  the  exclusion  of  Austria  on  the 
ground  that  her  population  was  largely  non-German.  This 
division  of  opinion  soon  developed  into  a  rivalry  between 
Austria  and  Prussia  for  the  leadership  of  Germany.  It  was 
finally  decided  to  admit  only  the  German-speaking  prov- 
inces of  the  Hapsburg  dominions.  On  no  condition  would 
Austria  consent  to  this  plan,  which  she  declared  was  an 
attempt  to  destroy  her  national  unity.  "Austria  will  know 
how  to  maintain  her  position  in  the  projected  German 
body  politic,"  was  the  Hapsburg  threat. 

On  the  question  of  the  form  of  government  there  was  a 
violent  debate,  a  considerable  number  desiring  a  republic 
The  Assem-  or,  at  least,  a  constitutional  monarchy.  Finally, 
u/a  con-^  ^^  ^^^  agreed  that  the  union  should  be  a  federal 
stitution  empire,  presided  over  by  a  hereditary  monarch; 
and  the  Assembly  voted  to  offer  the  position  of  Emperor  to 
the  King  of  Prussia.  A  liberal  constitution  was  adopted  for 
the  proposed  union  providing  for*  a  legislature  of  two  houses, 
a  Senate  representing  the  states  and  a  Chamber  represent- 
ing the  people,  with  a  Cabinet  responsible  to  Parliament. 

A  deputation  from  the  Frankfort  Assembly  was  then  sent 
to  Berlin  to  offer  the  imperial  crown  to  King  Frederick 
William  IV.  But  that  monarch  had  a  horror  of  revolution, 
and  regarded  the  deliberations  of  constitutional  assemblies 
as  an  infringement  of  his  favorite  doctrine  of  divine  right. 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  137 

"Do  not  forget  that  there  are   still   princes  in  Germany, 
and  that  I  am  one  of  them!"  he  had  once  ad-  King  Wil- 

,  ,      ,  ,  ,.  ,  .      ,     ham  refuses 

monished  a  popular  audience.   It  was  agamst  the  crown 
his  principles,  against  his  temperament,  to  "pick  °he  AJsem- 
up  a  crown  from  the  gutter,"  as  he  termed  the  biy 
offer  of  the  Frankfort  Assembly.      The  deputation  was 
coolly,  even  insultingly,  received  by  the  King,  who  informed 
them  that  he  could  not  accept  the  imperial  crown  without 
the  consent  of  his  fellow  princes. 

The  refusal  of  the  Prussian  King  to  be  the  leader  of  a 
unified  democratic  Germany  meant  that  the  work  of  the 
Assembly  was  fruitless,  and  many  of  the  states  Suppression 
now  withdrew  their  delegations.      Those  who  oi  the 
were  left  decided  on  a  radical  step,  namely,  to 
disregard  the  princes  altogether  and  to  call  upon  the  Ger- 
man people  to  rise.    But  this  rump  Assembly  was  soon  dis- 
persed by  soldiers  with  drawn  swords. 

Deep  was  the  disappointment  in  Germany  when  this  dem- 
ocratic attempt  to  unite  the  country  failed  so  miserably,  as 
great  expectations  had  been  aroused  by  the  ^yj^y  ^^e 
Frankfort  Assembly  when  it  first  convened.  Had  Assembly 
that  body  contained  men  of  daring  and  fore- 
sight, such  as  were  found  in  the  French  National  Assembly  of 
1789,  it  might  have  seized  the  opportune  moment  in  1848, 
when  princes  were  either  yielding  to  popular  demands  or  flee- 
ing from  popular  wrath,  to  make  itself  supreme  in  Germany. 
But  the  Assembly  was  too  timid  at  first  when  it  was  strong, 
and  too  reckless  at  the  end  when  it  was  weak.  ]N*Ioreover, 
the  wordiness  and  incapacity  of  the  delegates  aroused  dis- 
gust and  ridicule  and  so  cast  discredit  on  democratic  bodies 
generally.  Ardent  patriots  were  now  compelled  to  look  to 
sources  other  than  popular  conventions  and  to  seek  methods 
other  than  peaceful  agitation  to  realize  their  long-deferred 
hope  of  a  united  Fatherland. 

Results  of  the  Revolution  of  1848 
Although  popular  assemblies  were  established  in  nearly 
all  the  German  states,  these  bodies  were  so  restricted  in  their 


138     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

powers  and  so  undemocratically  organized  that  the  mon- 
Why  the  archs  still  continued  to  exercise  supreme  power, 
Revolution     Absolutism  had  given  way  to  semi-absolutism, 

failed  ,  ^,  ,  .    -  r      ,  - 

not  to  democracy.  The  chief  cause  of  this 
failure  was  that  the  uprising  was  largely  the  work  of 
idealists  among  the  middle  class,  professional  men,  stu- 
dents, merchants,  and  craftsmen,  who  were  neither  numer- 
ous nor  strong  enough  to  challenge  an  intrenched  aristoc- 
racy backed  by  the  armies  of  the  princes.  As  the  Industrial 
Revolution  had  hardly  begun  in  Germany,  there  did  not 
as  yet  exist  a  large  working  class  and  a  powerful  group  of 
capitalists,  the  two  elements  which,  together,  would  have 
been  able  to  cope  successfully  with  the  system  represented 
by  absolute  monarchy. 

Reaction  was  in  full  swing  in  Austria.  The  administration 
of  the  Empire  was  centralized  in  Vienna  as  it  had  never 
Reaction  in  been  before,  and  the  various  national  units  were 
Austria  treated  as  conquered  provinces.     German  was 

decreed  to  be  the  only  official  language.  Any  demand  for 
self-government,  on  either  democratic  or  national  lines,  was 
speedily  and  severely  suppressed.  For  a  decade  the  Haps- 
burg  dominions  were  under  a  provisional  government  and 
in  a  state  of  semi-martial  law.  However,  one  gain  was  made, 
as  the  revolutionary  laws  abolishing  the  dues  and  services 
of  the  peasants  were  not  repealed. 

In  Prussia  the  reaction  was  not  so  extreme  as  in  Austria, 
for  representative  government  was  introduced  by  the  re- 
Reaction  in,  vised  constitution  of  1850.  But  the  Prussian 
Prussia  monarchy  and  bureaucracy  now  attained  fresh 

and  vigorous  life  just  because  they  were  now  on  a  semi- 
democratic  basis,  and  therefore  in  a  position  to  command 
popular  support.  In  1850  the  King  of  Prussia  made  an 
attempt  to  unify  Germany  by  negotiations  with  the  other 
princes.  He  was  peremptorily  ordered  by  Austria  to  aban- 
don his  plans,  which  he  meekly  did  in  the  Austrian  town 
of  Olmiitz.  This  "humiliation  of  Olmutz,"  as  it  was  called, 
served  to  infuriate  the  Prussian  people  as  well  as  the  Prus- 
sian King  against  Austria. 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  139 

Intellectual  Development 

Although  the  history  of  Germany  during  the  first  half 
of  the  nineteenth  century  was  sterile  politically,   it  was 
yet  most  fruitful  intellectually.    As  the  German  intellectual 
people  were   prevented   from  expressing  them-  progress  of 
selves   in    public   life,    their   genius   turned    to 
philosophy,  scholarship,  and  science,  to  which  they  made 
notable  contributions.   Philosophy,  particularly,  had  always 
claimed  Germany's  attention.     "History  shows  us,"   de- 
clared Hegel,  "that  when  all  but  the  name  of  philosophy 
was  lost  in  other  lands,  it  had  maintained  itself  as  the  pecu- 
liar possession  of  the  German  nation,  who  have  received 
from  nature  the  high  calling  to  be  the  guardians  of  this 
sacred  fire." 

Next  to  Immanuel  Kant,  the  greatest  figure  in  German 
philosophy  is  Georg  Wilhelm  Friedrich  Hegel  (177Q-1831), 
the  philosophic  dictator  of  his  day,  whose  in- 
fluence  upon  philosophic  thought  has  been  pro- 
found. To  students  of  history,  Hegel  is  especially  inter- 
esting for  the  reason  that  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  work 
out  a  systematic  philosophy  of  history.  In  his  book.  The 
Philosophy  of  History,  he  propounds  the  idea  that  each 
period  is  characterized  by  the  predominance  of  a  "world 
people,"  who  are  possessed  of  a  "universal  idea"  which 
must  be  given  to  mankind.  Once  this  has  been  accom- 
plished, the  "world  people"  has  fulfilled  its  mission;  it 
then  sinks  into  decadence  and  yields  the  scepter  to  its 
successor.  Conquest  is,  therefore,  the  victory  of  a  superior 
idea;  hence,  might  and  right  coincide.  ''Die  Weltgeschichte 
ist  das  Weltgerichf'  (Universal  history  shows  the  progress 
of  universal  justice).  The  Oriental,  Greek,  and  Roman 
nations  had  once  played  this  role  in  history;  now  a  new 
"world  people"  had  arisen,  the  Germans,  who  were  to  give 
their  "universal  idea"  to  mankind.  He  declared  that  al- 
though the  need  of  German  unity  was  deeply  felt,  the 
achievement  of  this  result  would  be  the  fruit,  not  of  delib- 
eration, but  of  force;  the  divided  Germans  must,  therefore, 


140     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

"be  gathered  into  one  by  the  violence  of  a  conqueror."  In 
another  great  work,  The  Philosophy  of  Law,  Hegel  glorifies 
the  State  as  the  very  essence  of  freedom  and  reason.  Its 
laws  are  the  "footsteps  of  God  upon  earth";  through  the 
State  alone  can  the  individual  attain  his  highest  devel- 
opment and  social  organization  its  supreme  expression. 
The  ofhce  of  the  State  is  not  primarily  to  further  individ- 
ual interest  or  protect  private  property;  but,  as  the  or- 
ganic expression  of  the  people,  its  primary  function  is  to 
embody  the  public  weal  of  all  classes  and  in  all  ways.  He 
became  so  ardent  a  champion  of  the  Prussian  monarchy 
and  so  bitter  an  opponent  of  revolution  that  he  was  re- 
garded as  the  King's  "official  philosopher."  The  spirit  of  the 
people,  he  declared,  does  not  speak  through  parliaments, 
but  through  the  continuous  life  of  the  State  as  represented 
by  the  king.  In  his  opinion  aristocracy  and  democracy  were 
primitive  forms  of  government,  both  of  which  were  super- 
seded by  monarchy,  the  highest  form  yet  devised. 

The  great  national  revival  which  took  place  in  Prussia 
after  the  Battle  of  Jena  found  expression  in  a  renewed 
The  Monu-  study  of  German  history.  A  gigantic  historical 
menta  enterprise  was  planned  by  a  group  of  historians 

who  proposed  to  reprint  and  edit  all  the  sources  relating  to 
German  history.  The  first  volume  of  this  series,  which  is 
known  as  the  Monumenta  Germanice  Historica,  was  issued 
in  1826.  Many  volumes  of  the  Monumenta  have  since  ap- 
peared, and  this  documentary  history  of  the  German  peo- 
ple has  made  for  itself  an  enduring  place  in  the  world  of 
scholarship. 

The  first  of  the  modem  scientific  historians  was  Leopold 
von  Ranke  (i  795-1 886),  through  whose  influence  German 
historical  scholarship  became  supreme  in  Eu- 
rope. Ranke  emphasized,  above  all  things,  the 
value  of  studying  original  sources,  which,  to  him,  were  the 
very  wells  of  historical  truth.  He  ransacked  the  libraries 
and  archives  of  Europe,  and  unveiled  large  masses  of  his- 
torical documents  long  unknown  or  forgotten,  which  are 
ver>'  valuable  to  students  of  history.   He  was  one  of  those 


1 


CENTRAL  EUROPE  141 

to  institute  the  "seminar  method"  of  training  students  to 
become  professional  historians  by  organizing  small  groups 
of  scholars  to  make  a  systematic  study  of  original  docu- 
ments. Ranke's  great  aim  was  to  rewrite  the  history  of 
the  world  according  to  this  rigorous,  scientific  method. 
He  never  completed  the  task,  although  his  collected  works 
number  fifty-four  volumes,  the  most  important  of  which 
are  the  History  of  the  Popes,  the  History  of  Germany  during 
the  Reformation,  and  the  History  of  England  during  the 
Seventeenth  Century.  Ranke's  ideal  of  historical  composi- 
tion was  a  dispassionate  presentation  of  facts  "as  they  really 
were,"  unbiased  by  party,  opinion,  or  nationality.  The 
views  and  acts  of  important  monarchs  and  statesmen, 
rather  than  the  condition  of  the  mass  of  the  people,  were 
for  him  the  essence  of  history;  hence,  his  books  are  cold  and 
dry  recitals  of  facts  based  largely  on  diplomatic  correspond- 
ence and  on  the  state  papers  of  kings  and  ministers.  A 
cosmopolitan,  not  a  patriot,  was  Ranke  in  his  point  of  view 
as  a  historian;  hardly  a  trace  is  to  be  found  in  his  writings 
of  that  fervid  patriotism  which  was  to  be  so  distinguishing 
a  feature  of  the  works  of  his  famous  successor,  Heinrich  von 
Treitschke.^ 

German  historical  writing  has  produced  no  greater  master 
than  Theodor  Mommsen  (18 17-1903),  whose  famous  His- 
tory of  Rome  continues  to  be  the  standard  work  ., 

•^     •'  Mommsen 

on  the  subject.  Although  as  great  and  as  thor- 
ough a  scholar  as  Ranke,  Mommsen  possessed,  in  addi- 
tion, a  brilliant  historical  imagination  which  enabled  him 
to  reproduce  the  past  in  a  most  vivid  and  fascinating  way. 
He  was  not  only  a  narrator  of  facts,  carefully  gathered  and 
scientifically  classified,  but  also  an  interpreter  of  most 
original  power.  Mommsen's  History,  which  appeared  dur- 
ing the  years  1854-56,  treats  of  the  life  history  of  the 
Roman  Republic.  It  is  a  condensation,  in  three  volumes, 
of  a  vast  period  in  human  history  without,  however,  omit- 
ting any  important  facts,  a  luminous  and  exact  resum6  of 
all  the  available  knowledge  on  the  subject.    His  judgment 

1  See  p.  171. 


142     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

on  the  overthrow  of  the  Roman  Republic  is  this:  "When 
a  government  cannot  govern,  it  ceases  to  be  legitimate  and 
he  who  has  the  power  to  overthrow  it  has  also  the  right." 
Julius  Caesar  is  the  historian's  hero.  Him  he  regards  as 
the  true  founder  of  Roman  democracy  which  displaced  a 
corrupt  oligarchy  masquerading  as  a  republic.  Momm- 
sen's  history  is  mainly  along  political  and  constitutional 
lines,  although  it  contains  some  excellent  chapters  on  the 
social  and  economic  life  of  the  Romans. 

Jacob  Grimm  (i 785-1 863)  was  the  founder  of  the  sci- 
ence of  German  philology.  His  monumental  work,  Ger- 
^  .  man  Grammar,  is  a  history  of  the  development 

Gnmm  r       i        ^  i  ,  • 

of  the  German  language  and  a  comparative 
study  of  Teutonic  dialects.  He  formulated  the  famous 
"Grimm's  law,"  according  to  which  the  mute  consonants 
have  corresponding  forms  in  all  the  Teutonic  languages 
and  have  undergone  certain  definitely  ascertained  changes. 
Grimm  combined  great  learning  with  bold  generalization, 
which  has  given  him  a  leading  place  among  the  philolo- 
gists of  the  world.  He  was  also  interested  in  folklore  and, 
with  his  brother  William,  wrote  the  well-known  fairy  tales 
which  have  delighted  generations  of  children. 

Young  Germany  in  Literature 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  strongest  opposition  to  the 
"Metternich  system"  of  repression  was  voiced  by  the  ris- 
ing generation.    In  literature  Young  Germany 

Heine  r  i  i  . 

found  a  most  eloquent  champion  in  Heinrich 
Heine  (i  797-1 856),  whose  keen  intelligence  and  brilliant 
wit  sent  many  a  barbed  shaft  straight  to  the  heart  of  des- 
potism. It  was  the  aim  of  this  school  of  writers  to  enlist 
literature  in  the  service  of  political  reform.  The  result  was 
that  a  new  literary  species  was  created,  half-journalism 
half-literature,  which,  in  the  accomplished  hands  of  Heine, 
became  a  most  powerful  weapon  with  which  to  fight  the 
entrenched  forces  of  reaction.  Heine  spent  almost  his  en- 
tire life  in  political  agitation,  waging  relentless  warfare 
against  despotic  government  and  intellectual  repression, 


CENTRAL   EUROPE  143 

so  that  he  could  with  truth  declare,  "Lay  on  my  coffin  a 
sword,  for  I  was  a  brave  soldier  in  the  Liberation  War  of 
humanity." 

It  is  easier  to  read  Heine's  works  than  to  describe  them. 
Brimful  of  airy  wit,  poetic  imagination,  delicate  sentiment, 
acid  irony,  and  blasphemous  scoffing ;  by  turns,  character  of 
grave  and  gay;  overflowing  with  pathos  and  Heine's 
stabbing  with  cruel  irony  —  that  is  Heine.  His 
comments  on  political  and  philosophic  ideas  have  a  pi- 
quancy seldom  to  be  found  in  the  discussion  of  such  serious 
subjects.  Such,  for  example,  is  his  explanation  of  how  lib- 
erty is  loved  by  the  various  nations.  "An  Englishman  loves 
liberty  like  his  lawfully  wedded  wife.  She  is  a  possession. 
He  may  not  treat  her  with  much  tenderness,  but  he  knows 
how  to  defend  her.  A  Frenchman  loves  liberty  like  his 
sweetheart,  and  he  will  do  a  thousand  follies  for  her  sake. 
A  German  loves  liberty  like  his  old  grandmother.  And  yet, 
after  all,  no  one  can  tell  how  things  will  turn  out.  The 
grumpy  Englishman,  in  an  ill-temper  with  his  wife,  is  ca- 
pable of  dragging  her  by  a  rope  to  Smithfield.  The  incon- 
stant Frenchman  may  become  unfaithful  to  his  adored 
and  be  off  flirting  around  the  Palais  Royal  with  another. 
But  the  German  will  never  quite  desert  his  old  grandmother; 
he  will  always  keep  for  her  a  nook  near  the  chimney-corner, 
kvhere  she  can  tell  fairy  tales  to  the  listening  children." 

Under  Heine's  magic  touch  German  prose  became  sim- 
ple, easy,  fluent,  and  plastic,  almost  like  that  of  the  great 
masters  of  French  prose.  His  widely  read  Heine's 
Reisebilder  {Pictures  of  Travel)  is  a  unique  work  P^°^^ 
containing  descriptions  of  places  and  scenes,  criticism  of 
current  ideas,  confessions,  satirical  comments  on  his  con- 
temporaries, and  poetical  outbursts.  This  "German  Aris- 
tophanes," as  Heine  called  himself,  was  especially  fond  of 
directing  the  shafts  of  his  brilliant  wit  against  contemporary 
men,  manners,  and  morals,  which  made  him  many  bitter 
enemies. 

If  Heine's  pen  was  satirical,  it  was  also  lyrical;  no  man 
was  more  truly  the  poet  born  than  this  scoffer.    His  poems, 


144     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

collected  in  the  famous  Btich  der  Lieder  {Book  of  Songs), 
Heine's  have   a    lyric    beauty  unsurpassed  in  German 

poetry  literature;   their  haunting  charm  and  delicate, 

strange  imagery,  their  simplicity  and  artlessness,  their 
melody  and  sweetness,  have  made  them  known  wherever 
the  German  tongue  is  spoken.  Some,  like  The  Lorelei  and 
The  Two  Grenadiers,  were  set  to  music  by  famous  com- 
posers and  are  sung  over  all  the  world. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  SECOND  FRENCH  EMPIRE 

Period  of  Absolute  Rule 

Napoleon  III  was  far  too  clever  a  man  to  establish  a  na- 
ked absolutism  in  France  on  the  model  of  the  ancien  regime 
or  even  on  that  of  his  great  uncle.    Parliamen-   Napoleon's 
tary  government,  although  it  had  not  yet  be-  f°  vdle?"^ 
come  an  integral  element  in  the  political  life  of  absolutism" 
the  French   people,  was  nevertheless  connected  with    the 
undying  traditions  of  the  great   Revolution,  and  so  some 
concessions  had  to  be  made  to  it.   The  newly  created  Em- 
peror resolved  to  inaugurate  a  system  which  would  give 
the  shadow  but  not  the  substance  of  self-government,  in 
the  belief  that  the  French  would  be  satisfied  with  such  an 
arrangement,  provided  their  attention  was  distracted  by 
other  activities. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  constitution  adopted  by 
the  plebiscite^  provided  for  a  popularly  elected  parliament 
having  considerable  legislative  authority.  This  How  Napo- 
body  must  be  made  innocuous.  A  system  of  iroiied  the 
nominating  candidates  was  instituted  with  the  elections 
object  of  electing  members  to  the  Corps  legislatif,  or  lower 
House,  favorable  to  the  Emperor.  In  every  constituency  a 
strong  political  machine  was  organized,  backed  by  the  power 
and  prestige  of  the  Government,  which  nominated  candi- 
dates for  the  Corps.  Every  form  of  pressure  was  brought  to 
bear  on  the  electors  to  vote  for  these  "official  candidates "  as 
they  were  termed ;  patronage  was  distributed  to  their  sup- 
porters only  and  public  money  was  used  to  further  their  elec- 
tion. The  Republican  candidates  were  hampered  in  every 
way:  they  were  frequently  forbidden  to  hold  meetings  and 
to  form  associations;  threats  of  government  persecution 
drove  many  of  their  followers  from  the  polls ;  moreover,  the 

1  Sec  p.  io8. 


146     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

election  machinery  was  in  the  hands  of  Imperial  officials 
who  used  their  power  in  favor  of  the  "official  candidates." 
In  order  to  insure  the  election  of  the  latter,  the  Government 
resorted  to  an  outrageous  system  of  "gerrymandering" 
with  the  purpose  of  making  the  Republicans  a  minority 
in  every  district.  The  powerful  and  highly  centralized  bu- 
reaucracy, always  obedient  and  faithful  to  those  in  power 
at  Paris,  became  the  willing  tool  of  the  Emperor-boss 
whose  hand  was  felt  in  all  stages  of  political  life,  from  the 
nomination  of  a  candidate  for  parliament  to  the  passing  of 
laws,  from  the  appointment  of  a  petty  local  official  to  that 
of  prime  minister.  Although  universal  suffrage  was  main- 
tained, very  few  of  the  opponents  of  the  Emperor  were 
elected  to  the  House.  In  the  election  of  1857  nearly  all  the 
"official  candidates"  were  chosen.  Only  five  members  op- 
posed to  the  Empire  were  elected.  "The  Five,"  as  they 
were  called,  consisted  of  distinguished  Republicans  like 
Emile  OUIvier  and  Jules  Favre,  who  voiced  the  sentiments  of 
opposition  to  absolutism. 

Napoleon  was  bound  to  make  sure  of  the  loyal  support 
of  even  this  "official"  parliament  by  controlling  its  inter- 
„      ,  nal  organization.    The  President  of  the  House 

controlled  was  appointed  by  the  Emperor;  no  publication 
ar  lament  ^^  j^^  debates  was  permitted ;  and  all  Import- 
ant committees  were  appointed  through  the  Emperor's 
influence.  As  the  powers  of  this  body  were  negative,  the 
Council  of  State  became  the  center  of  legislation;  there 
bills  were  drawn  up  by  the  appointees  of  the  Emperor 
and  then  submitted  for  ratification  to  the  House.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Constitution,  the  Second  Empire  was  a 
parliamentary  monarchy;  in  reality  it  was  an  autocracy. 

No  more  Important  organ  of  public  opinion  exists  in 
France  than  the  press.  There  obtains  among  the  French 
The  French  people  a  passion  for  ideas  and  for  discussion 
press  unequaled  anywhere  else  in  the  world ;  freedom 

of  thought  is,  therefore,  prized  above  all  other  liberties 
handed  down  by  the  Revolution.  Often  scurrilous  and  sen- 
sational, the  Paris  journals  are  brilliantly  edited  and  gen- 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  147 

erally  independent  in  their  views.  To  establish  a  newspaper 
in  France  costs  comparatively  little,  as  a  French  journal 
usually  consists  of  about  eight  pages  or  less,  and  is  generally 
badly  printed  on  paper  of  a  poor  quality.  Any  one  with  a 
gift  for  writing  and  ideas  to  express  easily  establishes  a  paper 
which  is  read,  not  for  its  news,  for  it  contains  little,  but  for 
the  leading  articles  by  the  editor.  Many  journals  are  born 
in  Paris  every  year,  some  to  live  but  for  a  short  time ;  they 
serve  to  give  expression  to  the  rich  and  varied  intellectual 
life  of  France,  ever  buoyant  and  fruitful.  Political  carica- 
ture is  the  great  weapon  of  the  Parisian  journalist;  and 
French  cartoons  are  apt  to  be  sharp,  cruel,  and  biting,  and 
drawn  with  unusual  skill. 

As  a  rule  the  Paris  press  is  critical  of  every  regime  in 
power,  but  it  has  generally  remained  faithful  to  the  spirit 
of  the  Revolution  and  has  been  the  sworn  enemy  Radicalism 
of  all  absolutism,  naked  or  masked.  Napoleon  prench 
knew  perfectly  well  the  great  power  of  this  press,  press 
which  had  had  an  abundant  share  in  sending  Charles  X 
and  Louis  Philippe  into  exile,  so  he  determined  to  suppress 
it.  As  usual,  he  did  it  in  a  roundabout  way.  He  declared 
himself  fervently  for  the  principle  of  freedom  of  thought, 
and  then  proceeded  to  make  regulations  to  strangle  it.  No 
new  journal  could  be  established  without  government  per- 
mission, which  was  refused  to  those  suspected  of  being  re- 
publican. Those  that  received  permission  had  to  deposit  a 
large  sum  with  the  Government  as  security  for  good  behav- 
ior, which  was  forfeited  in  case  the  journal  became  hostile 
to  the  Emperor.  A  system  of  press  warnings  was  established ; 
after  two  warnings  to  the  editor  to  stop  his  criticism, 
the  paper  was  suspended  or  suppressed.  Press  offenses 
were  tried  in  the  police  court,  without  a  jury,  and  were 
summarily  dealt  with.  Fine,  imprisonment,  or  exile  was 
often  the  lot  of  republican  journalists  who  dared  to  attack 
the  Government. 

The  Emperor  next  laid  a  heavy  hand  on  the  universities. 
French  intellectuals,  writers,  teachers,  and  artists,  are  sel- 
dom content  to  remain  so  absorbed  in  their  own  specialties 


148     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

as  to  become  oblivious  to  the  problems  of  their  day.  They 
Suppression  frequently  take  a  vigorous  part  in  public  af- 
of  the  in-        fairs,  and  more  than  once  they  have  become  the 

tdlGCt  113.1s  

spokesmen  of  the  nation.  The  poet-statesman, 
Lamartine;  the  historian-statesmen,  Guizot  and  Thiers;  the 
poet-agitator,  Victor  Hugo;  the  philosopher-statesman, 
Jules  Simon;  the  novelist-agitators,  Emile  Zola  and  Anatole 
France;  all  have  walked  in  the  footsteps  of  the  philosophers 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  who  established  a  tradition  in 
France  that  it  is  the  special  duty  of  a  man  of  culture  to 
champion  the  highest  ideals  of  his  nation  and  of  humanity. 
The  French  intellectuals  were  almost  a  unit  in  opposing 
the  "crowned  conspirator,"  Napoleon  III.  The  day  after 
the  coup  d'etat  of  December  2,  Jules  Simon,  Professor  of 
Philosophy,  when  meeting  his  class  at  the  Sorbonne,  made 
the  following  statement  which  rang  throughout  France: 
"Gentlemen,  it  is  my  duty  here  to  teach  you  philosophy. 
To-day,  I  owe  you  not  a  lesson,  but  an  example.  France  is 
to  be  convoked  to-morrow  to  approve  or  disapprove  of 
what  has  just  taken  place.  If  there  is  going  to  be  recorded 
one  vote  of  disapproval,  I  wish  to  say  to  you  now,  openly, 
that  it  will  be  mine."  He  was  immediately  dismissed  from 
his  position.  The  historians,  Michelet  and  Quinet,  were  like- 
wise ousted  from  their  academic  chairs  for  opposing  the 
Empire.  The  courses  in  philosophy  and  religion  given  by 
the  famous  Renan  were  suppressed.  Victor  Hugo  was  driven 
into  exile.  Two  subjects,  history  and  philosophy,  were  re- 
garded with  suspicion  by  the  Government.  Teaching  in 
these  fields  was  discouraged ;  and  courses  in  modern  history 
were  entirely  suppressed. 

Napoleon,  like  his  uncle,  was  desirous  of  founding  a 
dynasty.  He  sought  to  marry  into  the  royal  families  of 
Napoleon's  Europe,  but  without  success,  as  no  dynasty  had 
court  sufificient  confidence  in  his  future.  Failing  in  this, 

he  married  a  beautiful  Spanish  lady,  Eugenie  de  Aiontijo, 
for  love  and  not  for  her  antecedents.  Under  the  Second 
Empire  the  court  became  a  center  of  fashion  and  of  gayety 
which  attracted  many  people  from  all  parts  of  the  world. 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  149 

Innumerable  banquets  and  fancy-dress  balls  were  organized 
to  which  almost  any  one  having  money  could  gain  entrance, 
as  the  Emperor  wished  to  encourage  the  idea  of  a  demo- 
cratic court.  Thither  came  all  scrts  of  people,  penniless 
adventurers,  newly  rich  bankers,  stock-jobbers,  political 
schemers,  gamblers,  "bohemians,"  as  well  as  men  of  letters 
and  of  science.  Napoleon  III,  who  was  a  conspirator  by 
temperament,  naturally  surrounded  himself  with  a  group 
of  advisers  better  known  for  their  crafty,  unscrupulous 
methods  than  for  their  solid  statesmanship.  Chief  of  these 
was  the  illegitimate  half-brother  of  the  Emperor,  the  Duke 
de  Morny,  a  cool,  elegant,  cynical  man  of  fashion,  who  was 
master  of  the  undercurrents  of  Parisian  politics,  business, 
and  society.  The  Duke  de  Morny  was  appointed  President 
of  the  House,  which  he  managed  with  great  ability  in  the 
service  of  absolutism. 

At  no  time  did  this  government  by  adventurers  receive 
the  enthusiastic  support  of  the  French  people.    The  royal- 
ists regarded  the  Second  Empire  with  contempt  Napoleon's 
and  the  Emperor  as  a  charlatan,  and  scrupu-  grlte^  not 
lously  kept  away  from  his  gaudy,  democratic  supported 
court.    The  Republicans  were  banished  from  public  life; 
their  leaders  either  were  in  prison  or  in  hiding,  or  had  exiled 
themselves.    Napoleon  was  not  so  much  upheld  as  he  was 
tolerated  by  the  large  number  of  property-owners,  peasants 
and  bourgeoisie,  who  looked  upon  him  as  the  "savior  of  so- 
ciety"  because  the  revolutionary  socialists  were  kept  in 
check  by  a  strong  military  government.    Under  the  great 
Napoleon  these  two  elements,  the  peasants  and  the  bour- 
geoisie, had  combined  against  the  old  nobility;  under  his 
nephew  they  combined  against  the  working  class. 

Social  and  Economic  Progress 
In  spite  of  many  serious  defects  of  character,  the  Emperor 
had   a   kindly  sympathy  for   the    unfortunate  Napoleon's 
classes  and  for  unfortunate  nations.  He  sincerely  care  for  the 
believed   that  the  Napoleonic  idea  meant  the 
welfare  of  all  the  people,  and  he  criticized  the  royalists  for 


I50     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

being  the  champions  of  the  aristocrats  only ;  he  also  charged 
that  parliamentary  government,  whether  royal  or  republi- 
can, represented  the  interests  of  the  middle  classes;  the 
Empire  was  to  advance  the  interests  of  all  classes,  including 
the  hitherto  neglected  proletariat.  In  1844  he  wrote  a  pam- 
phlet, "On  the  Extinction  of  Pauperism,"  which  showed 
the  influence  of  the  Utopian  socialist,  Saint-Simon.^  In  this 
essay  he  declared  his  willingness  to  ameliorate  the  lot  "of 
the  class  which  was  most  numerous  and  most  poor"  by 
establishing  agricultural  colonies  along  cooperative  lines. 
Marked  activity  was  shown  by  the  Government  in  favor  of 
the  poor.  Many  charitable  foundations,  such  as  hospitals, 
asylums,  and  public  pawnshops,  were  established.  Sanitary 
dwellings  for  workingmen  were  built  at  public  expense.  Ar- 
bitration of  disputes  between  employer  and  employee  was 
greatly  encouraged  by  the  establishment  of  industrial 
bodies,  Conseils  de  Prud'hommes,  representing  both  sides 
and  presided  over  by  government  officials.  A  beginning  was 
also  made  in  establishing  systems  of  old-age  pensions  and 
sickness  and  accident  insurance  by  the  grant  of  subsidies 
to  societies  having  these  objects  in  view.  "Saint-Simon  on 
horseback,"  his  admirers  called  the  Emperor. 

As  Napoleon  had  a  wholesome  fear  of  the  unemployed 
Parisian  laborer,  the  building  of  public  works  which  gave 
Rebuilding  employment  to  many  was  greatly  encouraged 
of  Pans  lyy  j^jj^ .  ^^  ^j^g  same  time  it  served  to  improve 

and  beautify  the  cities  and  give  renown  to  his  reign.  The 
Emperor's  greatest  achievement  in  this  field  was  the  crea- 
tion of  the  new  Paris.  Under  the  direction  of  the  great 
civic  architect,  Baron  Haussmann,  the  capital  was  almost 
completely  remodeled.  From  a  semi-medieval  town,  with 
narrow,  crooked  streets,  paved,  if  at  all,  with  cobblestones, 
there  appeared  the  most  beautiful  city  in  the  world,  the 
present  Paris,  with  its  magnificent  boulevards,  smoothly 
paved  streets,  and  superb  squares.  Street  revolutions  were 
now  impossible,  as  barricades  could  not  so  easily  be  impro- 
vised as  in  1830  and  1848;  and  a  mob  charging  along  a, 

1  See  p.  574- 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  151 

broad  avenue  would  be  exposed  to  artillery  fire  and  to  the 
cavalry.  Thousands  from  all  over  the  world  crowded  to  see 
the  beautiful  city  which  became  the  pleasure  capital  of  the 
world.  Places  of  amusement  of  all  types,  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest,  were  encouraged  by  the  authorities,  and  Paris 
began  to  acquire  an  unenviable  reputation  as  the  modern 
Babylon.  Parisian  shopkeepers  reaped  a  golden  harvest 
from  the  many  visitors  who  spent  their  money  freely  in 
order  to  enjoy  "Parisian  life." 

The  Second  Empire  is  the  great  period  of  the  expansion 
of  French  industry.  France  was  now  in  a  fever  of  business 
enterprise,  and  able  men  forsook  politics  for  Encourage- 
commerce.  Napoleon  III,  greatly  desiring  the  biTs^ness 
support  of  a  wealthy  class  that  would  owe  its  enterprise 
prosperity  to  his  policies,  did  everything  in  his  power  to 
encourage  business  undertakings  and  to  avoid  war.  "The 
Empire  means  peace  because  France  desires  it;  and  when 
France  is  satisfied,  the  world  is  at  peace,"  he  had  announced 
at  the  beginning  of  his  reign.  He  declared  his  preference  for 
"moral  and  material  conquests"  to  those  on  the  field  of 
battle.  Factories  were  built  and  machine  production  made 
rapid  headway.^  Foreign  commerce  increased  five-fold  dur- 
ing the  period  of  the  Second  Empire. ^  There  was  also  a 
marked  development  in  the  metallurgical  industries  through 
the  introduction  of  the  Bessemer  process  and  through  the 
consolidation  of  many  small  steel  plants  into  a  few  large  ones.' 

Most  notable  progress  of  all  was  in  the  improvement  of 
the  means  of  transportation.     In  1850  there  were  in  all 
France  about  eighteen  hundred  miles  of  railway  improve- 
operated  by  many  small  companies.   Rates  were  Jl^ansporta- 
high,    service   bad,  and  management  wasteful,  tion 
A  law  was  passed  in  that  year  which  completely  transformed 

^  The  total  horse-power  of  machines  used  in  industry  in  1855  was  66,642; 
in  1869  it  had  risen  to  320,447. 

*  In  1850  the  total  foreign  commerce  of  France,  excluding  precious  metals, 
amounted  to  about  $371,800,000;  in  1870  it  was  11,134,000,000. 

'  In  1869  France  produced  110,200  tons  of  steel,  which  was  almost  ten  times 
as  much  as  the  quantity  produced  in  1848.  The  production  of  coal  also  greatly 
increased;  in  1850  France  produced  4,434,000  tons;  in  1870,  I3,330|000  tons. 


152     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

the  railway  system.  The  railways  were  given  ninety-nine- 
year  leases  in  order  to  assure  them  stability;  the  Govern- 
ment guaranteed  four  per  cent  interest  on  capital  invested 
in  new  lines ;  and  all  the  railways  were  consolidated  into  six 
trunk  lines  under  the  management  of  as  many  companies. 
By  1869  the  railway  mileage  had  increased  to  about  ninety- 
five  hundred.  Marine  transportation  was  also  improved 
through  the  substitution  of  large  iron  ships  for  small  wooden 
ones.^  In  1861  was  organized  the  first  transatlantic  steam- 
ship line,  that  of  the  Compagnle  Generale  Transatlantique, 
which  established  through  the  aid  of  government  subsi- 
dies a  direct  route  from  France  to  America.  The  improve- 
ment in  the  means  of  transportation  greatly  advanced  in- 
ternal commerce,  particularly  in  agricultural  products,  which 
could  now  find  a  profitable  market  in  the  growing  cities. 

A  spirit  of  speculation  seized  the  French.  There  came  a 
period  of  rising  prices,  rising  profits,  and  rising  wages,  and 
Financial  many  became  rich  quickly,  though  many  others 
establish-  were  ruined  through  over-speculation.  Notable 
financial  institutions  were  founded  through  gov- 
ernment aid,  like  the  Credit  foncier  and  the  Credit  mobilier, 
which  loaned  money  at  liberal  rates,  and  Paris  began  to 
rival  London  as  a  banking  center. 

An  important  change  in  the  tariff  policy  of  France  took 
place  under  the  Second  Empire.  The  French  economist. 
Revision  of  Michel  Chevalier,  was  a  friend  of  Richard  Cob- 
the  tariff        ^^^  ^^^^   j-j^^  j^jj^^  ^^j^  ardent   free-trader;   he 

persuaded  Napoleon  to  abandon  protection  in  favor  of  free 
trade.  During  1853-55,  imperial  decrees  considerably  low- 
ered the  tariff  on  oil,  iron,  steel,  and  wool,  although  free 
trade  was  not  established.  The  Emperor  secretly  negoti- 
ated a  reciprocity  agreement  with  England  in  a  treaty 
agreed  upon  by  Chevalier  and  Cobden.  This  commercial 
treaty  of  i860  bound  each  nation  to  establish  low  duties 
on  the  products  of  the  other.  In  1861  a  uniformly  low  duty 
was  put  on  agricultural  products.    The  tariff  on  foreign- 

*  In  1870  the  French  merchant  marine  was  second  to  that  of  Great  Britain. 
It  had  a  tonnage  of  about  1,000,000,  of  which  200,000  was  under  steam. 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  153 

built  ships  was  entirely  removed.  A  law  was  passed  which 
did  away  with  the  old  colonial  system  by  making  the  tariff 
policy  of  the  French  colonies  uniform  with  that  of  the 
mother  country.  Napoleon's  low-tariff  policies  aroused 
bitter  opposition  in  Parliament,  and  his  secret  treaty  with 
England  was  denounced  by  the  protectionists  as  an  "eco- 
nomic coup  d'etat y 

In  1855  there  took  place  the  first  Paris  Exposition. 
Thousands  of  persons  from  all  over  the  world  came  to  see 
the  products  of  French  industry  and  art  and  to  The  Paris 
admire  the  beautiful  capital.  The  Emperor's  Exposition 
renown  spread  far  and  wide.  He  was  now  universally  ad- 
mired as  a  far-sighted  statesman  who  had  brought  order, 
peace,  and  prosperity  to  his  country.  Even  the  royal  fam- 
ilies of  Europe,  whose  attitude  toward  him  had  hitherto 
been  disdainful,  now  began  to  cultivate  friendly  relations 
with  him. 

The  Empire  and  the  Church 

Like  Napoleon  I,  Napoleon  III  regarded  the  Catholic 
Church  as  the  bulwark  of  social  and  political  conservatism 
and  he  therefore  sought  its  support.  When  Presi-  The  Em- 
dent,  he  had  won  the  hearts  of  the  Catholics  by  vates  good 
sending  a  French  army  to  Rome  to  restore  Pope  ^j'^h'the 
Pius  IX  to  his  authority  as  temporal  ruler  of  the  Church 
Papal  States.^     This  Roman  expedition  was  vehemently 
denounced  by  the  anti-clericals  in  France,  but  it  received 
the  enthusiastic  support  of  the  Catholics,  who  acclaimed 
Napoleon  as  the  defender  of  the  Church.  While  Emperor,  he 
was  assiduous  in  showing  deference  to  the  clergy,  who  were 
given  control  of  public  education  and  charity.     Religious 
exercises  were  associated  with  all  public  acts,  and  religious 
societies  were  greatly  encouraged  by  the  Government. 

There  was  a  division  among  the  Catholics  with  regard 
to  what  attitude  the  Church  was  to  take  toward  The  Liberal 
modern  society.     Those  known  as  "Ultramon-  Catholics 
tanes"  favored  a  policy  of  no  compromise  with  modern 

1  See  p.  207. 


154     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

social,  political,  and  cultural  ideas,  and  insisted  that  good 
Catholics  must  take  all  their  views  from  the  Pope  "beyond 
the  mountains."  Others,  known  as  "Liberal  Catholics," 
although  in  full  accord  with  the  Ultramontanes  in  religious 
doctrines,  differed  from  them  in  regard  to  secular  matters; 
they  favored  a  reconciliation  of  the  Church  with  modern 
democracy,  and  therefore  advocated  a  parliamentary  sys- 
tem of  government.  The  Liberal  Catholics  were  a  small 
group  of  remarkable  men  who  exercised  a  deep  influence 
on  their  contemporaries  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  they  never 
had  a  large  following.  They  numbered,  among  others,  the 
scholar  and  statesman,  Montalembert,  the  great  pulpit 
orator,  Lacordaire,  and  the  zealous  and  eloquent  Bishop 
Doupanloup. 

A  most  interesting  figure  was  Abbe  Lamennais,  the  fore- 
runner of  the  Liberal  Catholics,  who  gained  prominence 
throughout  Europe  by  his  famous  book.  Essay  on 

Lamennais        _     ,.  °  /    ^      \      t  i  i 

Indifference  (1817).  In  most  eloquent  language 
he  declared  his  loyalty  to  the  Catholic  faith  which,  he 
asserted,  was  being  stifled  by  its  connection  with  the 
State;  separation  of  Church  and  State,  he  argued,  would 
leave  the  Church  free  to  pursue  its  divine  mission.  Lamen- 
nais also  became  an  ardent  believer  in  democracy,  and  he 
gathered  about  him  a  brilliant  group  of  young  Catholics, 
among  them  Montalembert  and  Lacordaire,  who  became 
his  ardent  disciples.  To  give  expression  to  his  views  he 
founded  a  paper,  UAvenir  {The  Future),  with  "God  and 
Liberty"  as  its  motto,  whose  mission  was  to  Christian- 
ize French  democracy,  which,  he  declared,  was  under  the 
influence  of  Voltaire.  It  demanded  of  the  Church  that  it 
sever  its  allegiance  from  the  royalist  parties,  and  of  the  Re- 
publicans that  they  grant  to  the  Catholics  "liberty  of  teach- 
ing," or  the  equality  of  the  Church  with  the  State  in  all 
educational  matters. 

Lamennais  and  his  group  encountered  strong  opposition 
within  the  Church.  Pope  Gregory  XVI  condemned  their 
views  as  "absurd  and  erroneous,"  and  their  paper  was 
suspended.    This  was  the  breaking  point,  and  Lamennais 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  155 

began  to  turn  away  from  the  Church,  although  his  fol- 
lowers submitted.    In   1.834  appeared  his  little  Lamennals 
volume,  Words  of  a  Believer,  which  was  widely  leaves  the 

t     ,  1  T-  T     •  •  1  Church 

read  throughout  Europe.  It  is  a  poetic  and  pas- 
sionate eulogy  of  liberty,  and  almost  mystical  in  its  love 
of  democracy.  This  "apostle  of  the  people,"  as  Lamennais 
was  called,  became  more  and  more  radical  in  his  politics 
and  more  and  more  heretical  in  his  theology.  He  finally 
left  the  Church  and  ended  his  days  as  a  preacher  of  Chris- 
tian socialism. 

Both  Ultramontanes  and  Liberal  Catholics  had  endorsed 
the  coup  d'etat  of  Napoleon,  who  had  won  the  latter  by 
his  advocacy  of  the  Falloux  Law,^  which  recog-  Catholics 
nized  the  principle  of  "liberty  of  teaching"  so  endorse 
dear  to  them.   The  spokesman  of  the  Ultramon- 
tanes was  Louis  Veuillot,  the  brilliant  editor  of  the  Catholic 
journal,  UUnivers,  who  hailed  the  destruction  of  the  Sec- 
ond Republic  as  a  victory  of  order  and  religion  over  the 
"Reds,"  or  Socialists.    The  Liberal  Catholics  were  less  en- 
thusiastic.    Montalembert  declared  that  "to  vote  for  Louis 
Napoleon  does  not  mean  to  endorse  all  that  he  did ;  it  means 
to  choose  between  him  and  the  total  ruin  of  France." 

The  Italian  War  of  18592  marked  the  beginning  of  strained 
relations  between  the  Church  and  the  Empire.  The  clericals 
denounced  the  Italian  expedition  as  strongly  as  Strained 

.  .  .  ,  ,    relations 

the  anti-clericals  had   at  one  time  denounced  between 
the  Roman;  they  realized  that  through  French  f^TthT" 
aid  Italy  would  be  united,  and  that  this  would  Church 
inevitably  lead  to  the  loss  of  the  Pope's  temporal  power. 
They  openly  denounced  Napoleon  as  an  enemy  and  traitor 

*  This  was  an  education  act,  passed  in  1850,  which  gave  to  the  Catholic 
Church  the  control  of  education.  The  schools  conducted  by  the  Church  were  to 
receive  public  support.  Priests  and  nuns  having  a  "letter  of  obedience"  from 
their  bishop  could  be  engaged  to  teach  in  public  schools;  lay  teachers  were  re- 
quired to  have  a  certificate  from  the  State.  To  the  parish  priest  was  given 
the  power  to  supervise  the  instruction  given  in  the  elementary  schools.  An 
important  provision  in  this  law  gave  to  Catholic  colleges  equal  right  with  the 
University  of  France  to  grant  degrees;  hitherto  the  latter  had  enjoyed  a  mo- 
nopoly of  this  right. 

*  See  p.  213. 


156     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

to  the  Church,  and  organized  a  powerful  opposition  to  him 
in  ParUament.  The  anti-clericals,  on  the  contrary,  hailed  the 
Emperor's  alliance  with  the  Italian  democrats  as  a  good  au- 
gury for  liberalism  at  home  as  well  as  abroad.  Catholic  jour- 
nals that  attacked  the  Government  were  suppressed,  and 
collections  of  money  in  France  for  the  Pope  were  forbidden. 

The  Liberal  Empire 

In  his  great  desire  to  win  the  favor  of  every  class  and  of 
every  party.  Napoleon  succeeded  in  winning  the  enmity  of 
Growing  all.  His  Strongest  supportcrs  hitherto,  the  Catho- 
to 'the^'""  lies,  were  now  in  opposition ;  the  powerful  manu- 
Empire  facturing  interests  were  incensed  at  his  low-tariff 

policies;  the  Liberals  denounced  the  Empire  for  deserting 
Cavour;^  and  nothing  that  he  would  do  could,  of  course, 
satisfy  the  Republicans.  He  felt  that  liberalism  might  bring 
new  strength  to  the  dynasty,  so  he  resolved  on  a  policy  of 
concessions.  In  1859  a  general  amnesty  was  granted  to 
those  who  had  been  driven  out  of  France  for  their  political 
views.  During  the  following  year  Parliament  was  allowed 
more  freedom;  it  was  now  permitted  to  frame  an  address 
criticizing  the  Government,  and  its  debates  were  allowed 
to  be  published.  The  press  laws  were  also  generally  relaxed. 
These  concessions  resulted  in  increasing  instead  of  decreas- 
ing the  attacks  of  the  opposition.  A  Liberal  union  was 
formed  consisting  of  Republicans,  royalists,  and  clericals, 
and  it  managed  to  elect  thirty-five  members  to  the  House  in 
the  elections  of  1863,  in  spite  of  the  system  of  "official  candi- 
dates," which  was  still  maintained.  This  frightened  the 
Emperor  into  more  concessions.  An  anti-clerical,  the  his- 
torian Victor  Duruy,  was  appointed  Minister  of  Education, 
and  he  used  his  power  to  combat  the  influence  of  the  Church 
in  public  education. 

Napoleon's  rising  unpopularity  was  enhanced  by  his 
ill-starred  Mexican  expedition. ^    Taking  advantage  of  the 

^  See  p.  213. 

2  A  Swiss  banker  named  Jecker  had  loaned  money  to  the  Mexican  Revolu- 
tionary Government  which  he  was  unable  to  collect.    Through  a  corrupt  bar- 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  157 

Civil  War  in  the  United  States,  he  intervened  in  Mexico 
on  the  alleged  ground  that  sufficient  protection  -pj^^  Uexi- 
was  not  given  to  foreign  citizens;  his  real  aim,  can  expe- 

1  1     Ai      •       A  •  dition 

however,  was  to  play  a  grand  role  in  American 
affairs  in  order  to  revive  his  waning  popularity.  In  1862 
a  French  army  was  landed  in  Mexico  which  overthrew  the 
Republic  and  established  an  empire  under  the  protection  of 
France.  Archduke  Maximilian,  brother  of  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph  of  Austria,  was  chosen  Emperor.  This  course  aroused 
great  opposition  among  the  Mexican  people,  who  rose  in 
rebellion  against  Emperor  Maximilian  and  the  French 
troops  supporting  him.  At  the  close  of  the  American  Civil 
War  the  Washington  Government  demanded  the  immediate 
withdrawal  of  the  French  army  on  the  ground  that  their 
presence  was  a  violation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Napoleon 
now  deserted  Maximilian  as  he  had  once  deserted  Cavour; 
the  unfortunate  Emperor  was  seized  by  the  Mexicans  and 
shot,  and  the  Mexican  Republic  was  reestablished. 

The  disastrous  outcome  of  the  Mexican  expedition  re- 
acted seriously  on  the  fortunes  of  the  Emperor,  as  it  had 
been  expensive,  humiliating,  and  utterly  useless.  The  Liberal 
The  opposition  to  him  became  bolder  and  sharper  Empire 
than  ever  before.  Thiers  made  a  great  speech  demanding 
the  "necessary  liberties."  A  group  was  formed,  calling  itself 
the  Third  Party,  composed  of  Liberals  who  desired  a  regime 
that  would  steer  a  middle  course  between  an  autocratic 
empire  and  a  democratic  republic.  They  demanded  freedom 
of  elections,  of  speech,  and  of  association,  and  the  responsi- 
bility of  Ministers  to  Parliament.  Their  leader  was  Emile 
Ollivier,  a  former  Republican,  who  desired  to  play  the  role 
of  the  reconciler  of  the  Empire  with  liberty.  He  was  de- 
nounced as  a  traitor  by  the  Republicans,  but  was  welcomed 
by  Napoleon  as  the  statesman  of  the  Liberal  Empire  which 
was  about  to  be  inaugurated.  During  1867-69  the  way  was 
being  prepared  for  the  new  political  edifice,  "the  Empire 

gain  with  the  Duke  de  Morny,  who  was  promised  a  portion  of  this  money, 
Jecker  was  made  a  French  citizen  by  an  Imperial  decree.  The  French  Gov- 
ernment then  took  up  his  claim,  which  furnished  Napoleon  a  pretext  for  inter- 
vention in  Mexico. 


158     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

crowned  with  liberty  .  .  .  equally  removed  from  reaction 
and  from  revolutionary  theories."  Parliament  was  given 
the  full  right  of  interpellation,  censorship  of  the  press  was 
greatly  moderated,  and  public  meetings  were  more  freely 
permitted. 

These  concessions  satisfied  many,  but  they  merely 
strengthened  the  opposition  of  the  irreconcilable  Repub- 
Henri  licans,  who  wanted  nothing  less  than  the  aboli- 

Rochefort  ^Jqj^  ^f  ^j^g  Empire  and  the  establishment  of  a 
democratic  republic.  During  the  last  days  of  the  Empire 
there  emerged  two  remarkable  men,  Gambetta  and  Roche- 
fort,  who  declared  war  d  outrance  against  the  Government 
and  all  its  works,  good  and  bad.  Henri  Rochefort  was  a 
brilliant  journalist  wielding  a  rapier-like  pen,  who,  in  1868, 
founded  a  weekly  paper.  La  Lanterne  {The  Lamp-Post), 
which  began  a  merciless  attack  upon  the  Emperor  and  his 
Government.  This  paper,  which  quickly  won  an  enormous 
circulation,  was  suppressed  many  times  and  its  editor  driven 
into  exile;  but  as  often  as  it  was  suppressed  it  reappeared 
under  a  different  name  and  in  a  different  place. 

During  the  same  year  a  trial  took  place  in  France  which 
attracted  considerable  attention.  It  was  that  of  a  journalist 
L6on  who  was  being  prosecuted  by  the  Government 

Gambetta  £qj.  starting  a  subscription  to  raise  a  monument  to 
a  Republican  named  Baudin,  one  of  the  victims  of  the  coup 
d'etat  of  1 85 1.  A  young  lawyer,  hitherto  unknown,  named 
L6on  Gambetta,  was  chosen  to  defend  him.  Instead  of  con- 
fining himself  to  the  defense  of  his  client,  Gambetta  delivered 
a  terrific  indictment  of  the  Second  Empire,  denouncing  its 
origin  as  criminal,  its  conduct  as  tyrannical,  and  prophesy- 
ing its  speedy  downfall.  "On  the  Second  of  December,"  he 
declared,  "there  grouped  themselves  around  a  pretender 
men  whom  France  had  never  before  known,  men  without 
talent,  without  honor,  without  rank,  without  position ;  men 
of  the  type  who  in  all  times  have  been  the  organizers  of  con- 
spiracies. .  .  .  And  these  men  had  the  audacity  to  pretend 
that  they  were  the  saviors  of  France."  He  went  on  to  de- 
nounce the  character  of  the  government  founded  by  these 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  159 

conspirators,  and  ended  with  a  peroration  which  resounded 
throughout  the  country:  "Listen,  you,  who  for  seventeen 
years  have  been  the  absolute  masters  of  France.  .  .  ,  The 
proof  of  your  remorse  is  that  you  have  never  dared  to  say: 
'Let  us  consecrate  the  Second  of  December  as  a  solemn 
national  holiday  as  the  men  of  1789,  1830,  and  1848  cele- 
brated the  days  of  their  triumph.'  .  .  .  This  anniversary 
which  you  have  refused  to  signalize,  we  will  take  for  our- 
selves. We  shall  celebrate  each  year,  regularly  and  without 
fail,  the  memory  of  those  who  fell  on  that  day,  until  the 
time  will  come  when  the  country,  having  regained  her 
freedom,  shall  impose  upon  you  a  great  national  expiation 
in  the  name  of  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Fraternity." 

Never  had  the  Empire  been  denounced  with  such  invec- 
tive and  with  such  thrilling  eloquence ;  the  speech  sounded 
like  the  coming  doom  of  the  Napoleonic  regime.  Gambetta 
This  speech  made  Gambetta  famous.  He  imme-  p^^s^^^ 
diately  sprang  to  the  forefront  of  the  opposition  and  be- 
came the  rising  hope  of  the  irreconcilable  republicans,  who 
hailed  him  as  their  leader.  His  program  demanded  the 
establishment  of  a  parliamentary  republic  based  on  univer- 
sal suffrage,  separation  of  Church  and  State,  public  secular 
education,  and  complete  freedom  of  speech  and  of  association. 
"The  dominant  idea  in  my  political  activity,"  he  declared, 
"is  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  completely  and  thor- 
oughly organized.  I  am  a  radical  democrat,  passionately 
devoted  to  the  principles  of  liberty  and  fraternity,  and  I 
shall  tirelessly  aim  to  show  that  Caesarian  democracy  is 
incompatible  with  the  ideals  and  methods  of  true  democ- 
racy." 

In  the  elections  of   1869  the  opposition  had  grown  to 
ninety  members,  among  the  elected  being  Gambetta  and 
Rochefort.    In  the  face  of  the  advance  of  repub-  xhe  Empire 
licanism,  which  was  daily  becoming  more  threat-  becomes  a 
ening  and  defiant,  the  Emperor  turned  to  the  tional 
counsels  of   moderation   offered   by  the  Third  "^^"^'■^hy 
Party.    A  series  of  decrees,  the  most  notable  being  that  of 
April  20,  1870,  deprived  the  Senate  of  its  power  to  amend 


i6o     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  Constitution  and  gave  the  House  full  control  over  all 
legislation.  The  Empire  was  now  fully  a  constitutional 
monarchy,  and  the  ex-Republican  Ollivier  was  appointed 
Prime  Minister,  with  a  cabinet  composed  of  men  of  all 
parties  except  the  Republican.  Napoleon  was  anxious  ta 
get  popular  approval  for  the  Liberal  Empire,  as  he  was 
half  sincere  in  his  constant  assertion  that  the  Empire  was 
based  on  a  democratic  ideal.  He  determined,  therefore,  to 
submit  his  reforms  to  a  plebiscite,  which,  he  thought,  would 
give  him  the  popular  backing  that  he  needed  to  face  the 
bitter  attacks  of  the  Republicans,  who  denounced  the 
Ollivier  Ministry  as  "sentinels  who  mounted  guard"  over 
despotism.  On  May  8,  1870,  the  electors  were  asked  to 
vote  on  the  following  proposition:  "The  French  nation 
approves  the  liberal  reforms  made  in  the  Constitution  since 
i860  and  ratifies  the  decrees  of  1870."  The  result  showed 
an  overwhelming  approval  of  the  Emperor's  course,  as 
about  seven  and  a  half  millions  voted  "yes"  and  only  one 
and  a  half,  "no."  This  was  a  great  disappointment  to  the 
Republicans,  who  seemed  discredited.  To  all  appearances 
the  new  regime  was  now  firmly  established,  and  Napoleon 
was  congratulated  by  his  Ministers,  who  assured  him  of 
"a  happy  old  age"  as  Emperor  and  of  the  undisputed  suc- 
cession of  his  son,  the  Prince  Imperial. 

Foreign  Policy 

Napoleon's  declaration  that  the  Empire  meant  peace 
was  sincerely  meant.  But  he  well  knew  that  his  name  had 
War  a  neces-  aroused  the  imagination  of  the  French  people, 
sity  for  and  that  he  owed  his  success  to  the  popular  be- 

lief that  a  Napoleonic  regime  would  establish 
France  once  more  as  la  grande  nation  of  Europe.  To  pursue 
a  peace  policy  would,  therefore,  invite  disaster  to  the  Em- 
pire, as  it  had  to  the  bourgeois  monarchy  of  Louis  Philippe. 
In  the  tortuous  maze  of  the  Emperor's  constantly  shifting 
foreign  policy  there  stands  out  one  dominant  purpose, 
namely,  nationalism.  France,  if  she  went  to  war,  was  to 
do  so,  not  to  conquer  territory  for  herself,  but  to  conquer 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  i6i 

liberty  for  oppressed  nationalities.  "When  she  draws  her 
sword,"  declared  the  Emperor,  "it  is  not  to  dominate,  but 
to  liberate."  Such  a  course  would  prove  his  loyalty  to  the 
principles  of  the  French  Revolution,  which  he  so  warmly 
professed,  and  gain  renown  for  the  French  arms. 

Unlike  his  great  uncle,  Napoleon  was  no  soldier,  although 
he  carefully  cultivated  the  appearance  of  one.  It  was  his 
custom  to  ride  in  resplendent  uniform  on  a  £^,1  condi- 
black  charger,  and  his  detractors  insinuated  that  tjons  in  the 
he  rouged  his  cheeks  and  wore  a  corset  in  order 
to  make  a  fine  appearance  on  parade.  The  army  was  com- 
posed mainly  of  professional  soldiers,  though,  in  theory,  all 
citizens  were  required  to  serve.  Exemption  could  easily  be 
obtained  by  paying  a  sum  of  money  to  the  Government  or 
by  hiring  a  substitute;  those  who  could  not  do  so  were 
obliged  to  serve  seven  years.  Proposals  for  universal  mili- 
tary service  were  made  several  times  in  Parliament,  but 
were  never  enacted  into  law,  as  the  idea  was  very  unpopular 
among  the  middle  classes;  consequently  the  standing  army 
was  small,  its  total  war  footing  in  i860  being  about  six 
hundred  thousand  men.  Although  the  French  army,  with 
its  gaudy  new  uniforms  and  dashing  appearance,  made  a 
fine  impression  on  parade,  it  was  badly  organized  and  in- 
efficiently officered.  Napoleon  had  filled  it  with  political 
generals  who  were  at  best  incompetent  and  at  worst,  cor- 
rupt; the  defeats  of  1870  were  largely  due  to  the  Emperor's 
demoralizing  influence.  Lacking  true  efficiency,  a  spirit  of 
braggadocio  was  encouraged  among  the  soldiers,  who  were 
given  to  boasting  of  their  warlike  qualities  and  of  their 
superiority  over  all  other  soldiers. 

Napoleon's  policy  in  war  was  to  associate  himself  with 
allies;  in  case  of  victory,  he  could  claim  the  credit,  and 
in  case  of  defeat,  he  could  put  the  blame  on  ^he  wars  of 
the  others.  What  he  dreaded  most  of  all  was  an  the  Second 
unsuccessful  war;  a  Napoleon  that  could  not  win 
would  be  ridiculous,   and  would  be  quickly  driven  from 
power.  In  1854  France  joined  England  and  Turkey  in  mak- 
ing war  upon  Russia.    The  motives  for  Napoleon's  entrance 


i62     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

into  the  Crimean  War^  were  mixed,  like  all  his  motives:  he 
saw  an  opportunity  for  great  personal  popularity,  as  the 
Allies  were  bound  to  be  successful ;  he  was  unfriendly  to  Tsar 
Nicholas  I  because  the  latter  had  not  fully  recognized  him 
as  a  fellow  sovereign ;  and  he  hoped  also  to  avenge  the  First 
Empire  by  humiliating  Russia,  which  had  been  instrumental 
in  its  downfall.  In  1859  he  joined  Sardinia  in  attacking 
Austria.  Here  again  his  motives  were  mixed.  He  sincerely 
and  warmly  sympathized  with  Italian  unity  and  wished  to 
help  attain  it ;  he  desired  to  awaken  the  great  military  mem- 
ories of  the  First  Empire  by  driving  Austrians  out  of  Italy; 
but  he  also  wanted  territory,  Nice  and  Savoy.  The  success- 
ful outcome  of  these  two  wars  put  France  once  more  at  the 
pinnacle  of  international  power.  For  a  time  Napoleon 
played  the  role  of  dictator  in  Europe;  no  treaty  could  be 
entered  into,  no  territorial  changes  could  be  made,  and  no 
diplomatic  policy  inaugurated  without  his  being  consulted. 
This  greatly  inflated  the  pride  of  la  grande  nation  and  added 
to  the  popularity  of  the  Emperor,  who  was  beginning  to  feel 
that  he,  too,  had  a  "star."  But  it  was  a  pinchbeck  imperial- 
ism that  Napoleon  gave  to  the  French  people.  Behind  the 
resplendent  Court,  subservient  bureaucracy,  and  magnifi- 
cently attired  army,  there  was  Incompetence,  corruption, 
discontent,  and  short-sightedness  which,  in  case  of  a  real 
trial  of  strength  with  a  powerful  foe,  would  send  France 
headlong  to  disaster. 

Napoleon's  misunderstanding  of  Prussia's  ambition,  his 
total  lack  of  appreciation  of  the  strength  of  the  national 
Napoleon's  sentiment  in  Germany,  his  absurd  misjudgment 
understand  o^  the  character  of  Bismarck,  and  his  fatal  in- 
Prussia  consistency  in  opposing  the  national  unity  of 

Germany  were  to  end  in  his  undoing.  In  1865  there  took 
place  a  famous  interview  at  Biarritz  between  Bismarck  and 
Napoleon  III  about  the  Schleswig-Holstein  question.  Bis- 
marck was  eager  to  obtain  the  neutrality  of  France  in  his 
coming  conflict  with  Austria,  in  order  to  free  Prussia  from 
anxiety  on  account  of  her  western  frontier.    Napoleon  con- 

^  See  p.  629. 


THE   SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  163 

sented,  and  France  committed  the  fatal  error  of  remaining 
neutral  during  the  Seven  Weeks'  War."^  He  had  no  idea 
of  the  real  strength  of  Prussia,  and  therefore  felt  sure  that 
she  would  be  defeated ;  or,  if  she  were  not,  that  both  nations 
would  exhaust  themselves  in  a  long-drawn-out  war,  which 
would  give  him  the  opportunity  of  interfering  to  gain  some- 
thing for  France,  possibly  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine.  Even 
Sadowa  failed  to  undeceive  him.  Had  he  intervened  even 
then,  as  Austria  was  urging  him  to  do,  Prussia  might  have 
been  compelled  to  yield,  for  what  she  greatly  feared  was  an 
attack  in  the  rear.  But  the  propitious  moment  passed. 
Napoleon's  blindness,  his  fatal  fatuity,  his  vacillation  may, 
in  part,  be  attributed  to  a  racking  illness  from  which  he 
was  then  suffering  and  which  may  have  dulled  his  otherwise 
acute  mind.  Only  when  Prussia  was  completely  victorious 
did  he  come  forward  with  his  irritating  demand  that  the 
southern  states  be  left  out  of  the  German  union.  Prussia 
yielded,  but  she  resolved  that  France  should  pay  dearly  for 
trying  to  block  the  road  to  German  unity. 

"Revenge  for  Sadowa"  now  became  the  cry  in  France. 
The  drift  of  events  beyond  the  Rhine  was  now  understood, 
as  it  seemed  perfectly  evident  that  all  Germany  j^^  ^-^y^^ 
would  soon  unite  in  a  powerful  single  state,  tary  party 
The  feeling  between  the  French  and  the  Ger- 
mans was  constantly  growing  more  bitter;  and  the  news- 
papers of  both  nations  frequently  fanned  the  flames  of 
national  hatred  through  the  publication  of  articles  abound- 
ing in  taunts,  insults,  and  recriminations.  The  chauvinists 
in  France  insisted  that  Prussia  must  be  humiliated  and  they 
joined  the  republicans,  clericals,  and  protectionists  in  criti- 
cizing the  Emperor,  who  began  to  consider  the  possibility  of 
a  war  with  Prussia  as  a  means  of  reestablishing  his  popu- 
larity. Although  the  war  party  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Duke  de  Gramont  was  constantly  preaching  war,  it  did 
nothing  to  prepare  the  country  for  it.  In  1868  the  Emperor 
urged  that  the  French  army  be  reorganized  on  the  Prussian 
model,  but  Parliament  refused  to  enact  the  necessary  legis- 

*  See  p.  181. 


i64     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

latlon.  He  was  loath  to  enter  into  a  contest  with  the  latter, 
whose  power  he  was  now  augmenting,  lest  it  should  add  to 
his  unpopularity.  What  he  cared  most  about  was  not  the 
safety  of  his  country,  but  the  safety  of  his  throne. 

The  story  of  the  events  leading  up  to  the  Franco-Prus- 
sian War  and  of  the  war  itself  is  described  elsewhere.^ 
Mob  pro-  Sedan  sounded  the  doom  of  the  Second  Empire, 
France  a  whose  end  was  as  inglorious  as  its  beginning, 
republic  On  September  4,   1870,  a  mob  broke  into  the 

Parliament  building  shouting,  "Down  with  the  Empire!" 
"Long  live  the  Republic!"  The  members  were  dispersed, 
and  the  mob,  led  by  Gambetta,  Jules  Ferry,  and  Jules 
Favre,  went  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville  where  they  proclaimed  a 
republic.  Empress  Eugenie  fled.  The  Emperor,  on  being 
released  by  the  Germans,  sought  refuge  in  England,  where 
he  died  in  1873. 

A  Government  of  National  Defense  was  hastily  organized 
with  General  Trochu  at  its  head,  but  with  Gambetta  as  its 
The  new  re-  leading  Spirit.  It  resolved  "not  to  yield  an  inch 
der^Gam-"  of  our  soil,  not  a  stone  of  our  fortresses,"  and 
betta  proceeded  to  organize  a  levee  en  masse,  or  armed 

uprising,  as  in  the  great  days  of  '93.  Gambetta,  who  was 
the  soul  of  this  new  phase  of  the  war,  had  escaped  in  a  bal- 
loon from  besieged  Paris  and  had  established  the  Provi- 
sional Government  at  Bordeaux.  Though  holding  the  office 
of  Minister  of  the  Interior,  he  became  virtually  dictator  of 
France.  His  extraordinary  energy  and  daring  resource- 
fulness aroused  his  fellow  countrymen  to  a  new  resistance 
which  astounded  the  Germans.  But  the  capitulation  of 
Metz  rendered  further  resistance  useless. 

In  order  to  establish  a  responsible  government  with 
power  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace,  an  armistice  was  signed 
Abolition  of  between  the  French  and  German  forces.  Elec- 
the  Empire  tions  were  then  held  throughout  France,  and  a 
National  Assembly  was  chosen  which  convened  at  Bordeaux 
on  February  12,  1871,  and  assumed  full  authority  over 
France.    The  Government  of   National  Defense  was  then 

*  See  p.  184. 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  165 

dissolved.  On  March  i  the  National  Assembly  almost 
unanimously  voted  the  abolition  of  the  Empire,  which  it 
declared  was  "responsible  for  the  ruin,  the  invasion,  and 
the  dismemberment  of  France." 

Literature  during  the  Empire 

By  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  Romanticism 
was  a  spent  force  in  French  literature.  Alone  of  the  Roman- 
ticists, Victor  Hugo,  who  bestrode  the  entire  ,,. 

1-1  ,.  ^   ,  .  ,    .      Victor  Hugo 

century  like  a  literary  Colossus,  continued  in 
unabated  strength.  He  reached  a  poetic  height  unattalned 
by  any  other  French  poet  in  his  La  Legende  des  Siecles 
{Legend  of  the  Ages),  a  kind  of  lyrical  history  of  man,  in 
which  he  sings  the  paean  of  human  progress  in  a  series  of 
epical  and  philosophical  poems. 

Modern  literary  criticism  can  boast  of  no  greater  name 
than  that  of  Charles  Augustin  Sainte-Beuve  (1804-69),  who 
became  the  European  arbiter  of  literary  good  Sainte- 
taste.  Sainte-Beuve's  conception  of  criticism  ^euve 
was  that  its  main  function  is  to  reveal  "the  natural  history 
of  the  human  intellect";  hence  he  had  no  set  formula  and 
no  philosophic  system.  His  method  was  that  of  "universal 
curiosity":  to  inquire  into  the  antecedents,  life,  character, 
and  temperament  of  the  author  and  to  show  how  these  were 
reflected  In  his  work.  Above  all,  the  critic  was  not  to 
obtrude  his  own  views  on  the  reader;  his  function  w^as  "to 
be  and  to  remain  outside  everything,"  and  to  exhibit  the 
author  as  he  would  a  picture  or  a  statue.  Indicating  both 
good  and  bad  points ;  the  reader  would  then  be  able  to  pass 
judgment  for  himself  more  intelligently.  Few  critics  were 
so  well  endowed  as  Sainte-Beuve,  who  possessed  a  wide 
and  profound  knowledge,  not  only  of  literature,  but  also  of 
history,  philosophy,  art,  and  religion;  he  wrote,  therefore, 
with  great  sympathy  and  understanding  of  many  types  of 
authors.  He  was,  above  all  else,  an  intense  admirer  of  the 
classic  French  style  and,  for  that  reason,  he  failed  to  ap- 
preciate fully  so  great  a  novelist  as  Balzac,  who  lacked  it. 
Sainte-Beuve's  greatest  work,  Histoire  de  Port-Royal,  is  a 


i66     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

description  of  the  Jansenist  mystics  of  the  seventeenth 
century  and,  in  addition,  a  historical  and  philosophical 
study  of  the  entire  period.  His  most  famous  book  of  criti- 
cism is  Causeries  du  lundi  {Monday  Chats)  which  consists  of 
short  but  pregnant  estimates  of  writers  and  other  famous 
persons. 

Quite  the  opposite  of  Sainte-Beuve  in  ideals  and  methods 
was  Hippolyte  Taine  (1828-93),  the  philosophic  critic  and 

.  historian.    The  latter  was  an  excellent  example 

of  the  dogmatic  thinker  who  has  a  passion  for 
classifying  all  human  phenomena  into  formulas  and  sys- 
tems. In  Taine's  opinion,  three  factors,  race,  heredity,  and 
environment,  determine  all  human  development;  the  indi- 
vidual is  merely  the  product  of  these  forces  which  fashion 
his  ideals  and  character.  It  is  important  to  study,  therefore, 
not  this  great  man  or  that,  but  the  social,  political,  and 
physical  conditions  which  produced  him.  He  applied  this 
formula  even  to  literature  and  to  art.  Taine's  most  impor- 
tant work  is  a  series  of  histories  entitled  Origines  de  la 
France  contemporaine,  a  highly  original  philosophic  study 
of  the  Revolutionary  and  Napoleonic  periods.  It  is,  how- 
ever, defective  in  scholarship  and  colored  by  partisanship, 
as  he  was  strongly  opposed  to  the  ideas  and  methods  of 
the  Jacobins. 

By  far  the  most  perfect  type  of  French  savant  was  Ernest 
Renan  (1823-92),  whose  great  learning  was  combined  with 
„  a  literary  style  of  the  highest  order.    Although 

educated  for  the  priesthood,  he  became  the  mas- 
ter skeptic  of  the  age,  and  as  such  he  exercised  a  profound 
influence  on  his  contemporaries.  The  one  unpardonable  sin, 
according  to  Renanism,  which  became  a  cult  among  the 
intellectual  elite  of  France,  is  dogmatism;  the  greatest  virtue 
is  a  refined  sympathy  for  all  ideas,  even  for  those  which  you 
believe  false,  so  long  as  they  are  of  value  to  mankind ;  the 
true  saint  is  the  skeptic  who  gives  up  the  good  of  this  world 
without  expecting  anything  in  return.  Renan  was  de- 
nounced by  his  opponents  as  a  dilettante,  a  man  who  deli- 
ciously  fingered  great  ideas  for  sensuous  enjoyment  and 


THE  SECOND   FRENCH   EMPIRE  167 

whose  interest  in  art  was  greater  than  his  interest  in  any- 
thing else.  His  exquisite  style,  elegant,  suave,  and  fluid, 
and  his  romantic  imagination  gave  fascination  to  his 
scholarly  work,  which  was  mainly  in  the  field  of  religious 
history.  Kenan's  most  important  book,  Histoire  du  peuple 
d'Israel,  is  an  attempt  to  rationalize  the  Old  Testament 
and  to  explain  its  origin  .by  the  environment  and  race 
characteristics  of  the  ancient  Jews.  His  Vie  de  Jesus  caused 
a  sensation  in  Europe,  and  he  was  denounced  by  his  op- 
ponents as  a  blasphemer,  because  he  pictured  Christ  as  a 
lovable  human  being  and  not  as  a  divinity. 

In  fiction  a  new  school,  Realism,  displaced  Romanticism. 
Unlike  the  latter.  Realism  found  its  themes  and  scenes 
in  the  present  and  not  in  the  Middle  Ages;  it  .. 
dealt  with  the  actual  and  the  probable  in  hu- 
man life,  and  avoided  w^hat  smacked  of  the  fantastic  and 
of  the  extravagant.  According  to  the  Realists  the  writer 
must  be  objective,  merely  a  medium  through  which  nature 
and  society  find  expression;  he  must  efface  his  own  person- 
ality completely  from  his  w^ork  in  order  to  reproduce  life 
truthfully.  "An  artist  ought  no  more  appear  in  his  work, 
than  God  does  in  nature,"  was  the  dictum  of  the  greatest 
master  of  the  school,  Gustave  Flaubert. 

By  far  the  best  example  of  a  Realistic  novel  is  Flaubert's 
Madame  Bovary,  which  is  considered  by  many  competent 
critics  to  be  the  greatest  novel  in  French  lit-  „,    , 

T  ,1        1  .  f  •        1      Flaubert 

erature.  It  tells  the  tragic  story  01  a  simple 
woman,  the  unhappy  wife  of  a  country  surgeon,  whose 
quest  of  true  love  leads  her  to  degradation  and  finally  to 
suicide.  The  evolution  of  the  character  of  the  heroine, 
Emma  Bovary,  as  she  falls  lower  and  lower  in  the  moral 
scale,  is  described  with  such  penetrating  insight  into  human 
weakness  and  such  cold  aloofness  that  he  makes  the  tragic 
end  seem  the  natural  outcome  of  the  commonplace  be- 
ginning. Flaubert  was  an  artist,  first,  last,  and  all  the  time. 
He  hated  the  vulgar  and  the  mediocre,  "the  bourgeois," 
and  loved  "art  for  art's  sake."  His  is  the  perfect  French 
style;  every  sentence  which  he  wrote  was  polished  with  the 


i68     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

greatest  care.  To  this  "patient  gold-beater  of  words  and 
phrases  "  the  correct  expression  was  an  eternal  search,  and 
he  never  rested  till  he  found  it. 

The  most  important  dramatist  of  the  Second  Empire 
was  Alexandre  Dumas  j^/5  (1824-95),  the  son  of  the  famous 
^         .,       novelist.    He  was  the  originator  of  the  kind  of 

Dumas 7*"  n     1     1      ^i         11  1        >»   •         1  •   1      1 

drama  called  the  problem  play,  m  which  the 
moral  difificulties  arising  out  of  the  marriage  tie  are  the  main 
theme.  Dumas's  plays,  the  most  famous  of  which  is  La 
Dame  aux  Camelias  {Camille),  frequently  deal  with  a  type 
of  woman  who  lives  in  what  he  called  the  demi-monde,  or 
the  outskirts  of  respectable  society.  He  constantly  de- 
nounces the  system  of  laws  and  customs  which  sacrifices  the 
welfare  of  children  to  the  vices  of  parents. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  UNIFICATION  OF  GERMANY 
Reaction  in  Prussia 

If  democracy  gained  little  as  a  result  of  the  Revolution 
of  1848,  nationalism  gained  still  less.  The  latter  was  badly 
discredited  by  the  Frankfort  Assembly  with  its  Nationalism 
unpractical  members,  its  long-winded  discus-  discredited 
sions,  and  its  contemptible  exit.  The  common  feeling  in 
Germany  now  was  that  union  could  not  be  achieved  by 
means  of  a  constitutional  assembly,  or,  for  that  matter, 
by  any  other  means.  Nationalism,  having  been  discredited 
by  democracy,  was  doubly  odious  to  the  triumphant  auto- 
crats of  Prussia  and  Austria. 

The  King  of  Prussia  soon  turned  his  undivided  attention 
to  devitalizing  the  meager  constitution  which  he  had 
granted.  What  was  inconvenient  to  the  Govern-  Suppression 
ment  became  a  dead  letter  or  was  "interpreted "  °^  liberalism 
to  suit  its  desires.  Freedom  of  speech  was  granted  only  to 
those  who  favored  the  King;  it  was  denied  to  those  who 
opposed  him.  Liberal  meetings  were  dissolved  and  Liberal 
newspapers  suppressed  on  the  slightest  pretext.  The  meth- 
ods employed  by  Napoleon  III  to  circumvent  constitutional 
guarantees  were  much  admired  and  copied  by  the  reaction- 
aries of  Prussia.  The  publication  of  newspapers  was  allowed, 
but  their  sale  forbidden.  Editors  had  to  deposit  large  sums  of 
money  as  a  guarantee  of  "good  behavior";  criticism  of  the 
Government  was  followed  by  the  confiscation  of  this  money 
and  frequently  by  a  prison  sentence  for  the  editor.  This 
threat,  always  present,  had  a  deterrent  effect  upon  the  free- 
dom of  the  press.  During  elections  the  Government  used 
intimidation,  patronage,  and  bribery  to  have  candidates  re- 
turned who  were  favorable  to  its  policies.  Even  in  private 
life  did  the  liberals  feel  the  heavy  hand  of  reaction.  Let- 
ters were  opened  and  read  by  the  postal  authorities,  and 


I70     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

spies  were  everywhere.  Liberals  found  it  very  difficult  to  be 
appointed  as  teachers  in  the  schools  and  universities,  and 
the  public  service  was  absolutely  barred  to  them.  Physi- 
cians and  lawyers  opposed  to  the  Government  were  hin- 
dered in  their  practice  by  vexatious  regulations  and  official 
boycotting. 

Prussia  was  now  a  semi-autocratic,  semi-parliamentary 
state.  The  king  was  still  sovereign  with  full  control  of  the 
Prussia  a  Government;  there  was  also  a  parliament,  the 
semi-auto-  Landtag,  but  its  powers  were  narrowly  limited. 
It  had  the  right  to  pass  laws  which  the  king 
might  veto,  to  make  suggestions  which  he  might  ignore, 
and  to  vote  censures  which  he  might  flout.  It  is  true  that 
all  new  taxes  had  to  have  the  consent  of  the  Landtag,  but  if 
no  tax  was  voted,  it  might  be  "interpreted"  by  the  king 
to  mean  that  the  old  taxes  continued. 

The  Patriotic  Historians 

In  the  great  movement  for  unification,  the  writings  of 
historians  played  a  prominent  part.  Ink  as  well  as  "blood 
The  Prussian  ^^^  iron"  was  to  be  a  factor  in  the  making  of 
historical  United  Germany.  During  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  there  arose  a  Prussian  school 
of  historians  whose  main  purpose  was  to  teach  the  German 
people  that  it  was  Prussia's  historic  mission  to  unite  the 
Fatherland,  primarily  because  she  had  been  the  leader  in 
the  Liberation  Movement  against  Napoleon,  which  was  re- 
garded by  them  as  the  true  beginning  of  modern  Germany. 
These  historians  strongly  believed  in  a  doctrine  which  they 
called  "historic  necessity,"  by  which  they  meant  that  the 
evolution  of  nations  compels  them  to  adopt  a  certain  course 
of  action  irrespective  of  kings,  parliaments,  laws,  or  morals. 
War,  then,  may  become,  to  use  the  language  of  the  Prus- 
sian General  Clausewitz,  the  "continuation  of  politics  only 
with  other  means."  In  the  hands  of  the  Prussian  historians, 
who  combined  great  learning  with  fervent  patriotism,  his- 
tory became  a  form  of  political  propaganda,  and  the  his- 
torian, a  learned  pamphleteer  of  the  most  partisan  type. 


THE  UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY  171 

These  men  were  popular  professors  in  the  various  German 
universities,  where  they  were  able  to  influence  deeply  the 
minds  of  the  rising  generation. 

Frederick  Dahlman,  who  lived  in  the  early  part  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  was  a  forerunner  of  this  school.  He  was 
better  known  as  a  lecturer  than  as  a  writer,  and  jj^^  p^ug. 
many  were  inspired  by  his  teaching,  which  was  sjan  histo- 
only  mildly  Prussian,  for  he  remained  a  liberal 
to  the  end  of  his  life.  Ludwig  Hausser  gained  prominence 
as  a  teacher,  politician,  and  historian.  His  History  of  Ger- 
many from  the  Death  of  Frederick  the  Great  to  the  German 
Confederation  is  a  paean  to  the  Prussian  soldiers  and  states- 
men of  the  Liberation  era.  Gustav  Droysen  may  be  consid- 
ered to  be  the  real  founder  of  the  Prussian  School.  The 
thesis  of  his  History  of  Prussian  Policy,  on  which  he  spent 
thirty  years  of  labor,  was  that  German  unity  was  the  lode- 
star of  Prussian  policy  throughout  the  centuries,  and  that 
the  Plohenzollerns  alone  had  always  been  unswervingly 
faithful  to  German  interests ;  therefore  it  was  to  them  that 
the  people  must  look  for  a  united  Fatherland.  In  the 
hands  of  Heinrich  von  Sybel,  history  becomes  a  powerful 
weapon  with  which  to  attack  opposing  views  and  ideals. 
His  History  of  the  French  Revolution  is  a  great  work  which 
brings  out  for  the  first  time  the  international  character  of 
that  movement  and  its  deeper  implications;  but  the  book  is 
badly  marred  by  prejudice  against  the  French,  whose  ideals 
and  heroes  he  constantly  belittles.  Sybel's  Foundations  of 
the  German  Empire  is  a  learned  but  bitterly  partisan  his- 
tory, as  it  is  disfigured  by  hatred  of  Austria  and  France. 

By  far  the  most  famous  of  the  Prussian  School  is  Heinrich 
von  Treitschke  (1834-96),  whose  influence  in  Germany  has 
been  so  great  that  he  has  been  called  the  "na-  ^^.^5^5^,^1,2 
tional  historian."  Nature  had  intended  him  to 
be  a  poet,  but  patriotism  made  him  a  historian.  Almost 
all  his  life  Treitschke  was  a  professor  of  history  in  various 
German  universities,  where  his  lectures  attracted  wide  at- 
tention because  of  their  eloquence,  learning,  and  intense 
patriotism,    "We  have  no  German  Fatherland;  the  Hohen- 


172     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

zollerns  alone  can  give  us  one,"  was  Treitschke's  constant 
refrain  before  1870.  Great  crowds  were  thrilled  by  this  pa- 
triotic professor,  whose  lectures  on  history  were  in  the  na- 
ture of  passionate  declamations.  The  Germans,  according  to 
him,  were  the  best  of  all  peoples,  and  the  Prussians,  the  best 
of  all  Germans ;  Prussia  had  performed  every  great  deed  in 
German  history  since  the  Treaty  of  Westphalia;  she  alone 
had  realized  the  true  ideal  of  national  greatness,  for  the 
nation  was  an  army,  and  the  army,  a  nation.  Treitschke's 
ideal  state  was  one  in  which  parliament  played  a  subordi- 
nate role  in  the  government;  the  latter  should  have  supreme 
control  over  all  its  agencies,  and  should  devote  itself  mainly 
to  the  task  of  training  virile  citizens.  England  was  the 
special  object  of  this  historian's  wrath.  He  would  bitterly 
denounce  and  mock  the  English  as  vulgar  utilitarians  and 
hypocrites,  as  a  decadent  race  holding  a  position  in  the 
world  which  by  right  belonged  to  the  idealistic,  virile  Ger- 
mans. Besides  seventeen  volumes  of  essays  on  politics  and 
kindred  subjects,  Treitschke  wrote  a  History  of  Germany 
which  is  a  brilliantly  written  eulogy  of  the  German  people, 
especially  of  Prussia. 

Bismarck 

Toward  the  end  of  his  life,  Frederick  William  IV,  King 

of  Prussia,  became  insane.  In  1858  his  brother,  William,  was 

„,.,,.  .  appointed  Regent  to  represent  the  King  in  the 
William  I  J^^  ^  1        1       1       r    1      1 

Government;  and,  on  the  death  of  the  latter  m 

1 861,  the  Regent,  at  the  advanced  age  of  sixty-four,  as- 
cended the  throne  as  William  I. 

The  new  monarch  was  not  a  brilliant  orator  like  his 
brother;  he  was  a  man  of  few  words,  slow,  conscientious, 
industrious,  and  a  Prussian  soldier  to  the  core.  Although 
not  especially  gifted  intellectually,  he  had  the  rare  virtue 
of  recognizing  the  abilities  of  those  around  him  and  of  trust- 
ing them  absolutely.  He  was  sincerely  convinced  that  the 
best  possible  kind  of  a  government  was  a  benevolent  des- 
potism, and  throughout  his  reign  he  consistently  adhered 
to  this  ideal.    William  chose  Albrecht  von  Roon,  an  able 


THE  UNIFICATION  OF  GERMANY  173 

military  organizer,  as  Minister  of  War,  and  Helmuth  von 
Moltke,  who  was  later  to  achieve  renown  as  a  military 
genius  of  the  highest  order,  as  chief  of  the  army. 

The  Government  had  resolved  on  a  scheme  of  army  re- 
form which  was  to  have  momentous  consequences  for  Prus- 
sia, for  Germany,  and  for  the  world.  During  the    inadequacy 
Liberation  Movement  the  principle  of  universal    of  the  mili- 
military  service  had  been  adopted,  but  it  was  not 
generally  applied.    Many  were  permitted  to  enter  the  ac- 
tive service  for  a  short  period  only,  and  many  others  were 
excused  altogether  from  performing  this  duty;  so  that  in 
time  of  peace  the  Prussian  army  was  about  130,000,  and 
its  maximum  war  strength  only  215,000. 

The  King  determined  to  change  the  law  so  as  to  compel 
all  citizens  to  serv^e  their  full  time,  which  would  bring  the 
army  to  a  peace  footing  of  190,000  and  to  a  war  The  new 
footing  of  450,000.  This  proposal  embodied  a  ^^^^  ^'^^ 
new  idea,  that  of  a  "nation  in  arms " ;  whereas  the  old  idea 
of  an  army  was  that  of  a  special  military  force  organized  to 
defend  the  country.  WTiat  could  be  the  object  of  the  Gov- 
ernment in  desiring  so  large  an  army?  "To  stifle  democ- 
racy," said  the  Liberals;  and  they  determined  to  oppose  the 
plans  of  the  army  reformers  with  might  and  main. 

As  a  result  of  a  misunderstanding,  the  Landtag  had  pro- 
visionally voted  money  for  the  enlarged  army,  and  new 
regiments  had  been  formed.    A  new  Landtag,  Parliament 
elected  in  1862,  contained  two  hundred  and  fifty-  defeats  the 
three  Liberals  and  only  sixteen  Conservatives. 
The  army  budget  presented  to  this  Landtag  was  overwhelm- 
ingly defeated,  which  meant  that  the  new  regiments  were 
to  be  disbanded  and  the  officers  dismissed.    Bitter  feeling 
now  existed  between  King  and  Parliament.  The  failure  of  the 
latter  to  vote  the  army  appropriations  appeared  to  William 
as  an  act  of  insubordination.    If  he  was  not  to  be  supreme 
in  military  matters,  he  was  no  longer  willing  to  be  king,  and 
he  actually  wrote  out  and  signed  his  abdication.   The  King 
refused  to  violate  his  oath  of  office  by  abolishing  the  Land- 
tag, as  he  was  advised  to  do  by  his  ardent  supporters;  nor 


174     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

would  he  abandon  his  plan  of  strengthening  Prussia's  army, 
for  the  humiliation  at  Olmiitz  had  convinced  him  that  only 
through  force  could  Prussia  wrest  from  Austria  the  leader- 
ship of  the  German  people. 

At  this  juncture  "the  man  of  the  hour"  arrived  on  the 

scene  in  the  person  of  Otto  Eduard  Leopold  von  Bismarck, 

who  was  appointed  Prime  Minister  of  Prussia 

Bismarck 

on  September  23,  1862,  Henceforth,  for  a  gen- 
eration, the  history  of  Germany  and  of  Europe  is  largely  the 
biography  of  this  extraordinary  man.  Bismarck  came  of  a 
noble  family  that  had  dwelt  for  centuries  in  the  Mark  of 
Brandenburg,  where  he  was  born  in  181 5  on  the  family 
estate  of  Schonhausen.  Brought  up  in  the  narrow  but  in- 
tensely German  environment  of  a  Prussian  landowner,  he 
was  early  imbued  with  all  the  aristocratic  feelings  of  his 
class.  He  was  sent  to  the  University  of  Gottingen,  where 
he  spent  a  year  and  where  he  acquired  the  reputation  of 
being  a  roystering  student,  more  devoted  to  beer-drinking 
and  dueling  than  to  the  law  which  he  was  supposed  to  be 
studying.  Yet  he  managed  to  do  a  great  deal  of  reading  in 
history,  literature,  and  philosophy,  as  his  knowledge  in 
these  fields  later  surprised  his  contemporaries.  For  a  time 
he  occupied  a  position  in  the  Prussian  administrative  serv- 
ice; but  the  plodding  atmosphere  of  the  bureaucracy  ill 
suited  his  lively  and  boisterous  temperament  and  he  soon 
returned  to  his  estate.  Bismarck  greatly  enjoyed  the  life 
of  a  country  gentleman,  and  he  was  very  popular  among 
his  neighbors  in  spite  of  the  wild  pranks  which  he  often 
played  upon  them.  He  was  also  at  home  in  fashionable 
Berlin  society,  where  his  wit  and  good  nature  won  him 
many  friends.  Always  very  emotional,  he  came  under  the 
influence  of  religion,  which  made  him  think  seriously  of 
life  and  of  life's  problems.  His  belief  in  absolute  monarchy 
as  the  only  legitimate  and  rational  form  of  government  was 
strengthened  by  the  conception  of  divine  right  formulated 
ui  'der  religious  influences. 

Bismarck's  entrance  into  political  life  was  as  a  member 
oi  the  United  Diet,  to  which  he  was  chosen  in  1847.  There 


THE   UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY  175 

he  became  somewhat  notorious  through  his  bitter  opposi- 
tion to  parliamentary  government,  which  he  Opposes 
contemptuously  denounced  as  ' '  government  by  democracy 
phrases,"  leading  inevitably  to  chaos,  corruption,  and  in- 
competency. A  constitution,  "a  sheet  of  paper,"  should 
not  be  permitted  to  intervene  between  the  royal  will  and 
state  action.  Liberals  were  unpractical  people  who  mis- 
took doctrines  for  realities,  and  whose  schemes  would  surely 
bring  the  country  to  ruin.  Parliamentary  government,  he 
declared,  was  all  right  for  Englishmen,  who  were  practiced 
in  the  art,  but  would  never  suit  Prussians,  who  had  no 
aptitude  for  such  methods. 

Bismarck  was  a  typical  Teuton  in  appearance.   He  was  a 
powerfully  built  man  over  six  feet  tall,  with  fair  hair,  blue 
eyes,  and  a  rough,  jovial  face.  He  possessed  but  characteris- 
few  of  the  natural  gifts  of  an  orator,  as  his  voice  tics  of  Bis- 

m3.rc*k 

was  somewhat  shrill  and  his  gestures  awkward. 
But  this  blond  giant  had  a  sharp  tongue  and  cool  insolence 
which  often  infuriated  his  opponents.  Once,  while  he  was 
speaking,  the  House  broke  into  an  uproar  at  his  denuncia- 
tion of  democratic  principles;  but  Bismarck  coolly  turned 
his  back  to  the  assembly  and  began  reading  a  newspaper, 
and  the  tumult  quickly  subsided.  During  the  Revolution 
of  1848  he  raised  a  company  of  peasants  on  his  estate  with 
the  object  of  marching  on  Berlin  to  rescue  the  King  from 
the  mob.  More  royalist  than  the  King,  he  was  one  of  a 
minority  of  two  in  the  Diet  who  voted  against  a  resolution 
of  thanks  to  the  King  for  granting  a  constitution. 

To  Bismarck,  German  nationalism  was  as  abhorrent  as 
democracy.    He  poured  withering  scorn  on  the  efforts  of 
the    Frankfort    Assembly    to    unite    Germany,   j^jg  oppogi- 
At  that  time  he  greatly  admired  Austria  as  the  tion  to  Ger- 
extinguisher  of  revolution  and  as  the  "inheritor 
of  ancient  German  might  which  has  so  often  gloriously 
wielded  the  German  sword."    He  even  rejoiced  at  the  hu- 
miliation of  Prussia  at  Olmiitz  because  she  had  risked  a  war 
for  the  sake  of  Germany.   For  a  state  to  fight  for  anything 
which  did  not  concern  its  own  interest  was  to  Bismarck 


176     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

"romanticism"  and  deserving  of  humiliation.  "Prussians 
we  are  and  Prussians  we  shall  remain,"  was  then  his  verdict. 
During  the  reaction  which  followed  the  Revolution  of 
1848,  Bismarck  was  continually  advising  the  authorities  to 
Appointed  ^^^^  harshly  with  the  revolutionists;  and  he  fre- 
delegate  to      quently  made  rabid  speeches  against  democracy, 

the  Diet  of       ^      ,      -^  ,  ,  *^  ,  °    ,         it-,         , 

the  Confed-  SO  that  he  Came  to  be  regarded  by  the  Liberals 
eration  ^g  u^  political  rowdy."  Greatly  to  their  chagrin 

the  King  appointed  him,  in  1851,  to  the  important  position 
of  Prussian  delegate  to  the  Diet  of  the  German  Confedera- 
tion at  Frankfort. 

It  was  in  the  Diet  that  Bismarck  first  got  a  close  view 
and  thorough  understanding  of  the  problems  which  con- 
His  conver-  fronted  Germany.  There  he  saw  the  deep-seated 
man  nadon-  hatred  of  Austria  for  Prussia  and  the  continuous 
alism  efforts  of  the  former  to  block  the  union  of  the 

German  people,  to  which  he  was  now  becoming  a  convert. 
He  also  clearly  foresaw  the  inevitable  conflict  between 
these  two  powerful  states  for  leadership  in  Germany.  Lively 
altercations  continually  took  place  between  the  cool  and 
insolent  Bismarck  and  the  Austrian  envoys,  whose  "cau- 
tious dishonesty"  exasperated  him  and  whose  domineer- 
ing control  of  the  Diet  he  resented.  It  was  as  a  result  of  his 
experiences  in  this  body  that  Bismarck  became  a  convert 
to  the  cause  of  German  nationalism;  he  now  ceased  to  be 
merely  a  Prussian  and  became  a  German. 

In  1859  the  King  appointed  him  Ambassador  to  Russia, 
where  he  became  exceedingly  popular  on  account  of  his 
Ambassador  great  desire  to  establish  good  relations  between 
and  to^'^  Prussia  and  Russia.  Bismarck's  mission  to  the 
France  latter  Country  is  of  prime  importance  in  the  dip- 

lomatic history  of  Europe.  He  keenly  realized  the  value  of 
Russian  friendship  to  Prussia,  and  later  to  Germany,  as  an 
ofTset  to  France;  an  alliance  or,  at  least,  a  friendly  under- 
standing with  Russia  became  the  corner-stone  of  his  foreign 
policies  to  the  end  of  his  political  career.  In  1862  he  became 
Ambassador  to  France,  where  he  met  Napoleon  III,  whose 
shallow  character  and  limited  abilities  he  quickly  divined. 


THE  UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY  177 

"A  great  unrecognized  incapacity,"  was  his  judgment  of 
Napoleon.  The  Prussian's  exuberant  frankness  and  his 
blunt  discussion  of  great  questions  convinced  the  French 
Emperor  that  he  was  "not  a  person  to  be  taken  seriously." 
As  a  result  of  these  experiences  Bismarck  changed  greatly. 
He  was  now  no  longer  the  narrow  Prussian  Junker,  but  a 
man  of  the  world;  his  mental  horizon  had  wid-  Bismarck's 
ened  and  his  character  had  deepened.    He  de-  character 

11  ,  J.  1  .      ,  .      .     ,        and  methods 

veloped  an  extraordmary  keenness  m  his  judg- 
ment of  men  and  an  unerring  insight  into  the  real  nature  of 
the  politics  of  Europe.  When  it  was  a  question  of  advancing 
the  interests  of  his  country  and  king,  Bismarck  was  utterly 
unscrupulous,  using  cunning,  deceit,  or  brute  force  as  best 
suited  the  occasion  at  hand.  What  was  most  deceptive  in 
him  was  a  kind  of  adroit  frankness  that  completely  con- 
founded the  master  diplomats  of  the  day.  As  lying  and  de- 
ception were  the  very  soul  of  diplomacy,  Bismarck  sometimes 
told  the  truth  in  order  better  to  deceive  his  opponents. 
Combined  with  his  recently  acquired  diplomatic  abilities 
were  his  old  daring,  boldness,  and  iron  will.  The  moment 
Bismarck  appeared  on  the  European  scene,  he  was  master, 
and  he  remained  so  till  the  day  of  his  retirement. 

Bismarck's  appointment  as  Prime  Minister  aroused  the 
greatest  indignation  in  Prussia,  as  it  was  an  open  challenge 
to  public  opinion  which  he   had  so  often  de-  Determined 
risively  flouted.    He  advised  the  King  to  tear  to  defy  Par- 
up  his  letter  of  abdication  and  to  govern  in  de- 
fiance of  the  Landtag.    It  was  the  Prime  Minister's  iron 
determination  to  collect  taxes  and  spend  them  on  the  army 
without  the   consent  of   the    people's  representatives;   in 
short,  to  violate  the  constitution  without  repealing  it  or 
abolishing  Parliament.   "As  to  what  is  the  law,"  he  de- 
clared, "  when  no  budget  is  voted,  many  theories  are  ad- 
vanced, the  justification  of  which  I  will  not  consider  here. 
The   necessity  for  the  State  to  exist  is  enough  for  me; 
necessity  alone  is  authoritative." 

It  was  a  bold  and  daring  move,  as  widespread  indignation 
was  aroused  by  his  open  violation  of  the  constitution,  and 


178     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

it  might  have  led  to  his  impeachment  and  execution.  Bis- 
Widespread  rn^irck  was  often  threatened  with  the  fate  of  the 
indignation  Earl  of  Strafford,  who  had  performed  a  similar 
service  for  his  monarch,  Charles  I.  Petitions  from 
municipal  councils  and  other  public  bodies  began  to  pour 
in  asking  the  King  to  remove  "  the  rude  and  insolent  Min- 
ister." Demonstrations  against  the  despotic  action  of  the 
Government  took  place  throughout  the  country.  Even 
at  the  Court,  Bismarck  had  to  face  the  bitter  opposition 
of  the  Queen,  the  Crown  Prince,  and  the  English  wife  of 
the  latter,  all  of  whom  felt  that  he  was  endangering  the 
throne  by  inviting  a  revolution.  Sometimes  the  King  him- 
self wavered,  but  Bismarck  heartened  him  with  the  words, 
"Death  on  the  scaffold  under  certain  circumstances  is  as 
honorable  as  death  on  the  field  of  battle." 

For  four  years  the  Landtag  was  annually  summoned  to 
vote  the  budget,  but  each  time  it  refused  to  do  so.  "If 
Governs  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  money  we  shall  take  it  where 
without  we  can  get  it,"  was  Bismarck's  defiant  rejoin- 

der. Taxes  were  thereupon  levied,  collected,  and 
spent  by  the  Government  without  its  presenting  a  budget 
or  an  accounting.  A  system  of  terrorism  was  instituted 
against  the  Liberals;  their  meetings  were  forbidden  and  their 
papers  gagged  by  the  censors.  The  worst  days  of  the  Carls- 
bad Decrees  had  now  returned. 

Bismarck's  defense  was  that  Parliament  stood  in  the 
way  of  the  country's  destiny.  "Prussia's  kingship  has  not 
Bismarck's  yet  fulfilled  its  mission,"  he  boldly  declared.  "  It  is 
defense  j^q^  y^^  j-jp^  g^ough  to  form  a  purely  ornamental 

trimming  for  your  constitutional  structure,  not  yet  ready 
to  be  inserted  as  a  dead  piece  of  machinery  in  the  mechanism 
of  parliamentary  rule."  By  this  time  Bismarck  clearly 
had  in  view  the  unification  of  Germany  and  how  it  was  to 
be  accomplished,  and  he  determined,  cost  what  it  might, 
to  carry  through  the  army  reform.  On  a  memorable  oc- 
casion he  gave  utterance  to  a  sentiment  which  rang  through 
out  the  world.  "Germany,"  he  declared,  "does  not  look  to 
Prussia's  liberalism,  but  to  her  power.  .  .  .   The  great  ques- 


THE   UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY  179 

tions  of  the  day  are  not  to  be  decided  by  speeches  and  ma- 
jority resolutions  —  therein  lay  the  weakness  of  1848  and 
1849  —  but  by  blood  and  iron!"  Bismarck's  very  boldness 
carried  the  day,  as  all  opposition  to  him  proved  to  be  vain. 
A  military  machine  fashioned  by  the  masterly  hands  of 
Moltke  and  Roon  soon  came  into  existence,  which  was  to 
give  a  great  account  of  itself  on  the  battlefields  of  Europe. 

Bismarck's  course  was  arbitrary,  brutal,  reactionary,  and 
illegal.  But  in  his  defense  it  must  be  said  that,  if  he  used 
ignoble  means,  he  had  in  view  a  noble,  patriotic  Good  and 
end,  the  unification  of  Germany,  for  which  he  of^Bismarck's 
was  willing  at  any  moment  to  lay  down  his  life,  action 
It  has,  therefore,  been  the  judgment  of  historians  that,  in 
the  quarrel  between  the  Landtag  and  Bismarck,  history 
has  justified  the  latter.  But  in  flouting  the  Constitution  he 
set  an  evil  example  to  the  ruling  classes  of  Prussia  who  now 
had  contempt  as  well  as  abhorrence  for  democratic  govern- 
ment. 

The  Seven  Weeks'  War 

The  weapon  was  now  forged  with  which  to  strike  those 
who  stood  in  the  way  of  German  unity.  Three  w^ars  were  to 
be  fought  before  this  great  task  was  accomplished:  with 
Denmark  in  1864;  with  Austria  in  1866;  and  with  France 
in  1870. 

The  Danish  war  grew"  out  of  the  question  of  disposing  of 
the  two  duchies,  Schleswig-Holstein.  The  population  of 
the  former  was  partly  Danish  and  partly  Ger-  -pj^^  Schles- 
man,  that  of  the  latter,  entirely  German;  but  wig-Holstein 
both  had  been  united  to  Denmark  by  a  per-  *^"^^  '^'^ 
sonal  union  through  the  king.  In  1863  the  Danish  King, 
Frederick  VII,  died,  and  his  successor,  Christian  IX, 
wished  to  incorporate  the  two  duchies  with  the  rest  of  his 
dominions.  To  this  project  great  objection  was  raised  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  duchies  and  by  the  people  and  gov- 
ernments of  Germany.  Had  the  Danish  King  a  right  to  do 
so,  or  had  he  not?  The  question  bristled  with  so  many  com- 
plications that  Lord  Palmerston  once  declared  that  only 


i8o     MODERN   AND  CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

two  men  besides  himself  had  ever  understood  it;  one  was 
dead  and  the  second  was  crazy  and  he  had  forgotten  it. 
Bismarck  became  intensely  interested  in  the  Schleswig- 
Holstein  controversy,  because  he  saw  in  it,  on  the  one 
hand,  a  possibility  of  annexing  the  entire  region  with  its 
fine  harbor  at  Kiel,  and,  on  the  other,  an  excellent  oppor- 
tunity for  getting  into  a  war  with  Austria.  "Our  rela- 
tions with  Austria,"  he  had  once  declared,  "must  be  better 
or  worse.  We  desire  the  first,  but  we  must  prepare  for  the 
second."  He  proposed  that  Austria  join  Prussia  in  a  war 
on  Denmark,  with  the  object  of  securing  the  duchies  and 
dividing  the  spoils.  To  this  Austria  gladly  assented. 

These  two  great  powers  declared  war  against  little  Den- 
mark in  1864.  A  line  of  Danish  fortresses,  which  it  was 
War  on  Den-  thought  could  hold  an  army  at  bay  for  two 
mark  years,  was  carried  in  five  days  by  an  army  of 

sixty  thousand  Prussians  and  Austrlans.  Denmark  was 
compelled  to  sign  a  treaty  renouncing  all  rights  to  Schleswig- 
Holstein  and  also  to  the  Duchy  of  Lauenburg,  a  little  neigh- 
bor of  the  latter.  The  Danish  difficulty  was  now  over,  but 
another  one  arose  about  the  division  of  the  spoils.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Treaty  of  Gastein,  signed  on  August  14,  1865, 
Holstein  was  to  be  administered  by  Austria  and  Schleswig 
by  Prussia.  Lauenburg  was  sold  outright  to  the  latter  by 
Austria.  Prussia  obtained  also  the  right  to  construct  a 
canal  which  would  join  the  North  Sea,  at  Kiel,  with  the 
Baltic. 

This  treaty,  however,  was  by  no  means  the  final  settle- 
ment of  the  perplexing  Schleswig-Holstein  question.  A 
A  new  claim-  claimant  for  both  duchies  appeared  in  the  per- 
ant  to  the  son  of  Princc  Frederick  of  Augustenburg,  who 
wished  to  form  them  into  a  new  German  state 
with  himself  as  ruler.  This  appealed  greatly  to  German 
popular  sentiment;  moreover,  Austria  championed  his  cause 
and  encouraged  a  propaganda  in  his  favor.  But  Bismarck 
was  totally  averse  to  this  plan,  for,  by  increasing  the  num- 
ber of  German  states,  of  which  there  were  already  too  many, 
and  by  giving  another  supporter  to  Austria,  it  would  make 


THE   UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY  i8i 

it  more  difficult  for  him  to  unite  Germany.  He  therefore 
determined  to  oppose  the  Prince  of  Augustenburg  to  the 
extent  of  war  with  Austria. 

If  Bismarck  was  bold,  he  was  also  prudent.  In  the 
diplomatic  moves  that  now  began,  he  displayed  a  mas- 
terly if  unscrupulous  handling  of  the  situation,  Bismarck 
which  ended  in  the  total  discomfiture  of  Aus-  triVsh"-^ 
tria.  His  main  object  was  to  isolate  Prussia's  miiiation 
rival.  With  this  end  in  view  he  entered  into  a  treaty  of 
alliance  with  the  newly  formed  Kingdom  of  Italy,  promising 
her  Venetia  for  assistance  to  Prussia  in  a  war  against 
Austria.  Napoleon  III  was  lulled  into  inactivity  by 
vague  promises  of  allowing  France  to  annex  Belgium.  On 
Russian  friendship  Bismarck  could  securely  count,  for  the 
reason  that,  in  1863,  he  had  signed  a  convention  with  the 
Tsar  promising  Prussia's  help  in  suppressing  the  Polish 
uprising.^  This  treaty  with  Russia  was  one  of  the  causes 
of  his  great  unpopularity  at  home,  as  the  Polish  patriots 
had  the  sympathy  of  the  German  people  in  their  brave 
stand  against  Russian  tyranny. 

Bismarck  then  began  leading  Austria  on,  now  feigning 
a  willingness  to  yield,  now  urging  arbitration,  now  goading 
her  to  fury,  till  all  was  prepared  for  a  blow.  The  Schles- 
First,  careful  planning,  then  audacious  execu-  qi|"stion?e" 
tion,  was  the  Bismarckian  method.  When  every-  ^^^^  the  Diet 
thing  was  ready  he  suddenly  proposed  a  new  plan  for  re- 
organizing the  German  Confederation,  which  included  a 
provision  for  universal  suffrage  in  the  elections  to  the  Diet. 
Great  was  the  astonishment  at  the  sudden  conversion  to 
democracy  of  this  "Parliament-tamer,"  and  many  doubted 
his  sincerity.  His  object  was  undoubtedly  to  win  the  Ger- 
man Liberals  to  the  side  of  Prussia  in  the  coming  conflict. 
Austria,  confident  of  the  support  of  the  Confederation, 
brought  the  Schleswig-Holstein  matter  before  the  Diet, 
with  the  object  of  once  more  humiliating  Prussia,  as  at 
Olmiitz.  Prussia  declared  that  this  action  of  Austria  was  in 
violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Gastein,  and  that  it  would  refuse 

*  Sec  p.  514. 


i82     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

to  be  bound  by  any  action  of  the  Diet  In  the  matter.  On 
June  14,  1866,  the  Diet,  under  the  influence  of  Austria, 
ordered  the  mobilization  of  the  federal  troops  against  Prus- 
sia; and  in  so  doing  it  decreed  its  own  death.  Prussia  im- 
mediately declared  the  Treaty  of  Gastein  null  and  void 
and  the  German  Confederation  dissolved. 

Civil  war  followed,  most  of  the  states  siding  with  Austria 
and  only  a  few  in  the  North  supporting  Prussia.  The  care- 
The  Seven  ful  and  minute  preparations  that  the  latter  had 
Weeks'  War  jji^de  for  the  conflict  now  stood  her  in  good 
stead.  The  Prussian  soldiers  were  armed  with  the  new 
"needle  gun,"  which  could  fire  three  shots  to  one  by  the  old- 
fashioned  "muzzle  loaders"  used  by  the  Austrians.  At  the 
head  of  the  Prussian  armies  was  "  the  battle  thinker,"  Gen- 
eral von  Moltke,  the  first  of  the  modern  race  of  scientific 
warriors.  There  was  nothing  dashing  or  heroic  about  the 
manner  or  speech  of  this  famous  commander;  he  was  a 
calm,  rather  dry  person,  with  a  wonderful  capacity  for 
scientifically  planning  the  road  to  victory.  Moltke  was  the 
first  to  make  military  use  on  a  large  scale  of  the  modern 
means  of  communication,  the  railway  and  the  telegraph. 
The  Austrians,  on  the  contrary,  were  disorganized,  poorly 
led,  and  badly  armed. 

The  war  which  followed  is  one  of  the  shortest  on  record,  as 
It  lasted  only  seven  weeks.  Prussian  armies  were  dispatched 
^   ,  with  Incredible  rapidity  against  Austria  and  her 

Sadowa 

supporters.  Hanover,  Hesse,  Saxony,  and  other 
states  adhering  to  Austria  were  quickly  overrun  and  con- 
quered. Several  Prussian  armies  Invaded  Bohemia,  where 
they  encountered  a  large  Austrian  force.  On  July  3,  1866, 
was  fought  the  famous  Battle  of  Koniggratz,  or  Sadowa, 
in  which  two  hundred  thousand  men  were  engaged  on  each 
side.  The  Issue,  at  first,  was  doubtful,  but  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements  decided  the  day  for  the  Prussians;  what 
promised  to  be  a  defeat  was  turned  into  a  brilliant  victory, 
as  the  Austrians  were  overwhelmingly  routed.  The  South 
German  states,  which  had  supported  Austria  in  the  conflict, 
were  conquered  and  forced  to  sue  for  peace. 


THE   UNIFICATION  OF  GERMANY  183 

At  last  the  "humiliation  of  Olmiitz"  was  avenged.  It 
was  the  intention  of  King  William  to  make  Austria  pay 
dearly  for  her  arrogance  in  the  past  by  marching  Bismarck 
into  Vienna  and  compelling  her  to  pay  a  heavy  gncy  toward 
indemnity  and  to  cede  part  of  her  territory  to  Austria 
Prussia.  But  it  was  no  part  of  Bismarck's  plan  so  to  humili- 
ate Austria  as  to  drive  her  into  permanent  opposition  to 
Prussia.  "The  question  at  issue  is  now  decided;  what  re- 
mains is  to  regain  the  old  friendship  of  Austria,"  he  had  de- 
clared on  the  battlefield  of  Sadowa.  Almost  with  prophetic 
eyes  he  saw  that  the  future  Germany  had  nothing  to  gain 
from  a  weakened  Austria,  which  might  break  up  into  Slavic 
and  Hungarian  nationalities  permanently  hostile  to  every- 
thing German.  In  Bismarck's  mind  the  idea  had  already 
arisen  of  a  future  alliance  between  Germany  and  Austria, 
and  he  was  willing  to  make  peace  at  this  time  on  Austria's 
terms  in  order  to  mollify  her  wounded  pride, 

A  bitter  controversy  arose  between  the  military  party 
headed  by  the  King  on  one  side  and  Bismarck  on  the  other 
over  the  question  of  the  treatment  of  Austria.  The  Treaty 
Bismarck  threatened  to  resign;  and  he  went  °^  Prague 
so  far  as  to  contemplate  suicide,  so  keenly  did  he  feel  the 
situation.  Finally,  the  King  yielded  and  consented  "to 
bite  the  sour  apple,"  as  he  called  it,  of  a  moderate  peace. 
On  August  23,  1866,  the  Treaty  of  Prague  was  signed  by 
Prussia  and  Austria,  the  terms  of  which  were  (i)  that  the 
German  Confederation  should  be  dissolved  and  a  new  union 
formed  of  which  Austria  was  not  to  be  a  member;  (2)  that 
Schleswig-Holstein  should  be  incorporated  with  Prussia; 
and  (3)  that  Venetia  should  be  annexed  to  Italy.  Austria 
was  not  forced  to  cede  any  of  her  territory  to  Prussia,  and 
she  paid  only  a  small  indemnity.  The  moderation  shown 
by  Prussia  on  this  occasion  was  to  have  important  conse- 
quences in  the  future,  namely,  in  1870  and  again  in  1914. 

The  results  of  the  Seven  Weeks'  War  amply  justified  the 
years  of  toil  and  preparation.  By  putting  an  end  to  the 
century-old  domination  of  Germany  by  the  Hapsburgs,  it 
cleared  the  way  of  the  chief  obstruction  to  the  union  of  the 


i84     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

German  people.  Hanover,  Nassau,  Hesse-Cassel,  and  the 
The  North  free  city  of  Frankfort  were  annexed  to  Prussia 
Confedera-  ^^  ^  punishment  for  taking  Austria's  side  in  the 
tion  war.    The  Frankfort  Diet  was  abolished,  and  a 

new  union  was  formed,  the  North  German  Confederation, 
consisting  of  the  twenty- two  states  north  of  the  River  Main. 
The  four  South  German  states,  Bavaria,  Wurttemberg,  Ba- 
den, and  Hesse-Darmstadt,  were  not  forced  into  the  Con- 
federation by  Bismarck;  it  was  his  policy  to  persuade  these 
states  to  follow  Prussia's  lead,  hence  he  secretly  entered 
into  an  alliance  with  them.  The  constitution  of  the  North 
German  Confederation  was  written  for  the  most  part  by 
Bismarck,  and  it  was  accepted  by  the  princes  of  the  various 
states ;  later,  it  was  ratified  by  a  convention  chosen  for  this 
purpose  by  universal  suffrage.  This  constitution  is  identical 
with  the  one  adopted  by  the  German  Empire  in  1871;  its 
provisions  will,  therefore,  be  discussed  in  another  chapter.^ 
Prussia  was  now  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  federal  state 
numbering  thirty  millions  of  people  that  could  put  an  army 
of  a  million  men  in  the  field.  Bismarck,  once  the  most  un- 
popular, now  found  himself  the  most  popular  man  in  Ger- 
many. At  last  was  seen  the  true  purpose  of  the  great  army 
which  he  provided  in  defiance  of  the  Constitution.  The  tri- 
umphant Prime  Minister  was  eager,  nevertheless,  to  have 
his  acts  in  defiance  of  the  Constitution  legalized.  He 
therefore  requested  the  Landtag  to  pass  an  act  legalizing 
his  recent  actions  in  governing  without  a  budget,  which 
it  did  by  an  overwhelming  rnajority. 

The  Franco-Prussian  War 

If  the  road  to  German  unity  was  cleared  of  Austria, 
another  obstruction,  and  a  far  more  serious  one,  appeared 
Hostility  of  in  the  hostile  attitude  of  France.  To  the  latter 
cSman*^  a  divided  Germany,  and  therefore  a  weak  Ger- 
unity  many,  was  a  far  more  desirable  neighbor  than 

the  united  nation  which  was  now  emerging  from  the  chaos 
of  former  days.  Time  and  again  had  Germany  served  as 

*  See  p.  277  ff. 


—I — 1 1 — I       ~r- 


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VBru 


ESTPHALIA 


\      ■  /,,   ..  "•  /Erfurt  "    T' 


■er^ O'-    .-.  ' 


^•.Got'tingenrr-'fly;''-  '"' V-'-K 
Soudershsn 


Vr  H.U  R  1  S  G  I  A  K      f    ' 

V.yj.'.Rudolstcj-    ' 

■"•.,  STATES  •: 
CoTjurgp    ,j 
Kissingen" 


)        •- ---1  \     i.?;^('<-«'ipni4 --.-4        ■■--',"■••,  r"  I. ,       J 

'  ^"    ^'vl         ;/-   '"'oc'b       Vf^un/im^^  ,J.  J      Erlangen/o 

-u-.k\^  °^2»..''"'hv'«;fl<^;^ei>|j--r-      /    ^  s     y..... 

''■'  /"^    ^^•-4     )  ♦^-'■"<°HeilbronL'-,    VM) 

>  KarlJ^e°        (         (KINGI),    ••..  \   Re 

irassbiirgcy  ■^  Stuttgart  °S 


7  Reims 


Saaj-brii 
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,  BarleDucV  K  >  Krrllt-^e° 

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Miilhaiiseuc 
Belfui-t  o 


J>l.H,i/„, 


\Memel 


Empire  of  Austria 
Kingdom  of  Pnissia 
The  States  belonging  to  the  German  Con- 
federation are  within  heavy  lines. 
ABREVIATIONS: 
1=  Brunswick  Y  =  Schiiialkal<ien 

11=  Hessen-Homburg  VI  =  Schauuiburg- 
111=  Elect.  Hesse  Lippc 

IV=  Oldenburg  Vll  =  S|)eycr 


THE   UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY  185 

an  outlet  for  the  ambitions  of  France  and  as  a  convenient 
battleground  for  her  wars.  A  powerful  united  nation  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Rhine  might,  indeed,  prove  a  thorn  in 
the  side  of  France  and  eventually  lessen  the  prestige  of  la 
grande  nation.  It  was  soon  evident  that  Emperor  Napo- 
leon III  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  hinder  the  comple- 
tion of  German  unity,  even  to  the  point  of  making  war  to 
prevent  it. 

In  the  trial  of  strength  between  France  and  Prussia  which 
was  about  to  ensue,  the  advantage  was  really  with  the  lat- 
ter, though  appearances  favored  the  former.  Comparison 
Prussia  had  the  best  army  in  the  world,  the  best  ^ith  Prus- 
general,  Moltke,  the  best  diplomat,  Bismarck,  ^'^ 
and  the  better  cause,  nationality.  France,  on  the  contrary, 
was  to  be  badly  served  by  a  poorly  organized  though  valiant 
army,  by  incompetent  generals,  Bazaine  and  MacMahon, 
by  a  weak  and  vacillating  statesman.  Napoleon  III,  and, 
worst  of  all,  by  a  bad  cause,  namely,  insolent  interference 
in  the  internal  affairs  of  a  neighboring  people.  When,  in 
1870,  the  French  tried  to  prevent  their  neighbors  from 
becoming  a  nation,  they  were  untrue  to  the  very  principle 
which  they  themselves  had  so  passionately  proclaimed  dur- 
ing the  French  Revolution,  and  for  which  they  had  so  often 
bravely  and  generously  fought,  namely,  nationalism.  And 
most  dearly  did  they  pay  for  it!  In  justice  to  the  French 
people,  it  must  be  said  that  the  war  of  1870  was  not  of  their 
making  and  that  Napoleon  entered  into  it  in  the  hope  that 
a  victory  would  resuscitate  his  dying  empire. 

Unfortunately,  it  had  been  the  policy  of  the  older  na- 
tions to  regard  newcomers  as  intruders,  and  to  try  to  pre- 
vent their  entrance  into  the  European  family,  -^j^^  ^^^  ^j 
Had  a  wiser  and  more  generous  policy  been  fol-   1870  unnec- 
lowed,  the  Franco-Prussian  War,  which  humil- 
iated  and   mutilated  a  proud  nation,   France,  and  which 
compelled  the  German  people  to  stand  guard  over  their 
newly  born  Fatherland  with  drawn  sword,  would  not  have 
taken  place.   Perhaps  the  great  World  War  of  1914  might 
also  have  been  avoided!  But  the  lessons  of  history  have 


186     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

seldom  been  learned,  even  by  statesmen,  until  it  was  too 
late  for  the  world  to  profit  by  them.  One  generation  re- 
peats the  mistakes  of  another  and  calls  it  conservatism; 
or  it  advances  through  bloodshed  and  hate  and  calls  it 
progress.  Rarely  has  even  enlightened  self-interest  guided 
the  policies  of  the  nations  of  the  world. 

Bismarck  had  come  to  believe  that  a  war  with  France  was 
inevitable,  that  "it  lay  in  the  logic  of  history."  He  even 
deemed  such  a  conflict  desirable,  for  the  effect  of  arousing 
the  patriotism  of  all  the  Germans  against  a  common  enemy 
would  be  to  strengthen  the  newly  formed  bonds  of  union. 
Particularism,  that  age-old  German  characteristic,  would 
vanish  on  the  battlefield  when  Prussians,  Saxons,  Hano- 
verians, Hessians,  and  Wiirttembergers  fought  side  by  side 
for  their  common  Fatherland.  There  would  then  be  gen- 
erated a  common  heroic  memory  which  would  do  more 
to  unite  Germany  than  constitutions  and  zollvereins. 

The  problem  was  how  to  manage  the  situation  so  that 
France  would  appear  in  the  light  of  aggressor.  From  1866 
Bismarck's  ^^  1870  a  diplomatic  web  was  craftily  being  spun 
masterful  by  that  master-wcavcr  of  diplomacy,  Bismarck, 
with  the  object  of  sheltering  Prussia  and  en- 
tangling her  enemies.  Bismarck's  finesse,  his  unscrupulous 
disregard  for  the  means  which  he  used,  his  daring  boldness, 
seem  at  no  other  time  to  have  been  so  effectively  used  as 
during  these  momentous  years,  because  at  no  time  was  he 
confronted  with  so  delicate  a  situation.  He  knew  just  the 
arguments  that  would  persuade  his  opponents,  and  showed 
himself  remarkably  apt  in  subtly  suggesting  favorable 
terms,  yet  never  committing  himself  definitely  to  anything. 
Bismarck  was  one  of  the  first  to  make  extensive  use  of  the 
press  for  purposes  of  diplomatic  intrigue.  A  number  of 
journalists,  both  German  and  foreign,  were  in  his  secret 
pay:  a  special  fund,  popularly  known  as  "the  reptile  fund," 
had  been  created  for  this  purpose.  "Inspired"  articles, 
sometimes  written  in  Bismarck's  own  office,  would  appear 
in  prominent  European  newspapers  attacking  certain  men, 
suggesting  certain    plans,  or  threatening  certain  acts.    In 


THE   UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY  187 

this  way  he  was  able  to  hide  his  own  plans  and,  at  the  same 
time,  frequently  to  compel  his  opponents  to  reveal  theirs. 

Bismarck's  main  object  was  a  simple  one,  to  complete  the 
unification  of  Germany.  But  this,  by  bringing  into  exist- 
ence a  great  power,  would,  he  knew,  upset  the  isolation  of 
balance  of  power  in  Europe;  therefore,  he  had  France 
to  tread  warily,  lest  he  give  offense  by  flouting  the  practices 
and  prejudices  of  the  other  nations.  To  sting  France  to 
action  at  the  right  moment,  and  yet  to  make  her  appear  as 
the  disturber  of  the  peace  of  Europe,  was  Bismarck's  aim. 
He  began  the  process  of  isolating  France,  so  that  all  the  na- 
tions would  look  on  calmly  while  Prussia  was  delivering  her 
master-stroke.  Italy  was  still  an  ally;  besides,  in  case  of  a 
war  between  Prussia  and  France,  Italy  would  distract  at- 
tention by  attacking  Rome.  The  friendship  with  Russia, 
which  he  had  so  carefully  nurtured  since  the  time  when  he 
was  Ambassador  to  that  country,  could  be  counted  upon. 
Austria,  if  not  friendly,  was  at  least  not  hostile  as  a  conse- 
quence of  the  policy  of  mollification  after  Sadowa;  besides, 
Austria's  fear  of  Russia,  whom  she  had  offended  during  the 
Crimean  War,  would  keep  her  from  interfering.  England, 
Bismarck  well  knew,  would  be  actively  interested  in  Con- 
tinental affairs  only  in  case  her  interests  should  be  directly 
affected  by  a  violation  of  the  neutrality  of  Belgium,  and 
he  determined  to  avoid  doing  this  at  all  costs.  The  South 
German  states,  which  were  presumably  under  the  influ- 
ence of  France,  had  signed  a  secret  treaty  with  Prussia, 
promising  to  put  their  troops  at  her  disposal  in  case 
of  war. 

In  the  meantime.  General  von  Moltke  set  himself  the 
task  of  preparing  the  German  armies  for  war  with  France. 
There  began  a  systematic  preparation  for  that  Moltke's 
purpose  which  was  almost  uncanny  in  its  per-  preparedness 
fection.  Every  possible  difhculty  was  foreseen  and  pro- 
vided for.  France  was  carefully  mapped  and  the  Prussian 
officers  came  to  know  the  topography  of  the  land  of  their 
enemy  far  better  than  did  the  French  themselves.  Strategic 
railways  were  built  for  the  purpose  of  transporting  troops 


1 88     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

quickly  to  important  points  on  the  frontier.  The  equipment 
of  the  army  was  of  the  latest  and  best  pattern,  the  com- 
missariat was  perfectly  arranged,  and  everything  was  pre- 
pared for  the  comfort  and  welfare  of  the  soldiers,  from  the 
rifles  on  their  shoulders  to  the  handkerchiefs  in  their  pock- 
ets. Preparedness  for  war  had  never  before  been  so  thorough 
and  so  comprehensive;  all  that  was  now  necessary  was  to 
give  the  word  of  command,  and  the  terrible  military  ma- 
chine would  be  immediately  launched  in  all  its  complete- 
ness against  the  unwary  enemy. 

The  leading  figures  in  the  great  drama  of  1870  were  all 
old  men.  King  William  was  seventy-three  years  of  age; 
German  Moltke   was   seventy;    Roon,    sixty-seven;   the 

leaders  old  youngest  was  Bismarck,  and  he  was  fifty-five. 
Yet  age  had  neither  impaired  their  mental  pow- 
ers nor  softened  their  iron  will,  and  the  new  and  mighty 
Germany  that  was  soon  to  arise  was  largely  of  their  making. 

In  1868  a  revolution  occurred  in  Spain  and  the  Queen, 
Isabella  II,  was  exiled.^  The  throne  being  vacant,  a  search 
The  Hohen-  ^o^  ^  ^cw  ruler  was  made;  and  the  choice  at  one 
zollern  can-     time  fell  upon  Prince  Leopold  of  Hohenzollern- 

didacy  for  .        '^  ,  ^       .  . 

the  Spanish  Sigmarmgen,  a  distant  relative  of  the  King  of 
t  rone  Prussia.    Just    why    the    Spaniards    wanted     a 

Hohenzollern  was  then  not  understood,  but  it  is  now  known 
that  the  Prince's  candidacy  was  encouraged,  and  possibly 
even  suggested,  by  the  paid  emissaries  of  Bismarck  in 
Spain.  France  regarded  the  candidacy  of  a  Hohenzollern  for 
the  Spanish  throne  in  an  unfavorable  light,  fearing  that  a 
possible  "family  compact"  might  result  to  her  disadvan- 
tage. The  new  French  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  the  Duke 
de  Gramont,  openly  declared  that  a  Hohenzollern  as  King  of 
Spain  would  be  against  "the  interest  and  honor  of  France." 
Count  Benedetti,  the  French  Ambassador  to  Berlin,  was 
instructed  to  beg  of  King  William,  who  was  then  at  a  water- 
ing-place called  Ems,  that  he  command  the  Prince  to  refuse 
the  Spanish  offer.  The  King,  unaware  of  Bismarck's  part 
in  the  matter,  and  having  no  special  desire  to  see  his  rela- 

1  See  p.  463. 


THE   UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY  189 

tive  King  of  Spain,  readily  granted  the  request,  and  the 
Hohenzollern  candidacy  was  withdrawn. 

Bismarck  was  at  first  bitterly  disappointed  at  this  out- 
come; but,  to  his  great  satisfaction,  the  reckless  attitude 
of  the  French  chauvinists  revived  the  question.  The  Ems 
Denunciatory  articles  against  Prussia  appeared  dispatch 
in  the  Parisian  journals,  and  a  war  party  was  formed  headed 
by  the  reckless  and  incompetent  Duke  de  Gramont  and  the 
Empress  Eugenie,  herself  a  Spaniard.  They  prevailed  upon 
the  Emperor  and  his  Prime  Minister,  Emile  Ollivier,  to 
make  a  new  demand  upon  King  William,  namely,  that  he 
should  not  at  any  future  time  and  under  any  circumstances 
permit  a  Hohenzollern  to  occupy  the  throne  of  Spain.  Once 
more  did  Benedetti  journey  to  Ems  to  present  this  new  and 
unnecessary  demand  which  had  the  character  of  an  ultima- 
tum. Although  he  was  astonished  at  the  insolence  of  the 
French  Government,  King  William  received  the  French 
Ambassador  courteously,  but  he  refused  the  demand.  He 
then  sent  a  dispatch  containing  the  refusal  to  Bismarck 
with  instructions  that  he  make  whatever  changes  he  might 
think  necessary  and  then  publish  it. 

Bismarck  was  in   Berlin  at  a  private  conference  with 
Moltke  and  Roon  when  the  message  came.    On  being  as- 
sured by  his  associates  that  all  was  in  readiness  Bisj^arck 
and  that  they  were  confident  of  victory,  he  pro-  "edits"  the 
ceeded  to  "edit"  the  dispatch  with  the  object     '^^ 
of  converting  it  into  "a  red  flag  for  the  Gallic  bull."   Bis- 
marck so  changed  the  wording  that  it  read  as  though  there 
had  been  a  heated  interview  between  the  King  and  Bene- 
detti,  that  the   former  had   refused  the   French   demand 
sharply,  and  that  he  had  dismissed  the  French  Ambas- 
sador without  ceremony.     "Now  it  has  a  different  ring," 
said  Moltke.   "In  its  original  form  it  sounded  like  a  parley; 
now  it  is  like  a  flourish  of  trumpets  in  answer  to  a  chal- 
lenge." 

On  July  14,  1870,  the  famous  "Ems  dispatch"  was  pub- 
lished. The  effect  was  exactly  what  Bismarck  had  intended. 
Frenzied  crowds  paraded  up  and  down  the  boulevards  of 


I90     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Paris  demanding  war  with  Prussia  and  shouting, ''  A  Berlin!'* 
France  de-  "^  Berlin!''  The  Government  was  swept  off 
Clares  war       its  feet  by  the  excited  mobs.    The  Minister  of 

against  ■' 

Prussia  War  assured  the  Emperor  that  all  was  in  readi- 

ness "down  to  the  last  button  on  the  last  gaiter  of  the  last 
soldier."  On  July  19  the  French  Parliament  declared  war 
upon  Prussia  and  entered  the  momentous  conflict,  as  Prime 
Minister  Ollivier  said,  "with  a  light  heart." 

If  the  "Ems  dispatch"  roused  the  French,  it  also  pro- 
foundly stirred  the  Germans.  A  wave  of  indignation  swept 
Orderly  mo-  ^^^^  ^^^  Germany  at  what  was  believed  to  be 
bilization  of  the  insolcnt  conduct  of  the  French  Ambassador, 
and  the  South  Germans  enthusiastically  joined 
their  northern  brethren  in  the  common  war  against  their 
hereditary  foe.  Men  fell  into  their  places  promptly  and  were 
transported  with  amazing  rapidity  to  the  frontier.  What 
the  French  Minister  of  War  had  said  of  the  readiness  of  the 
French  armies  was,  in  reality,  true  only  of  the  German,  as 
about  a  million  men  were  mobilized  in  Germany  within  two 
weeks  without  the  slightest  disorder.  This  period  of  mobili- 
zation, Moltke  said,  was  the  most  tranquil  of  his  life. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  Rhine  all  was  disorder  and  con- 
fusion: soldiers  could  not  find  their  officers;  cannon  were 
Chaos  in  the  without  ammunition ;  horses  were  without  har- 
French  ar-      ness;  means  of  transport  were  lacking;  the  food 

mics 

supply  was  insufficient;  officers  were  not  pro- 
vided with  the  necessary  maps.  So  badly  disorganized  was 
the  French  War  Office  that  those  called  to  the  colors  were 
frequently  obliged  to  travel  across  the  country  in  order  to 
get  their  uniforms.  Instead  of  everything  being  ready  "to 
the  last  button,"  chaos  reigned  in  the  French  armies. 

To  the  amazement  and  chagrin  of  France,  she  found  her- 
self completely  isolated,  as  all  the  other  nations  immediately 
Isolation  of  declared  their  neutrality.  Popular  opinion,  too, 
France  ^j^g  world  over,   favored   the  Germans  as  de- 

fenders of  their  country  against  French  aggression.  To  gain 
England's  sympathy  Bismarck  published  an  unsigned  treaty 
with  Napoleon  III  showing  how  the  latter  was  contemplating 


THE   UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY 


191 


the  annexation  of  Belgium,  the  neutraHty  of  which  Prussia 
was  scrupulously  respecting. 

The  two  gateways  to  Germany  were  the  strongly  forti- 
fied French  cities,  Metz  and  Strassburg.  Two  French  ar- 
mies, one  of  two  hundred  thousand  men  under  pian  of 
Marshal  Bazaine  in  Metz,  and  another  of  one  campaign 
hundred  thousand  under  Marshal  MacMahon  in  Strass- 


burg, were  preparing  to  invade  Germany.  The  German 
plan  of  campaign  was  to  defeat  the  French  armies  and  to 
capture  Paris,  and  it  was  felt  that  if  both  these  objects 
were  accomplished,  organized  resistance  would  be  at  an  end. 
Three  German  armies,  under  the  supreme  command  of 
General  von  Moltke,  invaded  France:  one  of  sixty  thousand 
men  under  General  Steinmetz;  the  second,  of  one  hundred 


192     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

and  thirty-four  thousand,  under  Prince  Frederick  Charles; 
and  the  third,  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand,  under 
the  Crown  Prince  Frederick  WilHam. 

The  first  important  battle  was  that  of  Worth,  the  re- 
sult being  a  defeat  for  the  French  which  lost  them  lower 
German  Alsace.  A  series  of  desperate  engagements  around 
successes  ^j^g  heights  of  Spichern  resulted  in  another  vic- 
tory for  the  Germans  which  gave  them  Eastern  Lorraine. 
MacMahon  was  now  in  full  retreat,  and  the  Germans  en- 
deavored to  prevent  Bazaine  from  coming  to  his  aid,  as  it 
was  their  prime  object  to  surround  the  latter  at  Metz,  to- 
ward which  three  great  German  armies  were  concentrating. 
Another  series  of  bloody  battles,  Borny,  Mars-la-Tour,  and 
Gravelotte,  followed,  in  which  the  French  fought  bravely, 
but  the  Germans  were  completely  victorious  and  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  surrounding  Metz,  thereby  bottling  up  the  French 
army  under  Bazaine.  MacMahon,  having  received  rein- 
forcements, attempted  to  come  to  the  relief  of  Metz.  But 
he  was  intercepted  and  forced  to  turn  north  to  Sedan,  where 
his  army  was  surrounded.  The  battle  of  Sedan,  which  fol- 
lowed on  September  2,  1870,  was  the  greatest  of  the  war. 
A  French  army  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men 
was  completely  routed;  seventeen  thousand  were  killed  or 
wounded,  and  the  rest  taken  prisoners.  Among  the  cap- 
tives was  the  Emperor  Napoleon  himself. 

The  defeat  at  Sedan  was  a  stunning  blow  to  the  French 
people,  who  blamed  the  Emperor  for  all  of  their  misfortunes. 
The  second  ^^^  Empire  was  abolished  and  a  Government 
phase  of  the  of  National  Defense  was  spontaneously  organ- 
ized, which  consisted  of  prominent  Republicans 
headed  by  Leon  Gambetta.  This  led  to  the  second  phase  of 
the  war.  There  were  no  more  French  armies  in  the  field, 
and  the  Government  of  National  Defense  proclaimed  a  levee 
en  masse,  or  general  uprising  against  the  enemy.  What 
followed  was  a  spirited  and  desperate  but  futile  struggle  on 
the  part  of  the  French  masses  against  the  German  armies. 

In  the  meantime  the  Germans  were  putting  an  "iron 
girdle"  around  Paris  by  surrounding  it  with  an  army  of  two 


THE   UNIFICATION  OF  GERMANY  193 

hundred  thousand  men.  One  of  the  most  famous  sieges 
in  all  history  now  began,  in  which  the  heroic  siege  of 
citizens,  militia,  and  remnants  of  former  armies  ^^""'^ 
made  an  extraordinarily  courageous  defense  of  the  city. 
When  starv^ation  was  staring  them  in  the  face,  they  slaugh- 
tered for  food  the  animals  in  the  zoological  gardens  and  even 
the  cats,  dogs,  and  rats.  Members  of  the  Government  of 
National  Defense,  led  by  Gambetta,  escaped  from  Paris  in 
a  balloon  and  established  a  new  government  at  Bordeaux. 
Gambetta,  by  his  extraordinary  energy  and  eloquence, 
managed  to  arouse  the  provinces  to  a  heroic  resistance,  but 
all  in  vain. 

Disaster  followed  disaster  in   that  "annee  terrible,''  as 
the  French  call  the  year  1870.   On  September  28,  one  of  the 
"gates,"   Strassburg,   surrendered   to  the   Ger-  p^n  of 
mans  with  nineteen  thousand  soldiers.   On  Octo-  Metz  and 
ber  27  came  the  fall  of  the  other  "gate,"  Metz.      ^^^^  "'^^ 
Marshal  Bazaine  surrendered  this  city  to  the  Germans  with 
an  army  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-three  thousand  men 
and  immense  stores  of  war  supplies.   The  fall  of  these  two 
cities  was  greeted   by   an   outburst  of  joy   in   Germany; 
henceforth  these  "gates"  were  co  be  in  German  hands  and 
were  to  be  entrances  opening  into  France  instead  of  into 
Germany. 

On  January  28,  1871,  after  a  heroic  siege  lasting  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-seven  days,  Paris  at  last  capitulated.  An 
armistice  was  signed  in  order  to  enable  the  Treaty  of 
French  to  organize  a  government  which  would  Frankfort 
have  legal  power  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace.  A  National 
Assembly  was  elected  which  met  at  Bordeaux  on  February 
12,  1871.  It  was  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  peace;  and 
Adolphe  Thiers  was  chosen  Chief  of  the  Executive  Power, 
with  authority  to  conclude  peace  with  Germany.  After 
preliminary  agreements  and  much  bargaining  both  parties 
agreed  to  the  terms,  which  were  later  incorporated  in  the 
Treaty  of  Frankfort,  signed  on  May  10,  1871.  According  to 
this  treaty  France  was  to  cede  to  Germany  Alsace  and  the 
part  of  Lorraine  containing  Metz;  in  addition,  an  indemnity 


194     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

of  one  billion  dollars  was  to  be  paid  by  France,  who  was 
also  compelled  to  support  a  German  army  of  occupation 
till  the  entire  amount  was  paid.  Never  was  a  victory  so 
complete  as  that  of  Germany,  and  never  a  defeat  so  hu- 
miliating as  that  of  France. 

On  January  i8,  1871,  while  the  siege  of  Paris  was  still  in 
progress,  a  historic  ceremony  took  place  in  the  great  Hall 
Proclama-  of  Mirrors  in  the  royal  palace  at  Versailles,  once 
Ge?mln^^  the  residence  of  French  kings.  King  William, 
Empire  surrounded  by  the  princes,  generals,  and  states- 

men of  Germany,  was  offered  the  imperial  crown  by  the 
King  of  Bavaria  in  the  name  of  his  fellow  princes.  He  ac- 
cepted, and  was  proclaimed  William  I,  German  Emperor; 
and  the  new  union,  now  including  the  southern  states,  was 
named  the  German  Empire.  At  last  united  Germany  was 
an  accomplished  fact. 


CHAPTER  X 

UNION  AND  DEMOCR.'\CY  IN  ITALY 
Causes  of  Disunion 

Italy,  proudly  acclaimed  the  "eldest  daughter  of  civi- 
lization" by  her  children,  had  to  wait  till  the  latter  part 
of  the  nineteenth  century  before  she  became  a  Italy,  a 
nation.     For   centuries   she   was   divided   into  ^t'J5ngef 
small,  weak  states,   and  was  consequently  an  nations 
easy  prey  for  the  strong  nations  of  Europe  who  frequently 
invaded  the  peninsula  seeking  to  satisfy  their  territorial 
ambitions.   Spaniards,  Frenchmen,  and  Austrians  had  each 
in  turn  either  annexed  portions  of  Italy  or  else  had  gov- 
erned the  petty  states  indirectly  through  dynastic  influ- 
ences, for  nearly  all  the  rulers  of  the  so-called  independent 
Italian  states  were  foreign  princes,  most  often  Austrian  or 
Spanish. 

During  the  nation-forming  period  in  the  fifteenth  and 
sixteenth  centuries,  Italy  did  not  produce  a  prince  power- 
ful enough  to  conquer  the  whole  peninsula  and  Rivalries  of 
to  unite  all  of  the  Italians  under  one  rule.   The  the  Italian 
great  political  thinker,  Machiavelli,  had  dreamed 
of  a  united  Italy,  and  had  hoped  to  see  it  realized  under 
a  powerful  monarch.     But  the  various  states,  notably  the 
Republics  of  Venice  and  Florence  and  the   Kingdom  of 
Naples,  were  too  powerful  to  be  absorbed  in  this  way.    A 
most  intense  local  patriotism  developed,  which  led  to  bitter 
rivalries,  to   internecine  quarrels,  and   to    frequent  wars. 
Union  was  then  regarded  merely  as  something  that  would 
benefit  one  state  at  the  expense  of  all  the  others ;  as  a  con- 
sequence, the  national  ideal  faded  from  the  Italian  mind. 

One  element  in  the  Italian  political  situation,  the  Papacy, 
had  no  parallel  in  any  other  country.  Ever  since  the  days 
of  Pippin  and  Charlemagne,  the  Popes  had  been  the  rulers 
qf  the  region  known  as  the  Papal  States  and  were  there- 


196     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

fore  princes  in  their  own  right.  The  Popes  well  knew  that 
Opposition  the  unification  of  Italy  would  spell  the  extinc- 
pacy^to  uni-  tion  of  the  Papal  States  and  the  disappearance 
fication  of  their  temporal  power.    They  maintained  that 

their  spiritual  power  would  suffer  in  dignity  were  their  do- 
mains subject  to  any  temporal  ruler;  in  consequence,  im- 
partiality toward  Catholics  of  all  nations,  which  it  is  in- 
cumbent upon  them  to  exercise,  would  be  impossible.  The 
"Babylonian  Captivity  of  the  Church "^  had  never  been 
forgotten  by  the  Popes,  who  determined  that  under  no  cir- 
cumstances would  they  become  "captives"  in  Italy.  They 
therefore  consistently  opposed  and,  for  a  time  effectively 
prevented,  the  unification  of  Italy. 

In  spite  of  division,  misrule,  and  internecine  strife,  Italy 
of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  reached  the  very 
Decay  of  heights  of  civilization  and  prosperity.  The  whole 
Italy  during  world  flockcd  to  Venice,  Florence,  Genoa,  and 
eenth  cen-  Rome  that  they  might  sit  at  the  feet  of  the  great 
^^^^  masters  of  art,  scholarship,  and  science,  who  were 

the  glory  of  the  Italian  Renaissance.  But  a  great  change 
was  wrought  in  the  destiny  of  Italy  by  the  discovery  of 
America  and  the  Cape  route  to  India.  During  the  seven- 
teenth century  the  Atlantic  displaced  the  Mediterranean 
as  the  world's  highway  of  commerce,  and  trade  shifted  from 
Southern  to  Northern  Europe.  Slowly  but  surely  the  pros- 
perity of  Italy  declined  and,  by  the  eighteenth  century, 
cities  like  Venice,  Genoa,  Florence,  and  Milan,  once  great 
commercial  centers,  were  stricken  with  economic  death; 
their  once  busy  marts,  where  the  merchants  of  Europe  and 
of  Asia  used  to  congregate,  were  now  silent  and  empty; 
their  influence  in  international  affairs  disappeared ;  their  cul- 
ture decayed  and  became  degenerate.  What  remained  were 
political  division,  tyranny  of  the  petty  despots,  and  a  great 
and  glorious  memory.  The  history  of  Italy  during  the  eight- 
eenth century  is  almost  a  blank.  During  this  period  the 
great  mass  of  the  population  was  sunk  in  poverty,  ignorance, 

^  This  term  is  used  to  describe  the  period  in  Church  history  (1309-77)  when 
the  Popes  lived  in  Avignon,  in  France,  where  their  policies  were  dominated  by 
the  French  kings. 


UNIFICATION 
OF  ITALY 

ENGLISH   MILES 

50  1 

The  dates  are  those  of  annexation  to  the 
Kingdom  of  Sardinia,  and  after  1861  to  the 
Kingdom  of  Italy. 
C3  Modena      1      I  KVd  of  the  Two  Sicilies 

I      I  Tuscany     CH  K'g'd  of  Sardinia 

I      I  Tiinca  I [States  of  tile  Church       '-■ 

I      I  Parnn  1 (Austrian  Empire 


UNION  AND   DEMOCRACY  IN   ITALY  197 

and  superstition.  The  Italians  were  dreadfully  in  fear  of 
their  petty  monarchs,  who  ruled  over  them  with  a  brutal 
tyranny  that  is  generally  characteristic  of  petty  monarchs. 
The  upper  classes  contented  themselves  with  contemplat- 
ing the  grandeur  of  the  past  and  with  imitating  its  language 
and  manners.  Italy  seemed  to  have  fallen  into  a  deathlike 
sleep  from  which  she  would  never  waken. 

She  was,  however,  rudely  awakened  by  the  resounding 
trumpet  call  of  the  French  Revolution,   The  revolutionary 
armies  of  France  poured  over  the  Alps  and  the  The  princi- 
petty  Italian  princes  fled  in  terror,  greatly  to  the  p^^^  °( '^J?^ 

.   ,  .    ,     .         ,  .  1        .       1     •    •  French  Rev- 

astonishment  of  their  subjects,  who,  m  their  igno-  olution  in- 
rance,  had  always  regarded  them  as  great  and  *^'"°<^"^^'^ 
powerful  monarchs.  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Fraternity 
were  proclaimed,  and  the  French  set  energetically  to  work 
abolishing  the  old  order  and  inaugurating  the  new.  The 
various  states  were  organized  as  republics.  The  remnants 
of  medievalism,  semi-serfdom,  inequality  before  the  law, 
and  religious  intolerance  were  abolished,  and  enlightened 
legal  and  administrative  systems  were  established.  Far- 
reaching  social,  political,  and  economic  reforms  were  also 
introduced,  so  that  in  one  decade  of  French  rule  Italy 
made  centuries  of  progress.  The  Italians  were  dazed;  lib- 
erty instead  of  tyranny  had  now  suddenly  descended  upon 
them  from  beyond  the  Alps. 

During  the  Napoleonic  regime,  the  country  was  prac- 
tically  unified;   the   northwestern    part   was   annexed    to 
France;  the  northern  part,  Lombardy-Venetia,   Unification 
was  erected   into  the   Kingdom  of   Italy  with  of  Italy  by 
Napoleon  as  King ;  the  southern  part  was  erected       ^°  ^ 
into  the  Kingdom  of  Naples  with  Murat,  Napoleon's  brother- 
in-law,  as  King.    A  uniform  system  of  administration  and 
law  was  established  throughout  the  peninsula,  which  really 
became  a  protectorate  of  France.   Italy  was  now  under  the 
control  of  a  foreign  despot,  but  it  was  united  for  the  first 
time  since  the  ancient  days  of  Rome.    Liberty  and  union 
were  the  two  miracles  performed  by  the  French  for  the 
Italians. 


198     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

The  Restoration 

As  we  have  already  seen,^  the  Congress  of  Vienna  redi- 
vlded  the  country  into  ten  states.    The  restored  monarchs 
R  tur     f       returned  full  of  hatred  for  the  changes  introduced 
division  and    by  the  French  and  determined  to  revive  the  old 
yranny  tyrannies,  inequalities,  and  intolerances.    Free- 

dom of  speech  and  of  association  were  banned,  and  the 
slightest  manifestation  of  political  liberty  was  mercilessly 
suppressed.  The  Church  was  restored  to  its  former  power, 
and  non-Catholics  were  again  denied  religious  freedom. 
Education  was  placed  almost  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the 
clergy:  the  universities  were  put  under  the  control  of  the 
Jesuits,  and  both  students  and  teachers  were  subjected  to 
their  oversight.  In  the  Papal  States  the  Inquisition  was 
reestablished  to  suppress  intellectual  freedom  which  was  re- 
garded as  a  dangerous  disease  by  the  clergy,  who  aimed  to 
close  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  to  all  except  Catholic  in- 
fluences. The  "class  called  thinkers"  was  especially  watched 
and  harassed,  for  their  influence  was  looked  upon  as  dan- 
gerous to  the  Restoration.  Everything  of  French  origin  was 
suspected  as  revolutionary.  Victor  Emmanuel  I,  King  of 
Sardinia,  had  a  botanical  garden  destroyed  because  it  had 
been  built  by  the  French;  the  Pope  abolished  vaccination 
and  street  lighting  as  revolutionary  innovations  of  the 
French;  excavations  at  Pompeii,  begun  by  French  scien- 
tists, were  discontinued  by  the  order  of  the  Government. 
In  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  King  Ferdinand  I  kept 
the  administrative  system  established  by  the  French,  but 
the  Government  was  all  the  more  reactionary  in  practice; 
hunting  liberals  became  an  art  and  a  pastime  in  Naples. 
Not  only  were  the  Governments  reactionary,  they  were  also 
corrupt  and  inefficient.  Brigands  roamed  over  Southern 
Italy,  committing  outrages  and  openly  defying  the  authori- 
ties; finances  were  mismanaged  and  money  was  frequently 
misappropriated ;  taxes  were  high  and  bore  most  heavily  on 
the  poor;  and  the  public  service  was  disorganized  by  favor- 
itism and  corruption. 

^  See  p.  19. 


UNION  AND   DEMOCFL^CY   IN   ITALY  199 

By  far  the  most  powerful  influence  In  the  peninsula  was 
Austria.  Two  of  the  best  parts,  Lombardy-Venetia,  were 
directly  under  Austrian  rule  and  governed  by  Austria 
officials  sent  from  Vienna;  and  the  rulers  of  '"  Italy 
Modena,  Parma,  and  Tuscany  were  related  to  the  Haps- 
burg  dynasty.  King  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  though  a  Spanish 
Bourbon,  was  in  close  alliance  with  Austria  and  pledged  to 
direct  his  foreign  and  domestic  policies  in  accordance  with 
the  wishes  of  the  Hapsburgs.  Although  the  administration 
of  Lombardy-Venetia  was  far  more  efficient  and  honest  than 
that  of  the  other  states  of  Italy,  it  was  nevertheless  more 
bitterly  detested,  for  Austria  represented  to  the  Italians 
everything  that  they  wanted  to  be  rid  of  —  foreign  domina- 
tion, absolutism,  invasion,  and  division.  Though  divided 
into  many  states  and  factions,  and  though  differing  from  one 
another  in  traditions,  customs,  and  race,  the  Italians  were 
nevertheless  united  in  a  common  hate  for  the  Tedeschi  (Ger- 
mans), or  Austrians. 

The  Carbonari 

As  in  Germany,  the  political  history  of  Italy  from  181 5 
to  1870  flows  in  two  main  currents,  liberty  and  union,  or 
the  establishment  of  constitutional  government  Opposition 
in  the  various  states  and  the  union  of  all  into  a  to  unification 

,.  T        1  •  r    1  by  Austria 

common  nationality.  In  the  attainment  01  these  and  the  Pa- 
objects  the  Italians  encountered  the  same  ob-  ^^^^ 
stacle  as  the  Germans,  namely,  Austria;  in  addition,  they 
had  to  face  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  Papacy,  whose  great 
power  in  Italy  and  enormous  influence  in  the  world  would 
be  marshaled  against  any  movement  looking  toward  uni- 
fication. Nearly  all  the  Italians  are  Catholics,  and  they 
were  very  proud  of  the  Papacy,  which  they  regarded  as  an 
Italian  institution  that  influenced  the  entire  world.  To 
favor  unity  meant  to  many  devout  Italian  Catholics  a  pos- 
sible break  with  their  faith,  something  which  they  viewed 
with  dismay;  and  it  was  a  cruel  dilemma  for  sincere  men 
and  women  who  were  thus  obliged  to  choose  between  their 
country  and  their  religion.  Curious  as  it  may  seem,  in  Italy 
the  Papacy  actually  constituted  a  bond  of  disunion. 


200     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Although  the  petty  monarchs  restored  much  of  the 
ancien  regime,  there  was  one  thing  that  they  could  not  re- 
Activities  of  store,  the  old  spirit  of  subserviency  and  fear, 
the  Car-  French  rule  had  given  the  Italians  a  taste  of 
liberty  and  union,  and  the  tyranny  of  the  des- 
pots soon  met  with  vigorous  opposition.  As  peaceful  means 
of  agitation,  freedom  of  speech  and  of  association,  were  not 
permitted,  Italians  of  necessity  resorted  to  violent  methods, 
such  as  conspiracy  and  assassination.  There  came  into 
existence  in  the  twenties  a  powerful  secret  society  called 
the  Carbonari,  whose  aim  was  to  unify  Italy  under  a  con- 
stitutional government.  As  the  society  had  no  definite 
plan  of  realizing  this  aim,  it  resorted  to  conspiracy,  assas- 
sination, and  insurrection,  hoping  that  the  removal  of  the 
obstacles  would  result  in  bringing  forth  a  plan  of  union. 
Outrages,  such  as  the  assassination  of  officials  and  the  de- 
struction of  property,  were  committed  by  the  Carbonari, 
making  it  appear  as  much  a  criminal  as  a  patriotic  organi- 
zation. 

Inspired  by  the  success  of  the  Spanish  revolution  of  1820, 
the  people  of  Naples,  led  by  the  Carbonari,  rose  in  revolt 
Revolution  during  the  same  year.  King  Ferdinand  I,  badly 
of  1820  frightened  by  the  strong  support  which  the  up- 

rising received  from  the  army,  readily  promised  to  grant 
concessions.  A  democratic  constitution  was  drawn  up  based 
on  the  one  granted  by  the  Spanish  King,^  which  Ferdi- 
nand accepted  and  most  solemnly  swore  to  obserVe.  This 
revolution,  although  in  a  small  state,  was  considered  suf- 
ficiently important  to  justify  international  action,  as  it  was 
feared  that  its  success  would  encourage  the  revolutionary 
elements  in  all  other  countries.  To  the  international  con- 
gresses of  Troppau  and  Laibach  came  Ferdinand  to  seek 
the  intervention  of  Europe  in  the  affairs  of  his  kingdom  in 
order  to  overthrow  the  constitution  which  he  himself  had 
just  granted.  An  Austrian  army  was  sent  into  Naples, 
which  ousted  the  recently  established  democratic  govern- 
ment and  reseated  Ferdinand  as  absolute  monarch.   A  ter- 

1  See  p.  460. 


UNION  AND   DEMOCRACY   IN   ITALY  201 

rible  repression  followed.  To  satisfy  the  vengeance  of  the 
faithless  monarch,  thousands  were  imprisoned,  exiled,  or 
executed. 

But  no  sooner  was  one  revolution  suppressed  than  an- 
other was  begun.  In  1821  an  uprising  took  place  in  Pied- 
mont, where  the  revolutionists  adopted  a  tri-  Suppression 
color  flag  of  green,  white,  and  red,  and  de-  ^sin^g^by" 
manded  not  only  a  constitution,  but  also  war  Austria 
with  Austria  as  the  enemy  of  the  Italian  people.  Fearful 
of  a  civil  war  in  case  he  refused  these  demands,  and  unwill- 
ing to  seek  foreign  intervention  like  Ferdinand,  King  Victor 
Emmanuel  I  abdicated  his  throne  in  favor  of  his  brother, 
Charles  Felix.  The  latter  was  opposed  to  constitutional 
government,  and  he  obtained  the  aid  of  Austrian  and  Rus- 
sian armies  to  suppress  the  uprising.  In  1830  uprisings  in 
Modena,  Parma,  and  the  Papal  States  were  likewise  put 
down  through  the  aid  of  Austrian  armies.  The  hatred  of 
Austria  among  Italian  patriots  rose  to  a  white  heat  of  fury; 
they  felt  that  this  "fire  department  of  Italy,"  that  was  al- 
ways rushing  in  to  quench  the  flames  of  revolution,  was  the 
chief  prop  of  despotism  and  division. 

Young  Italy 

Far  from  being  discouraged  by  the  failure  of  the  at- 
tempts to  win  political  freedom,  the  Italian  patriots  set  to 
work  more  energetically  than  ever  before.    The  p^Hure  of 
cause  for  the  failures  so  far  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  Car- 
the  revolutionary  movement  was  rooted  in  con- 
spiracy and  therefore  lacked  a  broad  popular  basis.    The 
uprisings  in  the  several  states  having  been  local  had  re- 
ceived little  support  among  Italians  generally.    What  was 
easily  gained  through  a  sudden  insurrection  of  small  groups 
was  as  easily  lost  through  the  Austrian  bayonets  that  were 
ever  at  the  beck  and  call  of  the  Italian  despots.    Heroic 
work  had  been   done  by  the   Carbonari   in   keeping  alive 
the  revolutionary  spirit,   but  its   propaganda    had    never 
touched  the  mass  of  Italian  people,  who  seemed  apathetic 
to  the  agitation  for  liberty  and  union. 


202     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

In  the  thirties  there  appeared  a  new  movement  in  Italy 
which  goes  by  the  general  name  of  the  Risorgimento  (the 
The  Risor-  Resurrection) ,  and  which  was  destined  to  realize 
gtmento  ^j^g  dream  of  an  Italian  Fatherland.  This  move- 

ment is  unique  in  the  history  of  nineteenth-century  Eu- 
rope. It  was  largely  the  work  of  highly  educated  young 
men,  whose  intense  earnestness,  glowing  enthusiasm,  and 
self-sacrificing  devotion  to  their  country  aroused  the  ad- 
miration of  the  world. 

Foremost  among  these  young  patriots  was  Giuseppe 
Mazzini  (1805-72),  the  prophet  of  Italian  unity.  Maz- 
.  .  zini  came  of  a  well-to-do  family  of  Genoa,  and 
received  a  legal  education  at  the  university  of 
his  native  city.  But  his  natural  bent  was  for  literature,  and 
for  a  time  he  was  a  contributor  to  a  literary  journal  In  which 
he  wrote  articles  on  Dante,  of  whom  he  was  a  devoted 
admirer.  Dante  exercised  a  deep  influence  on  the  rising 
generation  of  Italians,  who  beheld  In  him  their  spiritual 
father.  "They  talk  Dante,  write  Dante,  and  think  and 
dream  Dante  to  an  extent  that  would  be  ridiculous  but  that 
he  deserves  it,"  wrote  Byron  in  one  of  his  letters  from  Italy. 
So,  in  a  sense,  Dante  may  be  called  one  of  the  founders  of 
United  Italy. 

While  a  student  Mazzini  had  become  interested  in  the  con- 
dition of  his  country.  He  had  read  much  of  her  history,  and 
he  was  greatly  saddened  at  the  fate  that  had 

Young  Italy     ,     .   n  1  t      t  -i         1 

betallen  the  once  great  Italy,  now  mutilated, 
insignificant,  and  under  the  heel  of  foreigners.  So  deeply 
did  he  grieve  for  his  native  land  that  he  was  wont  to  dress 
himself  in  black,  as  if  in  mourning  for  her.  Young  Mazzini 
was  convinced  that  he  had  no  moral  right  to  follow  his  pro- 
fession as  a  lawyer  or  his  inclination  as  a  literary  man  so 
long  as  his  country  was  divided  and  enslaved.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-five  he  joined  the  Carbonari  and  was  arrested  for 
participating  In  an  uprising;  and  it  was  while  in  prison, 
where  he  had  plenty  of  time  to  think,  that  he  evolved  the 
plan  for  resurrecting  Italy.  Soon  after  his  release  In  183 1 
he  left  the  Carbonari,  which  he  disliked  as  a  mere  conspira- 


UNION   AND   DEMOCRACY   IN   ITALY  203 

tors'  movement,  and  founded  a  new  society  called  La 
Giovine  Italia  (Young  Italy).  It  was  composed  of  men 
under  forty,  intellectuals,  who  dedicated  themselves  to  the 
task  of  liberating  their  country  from  foreign  and  domestic 
tyrants  and  to  the  establishment  of  a  unified  Italian  re- 
public on  a  completely  democratic  basis.  "God  and  the 
People"  was  the  motto  of  Young  Italy,  for  Mazzini  was  as 
ardent  a  democrat  and  moralist  as  he  was  a  nationalist.  The 
plan  of  the  new  society  was  to  conduct  an  incessant  cam- 
paign of  agitation  among  all  classes  of  Italians,  who  were 
to  rise  under  the  leadership  of  the  young  intellectuals,  expel 
the  tyrants,  and  call  a  national  convention  to  inaugurate 
the  Italian  Republic.  "Place  the  youth  of  the  nation  at 
the  head  of  the  insurgent  masses,"  he  declared;  "you  do  not 
realize  the  strength  that  is  latent  in  these  young  men  or 
what  magic  influence  the  voice  of  youth  has  on  crowds.  You 
will  find  in  them  a  host  of  apostles  for  the  new  religion." 
Mazzini  dedicated  himself  to  his  "apostolate,"  as  he  called 
his  patriotic  activity.  He  had  a  religious,  almost  a  mystic, 
enthusiasm  for  his  work,  for  he  loved  Italy  "above  all 
earthly  things."  In  spite  of  his  country's  degradation,  he 
believed  that  "a  nation  which  has  been  enslaved  for  cen- 
turies can  regenerate  itself  through  virtue  and  through 
self-sacrifice."  Italy  had  a  third  life  to  lead.  Once  she  had 
ruled  the  world  through  the  Roman  Empire;  later  she  had 
ruled  the  world  through  the  Papacy;  and  now  the  Third 
Italy,  the  "Rome  of  the  People,"  "radiant,  purified  by  suf- 
fering, would  move  as  an  angel  of  light  among  the  nations 
that  thought  her  dead." 

Although  an  intense  nationalist,  Mazzini  was  not  at  all 
a  chauvinist.  His  conception  of  patriotism  was  to  love  one's 
country  most  devotedly  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  Mazzini's 
admire  and  respect  every  other  country,  because  nationalism 
each  one  had  something  precious  to  give  to  civilization.  He 
believed  that  if  every  nation  were  permitted  to  exist  un- 
disturbed, the  chief  cause  for  war  would  disappear.  Italy's 
mission  was  to  teach  mankind  to  love  and  to  cherish  as 
an  ideal  the  brotherhood  of  nations.   He  became  an  active 


204     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

champion  of  oppressed  nationalities,  Hungarians,  Poles, 
and  Irish,  and  organized  an  international  society  called 
Young  Europe,  whose  object  was  to  form  a  Holy  Alliance 
of  the  peoples  as  a  counterweight  to  the  Holy  Alliance  of 
the  despots. 

Mazzini's  magic  voice  aroused  the  Italian  youth  as  noth- 
ing else  had  ever  done  before.  In  a  short  time  there  were 
Activities  of  over  sixty  thousand  members  in  Young  Italy. 
Young  Italy  ^  j^g^  spirit,  that  of  moral  enthusiasm  for  a 
holy  cause,  was  breathed  into  a  political  movement  by  the 
fervent  eloquence  of  this  prophet  of  Italian  freedom,  who 
asserted  that  Italians  had  not  only  Austrians  to  fight  but 
also  "the  dissension,  the  vices,  the  impotence,  and  the  hope- 
lessness that  come  of  servitude."  Although  gentle  and 
pure-hearted,  Mazzini  sometimes  resorted  to  conspiracies 
as  bad  and  as  hopeless  as  those  that  once  disgraced  the  Car- 
bonari. He  lived  most  of  his  life  in  exile,  mainly  in  England 
and  in  France,  where  he  was  incessantly  organizing  insur- 
rections and  even  assassinations,  all  of  which  ended  in  fail- 
ure. Hundreds  of  the  noblest  youths  of  Italy  paid  with 
their  lives  for  their  futile  efforts  to  free  their  country. 
Mazzini  was  not  a  statesman  or  an  organizer;  he  had  little 
if  any  practical  ability ;  his  real  contribution  was  in  awaken- 
ing the  Italian  people  to  patriotic  enthusiasm,  without  which 
the  great  plans  of  the  statesman,  Cavour,  could  not  have 
succeeded. 

Another  interesting  personality  in  the  Risorgimento  was 
the  priest,  Gioberti,  whose  book,  The  Moral  and  Civil 
.  Primacy  of  the  Italian  People,  had  a  wide  influ- 
ence. Gioberti  believed  that  God  had  chosen 
Italy  to  be  the  leader  of  humanity,  because  she  had  shown 
herself  to  be  "the  home  of  creative  genius,"  having  given 
birth  to  the  greatest  thinker,  Dante,  and  to  the  greatest 
doer,  Napoleon.  He  was  opposed  to  the  use  of  force  in  the 
endeavor  to  bring  about  the  unification  of  Italy;  his  solution 
was  that  the  various  states  join  in  a  voluntary  federal  union 
under  the  presidency  of  the  Pope. 

A  new  Pope,  Pius  IX,  was  elected  in  1846,  who  for  a  time 


UNION   AND   DEMOCRACY   IN   ITALY  205 

was  very  popular  throughout  Italy  because  of  his  liberal 
policies.  He  granted  an  amnesty  to  political 
offenders  and  appointed  an  able  and  enlightened 
minister,  Rossi,  to  administer  the  Papal  States.  He  also 
showed  himself  hostile  to  Austrian  influences,  greatly  to  the 
delight  of  the  Italian  patriots,  who  hailed  Pio  Nono  as  the 
coming  redeemer  of  Italy.  "They  want  to  make  a  Napo- 
leon of  me  who  am  only  a  poor  country  parson,"  the  Pope 
once  declared. 

The  Revolution  of  1848 

The  year  1848  was  significant  in  Italy,  as  in  Germany,^ 
in  the  fact  that  there  was  a  confluence  of  the  two  currents, 
nationalism  and  democracy.  Rebellions  broke  Consti- 
out  against  the  petty  despots  throughout  the  tutions 
peninsula,  which  at  first  proved  successful,  as  war  against 
constitutions  were  granted  in  many  states.  King  ^"^^"^ 
Charles  Albert  of  Sardinia,  a  man  of  liberal  ideas,  who  had 
ascended  the  throne  in  1831,  now  took  the  opportunity  of 
granting  a  constitution  to  his  subjects.  Milan,  the  leading 
city  of  Lombardy,  rose  and  expelled  the  Austrian  troops; 
and  the  entire  region  then  voted  to  join  Piedmont.  Under 
the  heroic  leadership  of  Daniele  Manin,  Venice  also  rose 
against  the  Austrians  and  reestablished  herself  as  a  republic. 
Florence  followed  the  example  of  Venice.  In  Naples,  King 
Ferdinand  II  was  compelled,  like  his  father  before  him,  to 
grant  a  constitution.  An  uprising  took  place  in  Rome;  the 
Pope  was  forced  to  flee,  and  the  city  was  organized  as  the 
Roman  Republic,  with  Mazzini  and  Garibaldi  as  the  lead- 
ing spirits.  The  national  movement  received  a  great  im- 
petus when  King  Charles  Albert  declared  war  against  Aus- 
tria in  order  to  free  Italy  from  the  hated  Tedeschi.  ''Italia 
fard  da  se''  (Italy  will  do  it  herself),  he  proudly  declared. 
The  Austrian  Government,  hard  pressed  by  the  uprising  in 
Vienna,  was  not  in  a  position  to  spare  many  soldiers  to 
fight  the  Italians:  everything  seemed  propitious  for  realizing 
liberty  and  union,  long  awaited  and  now  at  hand. 

^  See  p.  128. 


2o6  MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

But  bitter  disappointment  was  in  store  for  the  Italian 
patriots,  for  Austria  was  not  so  weak  as  it  was  thought. 
Defeat  of  Her  enemies  were  divided  and  she  proceeded  to 
Sardinia  conquer  them  piecemeal.   Sardinia's  bold  chal- 

lenge received  no  organized  support  from  the  other  states, 
who  were  Intent  on  overthrowing  their  local  tyrants.  En- 
thusiastic volunteers  from  all  over  Italy  did  flock  to  the  ban- 
ner of  Charles  Albert,  but  the  latter's  armies  were  no  match 
for  the  large  force  that  Austria  was  able  to  send  into  Italy 
under  the  command  of  Marshal  Radetzky,  one  of  the  fore- 
most generals  of  the  day.  The  Sardinian  armies  were  badly 
defeated  by  the  Austrians  at  the  Battle  of  Custozza  In 
1848,  and  again  at  Novara  in  1849.  Charles  Albert  was  so 
despondent  over  the  outcome  that  he  deliberately  sought 
death  on  the  battlefield ;  but  even  death  had  cast  him  off, 
he  bitterly  complained.  In  disgust,  he  abdicated  the  throne 
in  favor  of  his  son,  Victor  Emmanuel  II,  and  went  into  vol- 
untary exile. 

Austria  offered  advantageous  terms  of  peace  to  the  new 
King  provided  he  would  repeal  the  constitution  granted 
Loyalty  of  by  his  father.  But  Victor  Emmanuel  stoutly 
Victor  Em-     refused   to   accept  these  terms  and   his  proud 

manuel  to  .^  '^ 

the  const!-  reply  to  Austria  was,  "What  my  father  has 
sworn  to,  I  will  maintain.  If  you  wish  a  war  to 
death,  so  be  it.  ...  If  I  must  fall,  it  will  be  without  shame; 
my  House  knows  the  road  to  exile,  but  not  to  dishonor." 
The  Sardinian  King's  loyalty  to  the  constitution  won  for 
him  the  admiration  of  the  Italian  patriots,  who  hailed  him 
as  //  Re  galantuomo  (The  Honest  King) . 

A  wave  of  reaction  swept  over  Italy.    The  revolutionary 
governments  set  up  In  the  various  parts  of  the  peninsula 
.  were  all  overthrown.    In  Naples  the  suppression 

was  particularly  severe,  as  no  mercy  was  shown 
by  King  "Bomba,"^  whose  ferocity  excited  great  indigna- 
tion in  Europe,  and  Gladstone  denounced  the  Neapolitan 
Government  as  the  very  "negation  of  God  created  Into  a 

*  The  name  given  to  Ferdinand  because  he  had  ordered  the  bombardment 
of  several  cities  that  had  revolted  against  him. 


UNION  AND   DEMOCRACY   IN   ITALY  207 

system."  Thousands  of  liberals  were  executed  or  tortured 
in  prison  with  inhuman  cruelty.  The  Roman  Republic  was 
overthrown  and  the  Pope  restored  through  the  aid  of  a 
French  army  sent  by  the  Prince-President,  Louis  Napoleon, 
who  wished  to  gain  the  favor  of  the  French  Catholics  in 
order  to  further  his  ambitions. 

The  results  of  the  uprising  of  1848  were  most  depressing 
to  those  who  had  consecrated  their  lives  to  the  liberation 
of  Italy.    Reaction  was  triumphant  everywhere,  j^^  p 
and  there  was  now  another  foreign  army,  the  becomes  re- 
French,  encamped  on  Italian  soil.   Pope  Pius  IX 
repented  of  his  liberalism,  which  he  now  believed  had  en- 
couraged and  not  allayed  revolution;  and  he  became  an 
unflinching  opponent  of  Italian  nationalism  and  democracy. 
As  a  consetjuence,  the  movement  for  unification  became 
strongly  tinged  with  anti-clericalism,  for  the  Italian  patriots 
saw  in  the  Pope  and  in  the  French  army  stationed  in  Rome 
to  protect  him  additional  obstacles  to  their  plans. 

There  was  one  crumb  of  comfort  for  the  revolutionists. 
Sardinia  had  emerged  defeated  but  morally  victorious. 
Henceforth,  Italian  hopes  centered  about  the  Sardinia  the 
House  of  Savoy  that  had  fought  the  common  hope  of  the 
enemy,  Austria,  and  had  remained  faithful  to 
the  principle  of  popular  government.  The  Sardinian  Con- 
stitution, the  Statuto  of  1848,  was  later  to  become  the  con- 
stitution of  United  Italy. 

Cavour 

In  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  Sardinia  was  a 
nation  of  about  five  and  a  half  millions,  most  of  whom  were 
engaged  in  agriculture.   As  there  were  only  two  ^    ^.  . 

1-1  ^T^      •  1        Sardinia 

fairly  large  cities  in  the  kingdom,  Turin,  the 
capital,  and  Genoa,  the  middle  class  was  small  and  weak. 
The  dominant  class  was  a  landed  aristocracy  which  some- 
what resembled  that  of  Prussia  in  vigor  and  military  capa- 
city. By  far  the  greatest  asset  of  the  kingdom  was  the 
House  of  Savoy,  liberal,  patriotic,  and  Italian  by  race,  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  other  dynasties  in  Italy, 


2o8     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

King  Victor  Emmanuel  II  was  a  man  of  sterling  honesty 
and  sound  common  sense,  but  he  was  not  gifted  with  abil- 
ities  of  a  very  high  order.  Fortunately  for  him 
and  for  Italy,  there  appeared  a  man  at  the  helm 
of  the  Sardinian  state  who  proved  himself  one  of  the  master 
statesmen  of  an  age  that  could  boast  of  Bismarck,  Glad- 
stone, Disraeli,  and  Thiers.  Camille  Benso,  Count  di  Cavour 
(1810-61),  was  descended  from  an  old  noble  family  of  Pied- 
mont. He  had  traveled  extensively  in  Europe,  especially 
in  France  and  in  England,  where  he  was  often  thrown  in 
contact  with  the  well  known  Liberals  of  the  time,  and  he 
became  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  the  parliamentary  sys- 
tem of  government  as  practiced  in  England.  "Parliamen- 
tary government,  like  other  governments,"  he  once  declared, 
"has  its  inconveniences;  yet,  with  its  inconveniences,  it  is 
better  than  all  the  others.  I  may  get  impatient  at  certain 
oppositions,  and  repel  them  vigorously ;  and  then,  on  think- 
ing it  over,  I  congratulate  myself  on  these  oppositions 
because  they  force  me  to  explain  my  ideas  better  and  to 
redouble  my  efforts  to  win  over  public  opinion.  .  .  .  Believe 
me,  the  worst  of  Chambers  is  still  preferable  to  the  most 
brilliant  of  antechambers."  Unlike  many  of  the  Italian 
nobility,  he  became  a  strong  nationalist,  and  he  was  in- 
strumental in  founding  the  Risorgimento,  a  newspaper  de- 
voted to  the  cause  of  Italian  unity.  Cavour  read  and  wrote 
much  on  economic  subjects,  in  which  he  was  greatly  inter- 
ested. He  proposed  plans  for  an  extensive  railway  system 
which  would  facilitate  commerce  and  unite  Italy  economi- 
cally. He  favored  other  policies  which  would  develop  his 
country  industrially  and  so  enlarge  the  numbers  and  in- 
fluence of  the  middle  class.  From  the  nobility,  tied  by  their 
interests  to  the  old  system,  and  from  the  peasantry,  dulled 
by  poverty  and  ignorance,  little  was  to  be  expected;  only 
an  intelligent  and  independent  middle  class  would  be  will- 
ing and  able  to  take  the  leadership  in  the  movement  to 
unite  the  country. 

Cavour,  unlike  Mazzini,  had  no  gift  for  poetic  flights 
of  oratory.   His  was  a  clear,  cool,  practical  mind  with  an 


UNION  AND   DEMOCRACY   IN   ITALY        ,209 

unerring  "tact  to  discern  the  possible,"  that  could  foresee, 
plan,  and  direct  the  enthusiasm  and  energies  of  p^jg  ^]^jj. 
others.    "I   cannot  make  a  speech,   but  I   can  ity  as  a 
make  Italy,"  he  is  said  to  have  remarked.  There 
was  hardly  a  diplomat  in  all  Europe  that  was  a  match  for 
this  Sardinian,  whose  subtle  mind  could  weave  a  diplomatic 
web  so  finely  and  skillfully  that  his  enemies  would  be  en- 
tangled in  it  unawares.    Like  his  contemporary  diplomats, 
and  for  that  matter  like  the  diplomats  of  all  ages  and  of  all 
nations,  he  was  usually  unscrupulous  as  to  the  means  that 
he  employed  to  accomplish  his  ends.    However,  his  "  fine 
Italian  hand"  was  always  used  in  the  service  of  a  great  and 
noble  cause,  the  union  of  his  dismembered  Fatherland  and 
its  elevation  to  one  of  the  great  powers  of  the  world. 

Cavour  was  convinced  that  there  was  only  one  practical 
plan  to  unite  Italy:  Sardinia^  must  stand  forth  as  the  un- 
swerving champion  of  unity,  and  she  must  call  His 
upon  the  Italian  people  to  support  her  in  the  liberalism 
struggle  against  despotism,  whether  domestic  or  foreign. 
"Piedmont,  gathering  to  herself  all  the  living  forces  of 
Italy,"  he  declared,  "will  be  soon  in  a  position  to  lead  our 
mother  country  to  the  high  destinies  to  which  she  is  called." 
As  a  thorough  believer  in  the  doctrine  that  no  government 
is  legitimate  unless  it  has  the  full  consent  of  the  governed, 
he  was  determined  that  Sardinia  should  not  conquer  and  an- 
nex the  rest  of  Italy,  but  should  drive  out  Austria  and  the 
petty  monarchs,  and  then  ask  the  people  themselves  to  de- 
termine their  political  destiny  through  a  plebiscite.  "  Italy 
must  make  herself  through  liberty  or  we  must  give  up  try- 
ing to  make  her,"  he  declared. 

Cavour  entered  the  Sardinian  Cabinet  in  1850  as  Minister 
of  Commerce.  Two  years  later  he  became  Prime  Minister, 
a  position  which  he  filled  almost  continuously  „.      ^ 

•11     1  1      r  1  •     i-r  •    •  1  1  His  reforms 

till  the  end  of  his  life,  receiving  always  the  un- 
swerving support  of  his  King.   The  relations  between  Vic- 
tor Emmanuel  II  and  Cavour  were  not  unlike  those  of  King 

1  The  terms  "Sardinia,"  "Piedmont,"  and  "Savoy"  are  used  sjnonymously 
for  the  territory  ruled  by  the  House  of  Savoy. 


2IO     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

William  I  and  Bismarck:  both  monarchs  relied  absolutely 
on  their  extraordinary  ministers,  who  really  ruled  while  the 
former  reigned.  Cavour  was  most  active  in  encouraging  the 
economic  development  of  Sardinia.  Railways  were  built; 
commerce  and  industry  were  stimulated  by  enlightened  laws 
and  favorable  commercial  treaties;  the  finances  were  put  on  a 
sound  basis ;  the  army  was  reorganized  and  put  in  excellent 
fighting  condition.  Like  many  liberals  of  that  day,  Cavour 
was  hostile  to  the  Catholic  Church,  which  he  regarded  as 
the  most  powerful  prop  of  the  old  system.  Largely  through 
his  influence,  the  Sardinian  Parliament  passed  the  Siccardi 
Laws  (1850),  which  abolished  the  civil  jurisdiction  of  the 
ecclesiastical  courts  and  forbade  the  acceptance  of  property 
by  any  corporation,  civil  as  well  as  religious,  without  the 
consent  of  the  State.  Five  years  later  he  made  war  on  the 
monasteries.  A  law  was  passed  suppressing  all  religious 
orders  except  those  that  were  engaged  in  education,  charity, 
and  preaching.  In  spite  of  the  stormy  opposition  aroused  by 
this  law,  more  than  half  of  the  monasteries  in  the  King- 
dom of  Sardinia  were  suppressed. 

Cavour  came  upon  the  scene  after  every  plan  and  every 
effort  to  unite  Italy  had  failed  miserably.  The  Carbonari 
His  plan  of  with  its  Conspiracies,  Young  Italy  with  its 
an  alliance  sporadic  Uprisings,  and  Sardinia  with  its  little 
war,  had  all  in  turn  proved  unequal  to  the  task. 
"What  plan  could  now  succeed?"  many  Italians  asked 
themselves  in  despair.  The  failure  of  Sardinia  in  the  war 
against  Austria  in  1848  had  proved  that  Italy  could 
not  do  it  herself.  Cavour  had  little  faith  in  popular  upris- 
ings, so  often  badly  organized  and  poorly  led  and  conse- 
quently doomed  to  failure.  Mazzini  he  regarded  as  a  fanatic 
who  would  ruin  any  cause  by  his  lack  of  moderation  and 
practical  ability.  A  new  and  bold  plan  was  born  in  Cavour's 
mind,  namely,  that  Europe  should  unite  Italy!  For  many 
centuries  the  nations  of  Europe  had  intervened  in  Italian 
affairs  for  their  own  good ;  why  should  they  not  now  inter- 
vene for  Italy's  good?  In  other  words,  Cavour's  project  was 
to  form  an  alliance  between  Sardinia  and  some  great  Eu- 


UNION  AND  DEMOCRACY  IN  ITALY         211 

ropean  Power  for  the  purpose  of  driving  out  the  Austrians, 
the  chief  obstacle  to  ItaHan  unification.  But  which  Power 
should  this  be?  His  choice,  for  several  reasons,  fell  upon 
France.  In  the  first  place,  Emperor  Napoleon  III  was  him- 
self partly  of  Italian  origin;  and,  in  the  days  of  his  exile 
when  he  had  wandered  into  Italy,  he  had  been  for  a  time 
a  member  of  the  Carbonari.  He  was,  besides,  a  sincere  be- 
liever in  the  doctrine  of  nationalism,  and  the  Italians  could 
appeal  to  him  on  that  basis.  In  the  second  place,  a  war 
with  their  old  enemy,  Austria,  would  be  very  popular  among 
the  French,  the  more  so  that  it  was  for  the  sake  of  helping  a 
people  of  Latin  civilization  like  themselves.  Finally,  Sar- 
dinia had  something  substantial  to  offer  to  France  in  re- 
turn for  her  assistance,  namely,  the  French-speaking  dis- 
tricts known  as  Savoy  and  Nice. 

It  now  behooved  Sardinia  to  show  that  she  was  worth 
fighting  with  as  well  as  for.   Cavour,  to  every  one's  amaze- 
ment, made  war,  not  on  Austria,  but  on  Russia,   Sardinia 
for    a    Sardinian  army  of  seventeen  thousand  i°}}}^  ^}^^  , 

•11  1         A 11-        ^'li^s  in  the 

picked  troops  was  sent  to  support  the  Allies  Crimean 
in  the  Crimean  War. ^  So  remote  was  Sardinia's 
interest  in  the  Eastern  Question  that  the  expedition  was 
universally  condemned  as  foolhardy,  chimerical,  and  finan- 
cially ruinous  to  a  small  and  poor  state.  But  Cavour,  of 
whom  it  was  said  that  he  had  a  "sure  instinct  for  the  neces- 
sity of  the  moment,"  saw  in  the  Crimean  War  an  oppor- 
tunity for  Sardinia  to  show  her  fighting  qualities  and,  above 
all,  to  gain  representation  at  the  peace  congress  that  was  to 
follow  the  war.  When  the  peace  congress  assembled  at 
Paris  in  1856,  Cavour  was  admitted  as  the  representative  of 
one  of  the  belligerents.  In  a  short  but  incisive  address,  he 
brought  the  question  of  Italian  unity  before  this  body.  He 
pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  situation  in  Italy  was  a  menace 
to  the  peace  of  Europe,  and  that  Austria,  the  arch-enemy 
of  Italian  freedom  and  independence,  was  the  disturbing 
factor  in  the  peninsula.  The  address  created  a  favorable 
impression  on  the  delegates. 

1  See  p.  630. 


212     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Napoleon  III  had  been  moving  in  the  direction  of  an 
alHance  with  Sardinia.  What  probably  hastened  it  was  an 
Napoleon  attack  upon  his  life  on  January  14,  1858,  by  an 
decides  on       Italian  patriot  named  Orsini,  who  threw  a  bomb 

an  alliance  ,   .    .  .  .       .  , 

with  Sar-  at  him  as  he  was  driving  through  the  streets  01 
dinia  Paris.    Napoleon  escaped  unharmed,  but  many 

bystanders  were  killed.  Orsini,  before  his  execution,  wrote 
a  pathetic  letter  to  the  Emperor,  claiming  that  he  had  com- 
mitted the  crime  in  order  to  call  the  attention  of  the  world 
to  his  country's  woes,  and  begging  the  Emperor  to  come  to 
Italy's  rescue.  Napoleon  was  deeply  moved  by  this  appeal, 
and  perhaps  also  by  fear  of  another  attempt  on  his  life,  so 
he  decided  to  intervene  in  Italian  affairs. 

On  July  21,  1858,  Cavour  and  Napoleon  met  "by  acci- 
dent" at  Plombieres,  a  little  town  in  France,  where  they 
The  secret  held  a  momentous  interview.  Here  they  secretly 
afpfom-"'  agreed  upon  an  alliance  between  France  and 
bieres  Sardinia,  and  upon  the  following  comprehensive 

plan:  (i)  that  French  and  Sardinian  armies  were  to  drive 
Austria  out  of  Lombardy-Venetia,  which  were  then  to  be 
annexed  to  Sardinia;  (2)  that  the  Duchies  of  Parma  and 
Modena  and  parts  of  the  Papal  States  were  also  to  be  an- 
nexed to  Sardinia;  (3)  that  a  central  kingdom  was  to  be 
formed  of  Tuscany  and  what  was  left  of  the  Papal  States; 
(4)  that  the  city  of  Rome  and  the  region  'around  it  was  to 
be  left  to  the  Pope,  who  was  to  be  compensated  by  being 
made  President  of  a  confederation  of  the  three  kingdoms, 
Sardinia,  the  proposed  Central  Kingdom,  and  Naples.  In 
return,  Sardinia  was  to  cede  Savoy  and  Nice  to  France.  As 
an  additional  item  in  the  bargain,  it  was  agreed  that  Prin- 
cess Clothilde,  the  young  daughter  of  Victor  Emmanuel, 
should  marry  Prince  Napoleon,  a  cousin  of  the  Emperor. 

What  now  remained  was  to  arrange  matters  so  that  Aus- 
tria would  appear  the  aggressor  in  the  eyes  of  the  world. 
Quarrel  be-  But  how  was  Austria  to  be  provoked  into  a 
tria^and'sar-  declaration  of  war  against  Sardinia?  Disturb- 
dinia  ances  were  instigated  in  the  duchies  by  Cavour's 

agents  which  so  infuriated  Austria  that  she  threatened  war. 


UNION  AND   DEMOCR.'\CY   IN   ITALY  213 

England  now  inten-ened  and  proposed  a  conference  to  set- 
tle the  quarrel  between  Austria  and  Sardinia,  but  the  former 
refused  to  accept  this  proposal.  Instead,  she  sent  an  ultima- 
tum to  Sardinia  demanding  that  she  disarm  within  three 
days  or  war  would  follow.  This  was  precisely  what  Cavour 
desired,  and  he  promptly  rejected  the  ultimatum.  Where- 
upon, on  April  19,  1859,  Austria  declared  war  against  Sar- 
dinia. Public  opinion  in  Europe  severely  arraigned  Austria 
for  what  was  regarded  as  an  act  of  brutal  aggression  by  a 
big  nation  against  a  little  one.  French  armies  poured  over 
the  Alps  to  help  the  little  nation.  At  their  head  was  the 
Emperor  himself,  who  promised  to  free  Italy  "from  the 
Alps  to  the  Adriatic." 

The  Austro-Sardinian  War  of  1859  lasted  about  two 
months.  The  main  military  problem  was  to  drive  the  Aus- 
trians  from  a  line  of  strong  fortified  places  in  -pj^^  Austro- 
Lombardy-Venetia,  called  the  Quadrilateral.  Sardinian 
Two  great  battles  were  fought,  one  at  Magenta 
on  June  4  and  the  other  at  Solferino  on  June  24,  in  which 
the  allied  French  and  Sardinian  armies  were  completely 
victorious  .over  the  Austrians,  who  were  then  compelled 
to  abandon  Lombardy.  Preparations  were  being  made  to 
invade  Venetia,  when  news  came  that  Napoleon  III,  with- 
out even  consulting  Sardinia,  had  made  a  separate  peace 
with  Austria  at  Villafranca.  This  act  of  faithlessness  so 
astounded  and  infuriated  Cavour  that  his  condition  at 
times  bordered  upon  madness.  He  lost  his  habitual  cool- 
ness, and  in  a  fit  of  rage  at  the  Emperor  he  counseled  King 
Victor  Emmanuel  to  continue  the  war  alone.  But  the  lat- 
ter saw  the  folly  of  such  a  course,  and  declined  to  follow  his 
Minister's  advice.  Cavour  thereupon  resigned.  Six  months 
later,  however,  he  came  back  to  his  old  post. 

Why  had  Napoleon  deserted  his  ally?   In  the  first  place, 
the  Emperor  was  the  kind  of  man  who  was  willing  to  help  a 
friend,  but  not  to  help  him  too  much,  lest  he  be-  Reasons  for 
come  a  troublesome  rival.  His  original  intention  Napoleon's 

1  1  r-       1-    •       •    ^  TVT       1       desertion 

was  merely  to  enlarge  Sardmia  mto  a  North- 
Italian  kingdom.   The  defeat  of  Austria,  however,  set  Ital- 


214     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Ian  hearts  beating  fast,  for  they  now  saw  an  opportunity 
to  unite  the  entire  peninsula.  While  the  war  was  in  prog- 
ress, revolutions  were  taking  place  in  Modena,  Parma, 
Tuscany,  and  in  that  part  of  the  Papal  States  known  as 
Romagna;  and  in  each  place  the  rulers  were  being  driven 
out  and  popular  assemblies  were  voting  for  annexation  to 
Sardinia.  A  united  Italy  was  not  just  to  the  liking  of  Napo- 
leon, for  he  feared  that  France  might  be  confronted  with  a  too 
powerful  rival  on  the  Mediterranean.  Another  cause  for  his 
withdrawal  was  that  the  Catholics  in  France  were  clamoring 
against  the  Emperor's  alliance  with  the  Italian  nationalists, 
the  sworn  enemies  of  the  Pope's  temporal  power;  Napoleon 
decided  to  appease  them  by  retiring  from  the  contest. 

The  Peace  of  Zurich,  signed  on  November  lo,  1859,  which 
officially  terminated  the  Austro-Sardlnian  War,  granted 
All  parties  Lombardy  to  Sardinia.^  This  was  the  only 
sfde^o^S^ar^-  change  made,  but  Napoleon's  intervention  had 
dinia  given  such  a  momentum  to  Italian  unity  as  no 

other  event  in  all  Italian  history  had  given  it.  Austria,  the 
arch-enemy,  had  been  beaten  and  the  petty  tyrants  could 
no  longer  rely  upon  her  support.  On  the  contrary,  should 
uprisings  take  place,  the  insurgents  could  now  count  on 
the  active  support  of  the  enlarged  Kingdom  of  Sardinia. 
All  Italian  parties,  republican,  federalist,  and  monarchist, 
began  to  rally  to  the  House  of  Savoy,  which,  it  was  clearly 
seen,  was  destined  to  accomplish  the  unification  of  the  coun- 
try. Enthusiastic  republicans  like  Garibaldi  and  Manin 
freely  offered  their  services  to  Cavour.  Mazzini,  however, 
remained  irreconcilable.  "I  bow  my  head  sorrowfully  to 
the  national  will,"  he  declared,  "but  monarchy  will  never 
number  me  among  its  servants  or  followers." 

The  use  of  foreign  armies  to  restore  unpopular  rulers 
Advance  of  was  now  Universally  condemned.  In  England 
Italian  unity  Lgj-d  Palmerston  vigorously  asserted  that  every 
people  had  the  right  to  dispose  of  itself  politically  in 
whatever  manner  it  wished.    To  this  doctrine  Napoleon 

1  The  annexation  of  Lombardy  was  on  the  theory  that  the  inhabitants  had 
already  signified 'their  willingness  to  join  Sardinia.  See  p.  205. 


UNION  AND   DEMOCRACY   IN   ITALY  215 

gave  his  assent.  During  i860  plebiscites  were  held  in  Mo- 
dena,  Parma,  Tuscany,  and  Romagna,  and  the  result  was 
an  almost  unanimous  vote  in  favor  of  joining  Sardinia. 
Annexations  promptly  followed.  A  plebiscite  was  also  held 
in  Savoy  and  Nice,  where  overwhelming  majorities  voted 
to  join  France.  Whereupon  these  two  districts  were  ceded 
to  France  by  the  Sardinian  Parliament,  though  not  with- 
out the  bitter  opposition  of  patriots  like  Garibaldi,  who 
reproached  Cavour  for  making  him  a  stranger  in  his  native 
land,  for  he  was  born  in  Nice. 

Garibaldi 

A  striking  figure,  Giuseppe  Garibaldi  (1807-82),  whose 
romantic  character  and  extraordinary  exploits  have  en- 
shrined him  as  the  leading  hero  of  the  Risorgi-  Garibaldi's 
mento,  now  appears  most  prominently  on  the  and  adv^n- 
scene  of  his  country's  history.  Garibaldi  was  one  tures 
of  the  young  men  whose  patriotism  was  awakened  by  the 
eloquence  of  Mazzini,  and,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  he 
joined  Young  Italy.  He  participated  in  an  insurrection,  for 
which  he  was  condemned  to  death ;  but  he  managed  to  escape 
to  South  America,  where  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  several 
revolutionary  wars,  earning  a  reputation  as  a  daring  and 
resourceful  guerrilla  chieftain.  He  returned  to  Italy  during 
the  uprisings  in  1848,  and  organized  a  volunteer  army  of 
about  three  thousand  men,  composed  of  dare-devil  patriots, 
v/ho  were  ready  to  follow  him  anywhere.  His  gallant  defense 
of  the  Roman  Republic  against  the  French  won  him  the  love 
and  admiration  of  his  fellow  republicans,  who  hailed  him  as 
the  military  leader  of  the  popular  party.  After  the  capture  of 
Rome,  he  and  his  little  band  were  driven  all  over  Italy  by 
French,  Austrian,  and  Neapolitan  armies.  He  showed  remark- 
able skill  in  dodging  his  pursuers,  and  he  finally  managed  to 
reach  the  coast  and  to  escape  to  America.  For  several  years 
he  again  lived  in  exile,  sometimes  as  a  candle-maker  on 
Staten  Island,  sometimes  as  captain  of  a  sailing  vessel  trad- 
ing with  South  America.  In  1854  he  returned  to  Italy  and 
settled  down  as  a  farmer  on  the  little  island  of  Caprera. 


2i6     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Garibaldi's  name  had  become  one  to  conjure  with  in 
Italy,  and  his  exploits  were  on  every  one's  lips.  The  Ri- 
His  sor gimento  hsid  produced  many  men  who  were 

character  ready  to  sacrifice  themselves  unreservedly  for 
their  country,  but  none  more  unselfish,  more  chivalrous,  or 
more  heroic  than  Garibaldi.  He  seemed  a  half-legendary 
hero,  like  Bayard  or  Joan  of  Arc,  sent  by  Providence  to  lead 
his  fellow  countrymen  to  victory.  In  many  respects  Gari- 
baldi resembled  the  American,  Andrew  Jackson;  like  him, 
he  was  hot-headed,  stubborn,  and  foolhardy,  but  generous, 
brave,  and  patriotic  to  a  fault.  He  disliked  Cavour  in- 
tensely as  a  cold,  calculating  schemer;  yet  he  realized  half 
regretfully  that  unity  could  be  obtained  only  through  the 
House  of  Savoy.  Although  he  loved  the  Republic,  he  loved 
Italy  more,  and  therefore  decided  to  rally  to  the  monarchy. 
In  the  war  of  1859  he  rendered  notable  service  as  the  head 
of  a  volunteer  corps  known  as  the  "Hunters  of  the  Alps," 
defeating  the  Austrians  in  several  engagements. 

But  Garibaldi's  most  famous  exploit  was  the  "Expedition 
of  the  Thousand."  He  had  formed  the  daring  design  of 
The  Sicilian  making  war  on  his  own  account  against  King 
expedition  Prancis  II,  who  had  succeeded  King  "Bomba." 
On  May  5,  i860,  about  a  thousand  poorly  equipped,  badly 
armed  men,  wearing  red  shirts  and  slouch  hats,  set  sail  from 
Genoa  with  the  purpose  of  making  war  against  the  King- 
dom of  Naples,  with  a  population  of  eleven  million  and  an 
army  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand.  The  story 
of  this  daring  expedition  of  the  "Red  Shirts"  reads  like  a 
heroic  epic.  Garibaldi  and  his  Thousand  landed  at  Massala, 
at  the  extreme  western  tip  of  Sicily.  Through  extraordinary 
marching  and  fighting  against  tremendous  odds,  he  finally 
managed  in  less  than  a  month  to  enter  Palermo  in  tri- 
umph, having  conquered  the  entire  island  of  Sicily,  of  which 
he  was  proclaimed  Dictator  in  the  name  of  Victor  Emman- 
uel. Italy  was  thrilled  as  it  had  seldom  been  before.  It  was 
devoutly  believed  that  Garibaldi  was  an  agent  of  Providence 
possessing  miraculous  powers  which  gave  him  a  charmed 
life.   There  had  been  only  too  many  instances  of  foolhardy 


UNION   AND   DEMOCRACY   IN   ITALY  217 

attempts  by  small  bands  to  overthrow  tyranny,  that  had 
failed ;  this  one,  equally  foolhardy,  succeeded  and  gave  to 
Garibaldi  and  his  Thousand  immortal  fame. 

In  August  of  the  same  year,  Garibaldi  with  an  army  of 
four  thousand  set  sail  for  the  mainland  to  conquer  Naples. 
The  moment  he  landed,  the  people  and  many  of  Conquest 
the  soldiers  in  the  army  of  King  Francis  became  °^  Naples 
his  enthusiastic  followers.  His  ranks  soon  swelled  to  fifty 
thousand  men.  The  march  to  Naples  was  a  veritable  tri- 
umphal procession.  Whole  armies,  sometimes  without 
striking  a  blow,  surrendered  to  him.  Many  of  the  Neapoli- 
tan troops  mutinied,  murdered  their  officers,  and  joined  the 
Garibaldians.  One  desperate  battle  took  place,  that  of 
Volturno,  in  which  Garibaldi  defeated  an  army  twice  the 
size  of  his  own,  Francis  II  fled  and  Garibaldi  assumed  the 
dictatorship  of  the  entire  Kingdom. 

The  question  now  was,  "What  was  to  be  done  with  the 
conquered  regions?"  Cavour,  who  had  half  countenanced 
the  expedition,  feared  that  the  hero,  who  utterly  Proclama- 
lacked  political  capacity,  might  lose  all  that  had  Kingdom  of 
been  gained  by  an  imprudent  step  which  he  was  Italy 
now  meditating,  namely,  to  march  on  Rome.  This  would 
lead  to  a  conflict  with  France,  quite  a  different  matter  from 
attacking  a  demoralized  kingdom  like  Naples.  Sardinia 
must  now  act  and  take  charge  of  the  situation.  Victor  Em- 
manuel, at  the  head  of  his  army,  crossed  over  into  the  Papal 
States,  occupying  Umbria  and  The  Marches,  though  care- 
fully avoiding  Rome,  and  entered  Naples,  where  he  defeated 
the  remnants  of  the  army  of  Francis  II.  The  Sardinian 
Parliament  then  voted  for  the  annexation  of  the  recently 
conquered  territory,  provided  the  inhabitants  agreed  to  it. 
A  plebiscite  was  held  in  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies, 
the  Marches,  and  Umbria,  and  the  result  was  an  over- 
whelming vote  in  favor  of  joining  Sardinia.  Victor  Emman- 
uel and  Garibaldi  drove  together  through  the  streets  of  the 
city  of  Naples  amid  the  wild  applause  of  the  people.  Gari- 
baldi magnanimously  resigned  his  dictatorship,  and  Victor 
Emmanuel  II  was  proclaimed  King  of  Italy,  "by  the  grace 


2i8     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

of  God  and  the  will  of  the  people,"  by  the  first  Italian  Par- 
liament, which  met  in  Turin  on  February  i8,  1861.  Sar- 
dinia had  now  been  merged  in  Italy,  and  the  work  of  Maz- 
zini,  Cavour,  and  Garibaldi  was  crowned  with  success.  The 
last,  refusing  all  honors,  titles,  offices,  and  pensions,  retired 
to  his  farm  in  Caprera. 

Rome 

Unfortunately  for  Italy,  Cavour  died  soon  after  the 
proclamation  of  her  unity,  leaving  to  his  successors  the 
ry  .       solution   of   the  knotty  Venetian   and   Roman 

Kome  and  ^  •' 

United  problems.    The  Austrians  were  still  in  Venetia 

^  ^  and  the  Pope  was  still  in  Rome.    Cavour  had 

firmly  believed  that  without  Rome  as  the  capital,  Italy's 
unification  would  be  sadly  incomplete ;  for  the  historic  posi- 
tion of  the  Eternal  City,  with  its  immortal  memories,  was 
such  that  Italians  could  not  allow  another  power  to  possess 
it.  "To  go  to  Rome,"  said  his  successor,  Ricasoli,  "is  not 
merely  a  right;  it  is  an  inexorable  necessity."  In  regard  to 
the  future  relations  between  Church  and  State,  Cavour's 
famous  dictum  was,  "A  free  Church  in  a  free  State";  by 
which  he  meant  that  the  former  should  be  entirely  free  to 
exercise  her  spiritual  powers  and  leave  politics  entirely  to 
the  latter. 

Pope  Pius  IX  refused  to  recognize  the  new  Kingdom, 
which  he  denounced  as  the  creation  of  revolution.  Pie  ex- 
The  Roman  communicated  the  leaders  of  the  nation,  includ- 
Question  j^^g  Victor  Emmanuel  II,  whom  he  denounced 
as  "forgetful  of  every  religious  principle,  despising  every 
right,  trampling  upon  every  law."  His  position  as  King  of 
Italy  was,  therefore,  according  to  the  Pope,  "a  sacrilegious 
usurpation."  In  spite  of  the  general  desire  among  the 
Italians  to  seize  Rome,  the  Government  was  loath  to  take 
such  a  step.  It  well  knew  that  to  attack  the  Pope  would 
be  to  invite  war  with  France,  for  the  Catholics  in  the  latter 
country  were  clamoring  for  interv^ention  on  behalf  of  the 
Papacy.  There  was  also  the  danger  of  offending  the  entire 
Catholic  world  and  possibly  of  bringing  about  an  armed 


UNION  AND   DEMOCRACY   IN   ITALY  219 

intervention  by  the  Catholic  powers.  The  Government, 
therefore,  decided  to  bide  its  time  and  to  pursue  a  policy 
of  watchful  waiting,  hoping  that  a  favorable  opportunity 
would  arrive  for  decisive  action.  Rome  was  defended  by  the 
French  army  sent  over  in  1849  and  by  a  Catholic  army  of 
about  twenty  thousand  men,  mainly  Irish,  Belgians,  and 
Austrians,  who  had  volunteered  to  defend  the  Pope  against 
Italian  aggression. 

Garibaldi  became  impatient  at  the  delay  of  the  Italian 
Government,  and  he  decided  to  attack  Rome  independently. 
He  hotly  refused  to  listen  to  a  policy  of  caution.   Garibaldi 
In  1862,  against  the  earnest  advice  of  the  authori-  attacks 
ties,  he  and  his  bands  set  out  to  attack  Rome. 
Italian  troops  were  sent  to  stop  him;  and  there  actually 
took  place  a  battle  at  Aspromonte  between  the  Garibaldians 
and  the  Italian  army,  in  which  Garibaldi  was  wounded  "by 
an  Italian  bullet,"  as  he  put  it,  and  he  retired  in  disgust  to 
his  farm.    In  1867  he  made  another  attempt  to  seize  Rome 
and  was  again  defeated,  this  time  at  Mentana,  by  the  French 
and  Papal  armies. 

During  the  Seven  Weeks'   War  between   Austria   and 
Prussia,  in  1866,  Italy  joined   forces  with   the  Venetia 
latter.    Although  Austria  sorely  defeated   Italy  added  to 
in  several  battles,  Prussia's  overwhelming  suc- 
cess compelled  the  former  to  cede  Venetia  to  Italy,  which 
was  annexed  after  a  favorable  plebiscite. 

When  the  Franco-Prussian  War  broke  out,  Napoleon  III 
found  that  he  needed  every  French  soldier  at  home,  and 
he  withdrew  the  French  garrison  from  Rome,   j^^j^^  pj.^. 
The  Italians  took  immediate  advantage  of  the  ciainied  the 

1  r-  1  n  T        capital 

situation  and,  on  September  20,  1870,  an  It- 
alian army  entered  Rome  in  triumph.  A  plebiscite  was  then 
held,  and  by  a  vote  of  134,000  to  1500  the  Romans  de- 
clared for  annexation  to  Italy.  This  step  was  ratified  by  an 
act  of  Parliament,  and  Rome  was  proclaimed  the  capital 
of  the  Kingdom.  In  this  way  the  temporal  power  of  the 
Pope,  which  had  held  sway  for  over  a  thousand  years,  came 
to  an  end.   Italy  was  now  completely  united  at  last. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  THIRD  FRENCH   REPUBLIC 

Thiers  and  the  Reconstruction  of  France 

Of  the  seven  hundred  and  fifty  members  of  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  which  was  called  together  at  the  end  of 
The  Nation-  the  Franco-Prussian  War,  only  about  two  hun- 
al  Assembly  ^^j.^^^  g^^^^  ^f^y  ^Quld  be  classed  as  Republicans. 
The  rest  were  monarchists  belonging  to  various  factions: 
about  three  hundred  were  partisans  of  the  House  of  Orleans, 
who  favored  the  Count  de  Paris,  grandson  of  Louis  Philippe, 
for  the  throne;  about  one  hundred  were  Legitimists,  or 
partisans  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  who  favored  the  Count 
de  Chambord,  grandson  of  Charles  X;  about  thirty  were 
Imperialists,  who  wished  to  continue  the  Second  Empire 
under  the  son  of  Napoleon  III;  and  the  remaining  seventy 
were  monarchists  who  were  committed  to  no  definite  can- 
didate. The  main  reason  for  the  choice  of  a  monarchist 
Assembly  was  that  the  Republicans  were  in  favor  of  con- 
tinuing the  war;  but  the  country,  disgusted  with  the  out- 
come, desired  peace  as  soon  as  possible,  and  therefore  voted 
against  the  Republican  candidates. 

The  National  Assembly  chose  Adolphe  Thiers  as  the 
"Chief  of  the  Executive  Power"  with  full  authority  to 

.  conclude  peace  with  Germany.   Thiers  was  now 

an  old  man  of  seventy-three.  Throughout  his 
long  political  career  he  had  been  known  as  a  shrewd  poli- 
tician whose  tactics  might  be  shifty,  but  whose  consistent 
support  of  the  interests  of  the  middle  classes  was  never 
doubted.  He  was  therefore  a_Liberal  of  the  school  of 
Guizot  and  a  partisan  of  the  House  of  Orleans.  In  appear- 
ance Thiers  was,  at  this  time,  a  little  old  man  with  a  smooth- 
shaven  face,  wearing  "the  eternal  frock  coat"  of  the  bour- 
geois. His  speeches  were  logical  and  convincing  as  well  as 
eloquent.   He  was  the  typical  French  bourgeois  in  politics; 


,     'r-.GjE   R 

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^•^,YRENEES^Tarbcs'L-^-r  V-,  I  /^^  '"'% 
^L.^.^       ;HAUTES\      .;        oV,u.i   7  -X  I 

^J^Y,RENE^./_ARlEGE;^e.r«ignan.«         MEDITEEBASEAK  SEA 

^  "  t     -  - 


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a  i  n  s 


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1914 

SCALE  OF  MILES 


Longitudf  West    2' of  Greenwich 


Longitude  East  4    ofGreenv 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  221 

and  so  bitterly  was  he  opposed  to  socialism  in  every  form 
that,  at  times,  he  was  willing  to  go  to  the  length  of  com- 
promising with  reaction  in  order  to  prevent  the  "vile  mob" 
from  getting  into  power.  Although  a  Voltairean  in  his  per- 
sonal attitude  toward  religion,  Thiers  had  been  chiefly 
instrumental  in  passing  the  Falloux  Law,^  because  he  be- 
lieved that  Catholic  education  would  have  a  conservative 
influence  on  the  lower  classes. 

But   the   Franco-Prussian   War   transformed   this   aged 
politician,  who  had  spent  almost  his  entire  public  life  in 
opposition,  into  a  constructive  statesman.   Dur-  ^^^  q^^_ 
ing  the  critical  period  following  the  great  dis-  pact  of  Bor- 
aster  Thiers  was^ajtovffir.of  strength  to  his  dis- 
tracted countrymen.    He  eschewed  all  party  pohtics  and 
devoted  himself  whole-heartedly  to  the  welfare  of  France, 
cooperating  with  any  faction  and  with  any  man  who  was 
willing  to  join  him  in  the  patriotic  work.    The  National 
Assembly,  inspired  by  Thiers's  patriotism,  adopted  what 
came  to  be  known  as  the  "  Compact  of  Bordeaux,"  whereby 
it  was  agreed  that  political  differences  should  be  put  aside 
in  order  to  carry  through  expeditiously  the  work  of  recon- 
struction. 

Four  great  questions  faced  the  Assembly:  peace__wlth 
Germany,  the  suppression  of  the  Commune,  the  reorganiza- 
tion  of  the  army,  and  the  adoption  of  a  definite  Payment  of 
form  of  government.  As  we  have  already  seen,^  the  indem- 
the  Treaty  of  Frankfort,  drawn  up  mainly  by  "'  ^ 
Bismarck  and  Thiers,  was  ratified  by  the  Assembly.  It  be- 
came necessary  to  raise  the  enormous  indemnity  of  a  billiojn. 
dollars  and  to  pay  the  cost  also  of  the  German  army  of 
occupation,  which  was  to  remain  in  France  until  the  indem- 
nity was  paid.  Two  loans,  contracted  by  the  French  Gov- 
ernment for  this  purpose,  were  readily  subscribed  to  many 
times  over  by  the  people,  so  that  the  indemnity  was  rapidly 
liquidated.  By  1873  the  German  army  of  occupation  was 
out  of  France,  and  Thiers  was  gratefully  hailed  as  the 
"Liberator  of  the  territory."  The  rapid  payment  of  this 
*  See  p.  155.  *  See  p.  193. 


222     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

huge  indemnity  revealed  the  great  confidence  in  their  coun- 
try's future  felt  by  millions  of  Frenchmen,  who  freely  gave 
their  savings  to  the  Government  in  the  face  of  recent  dis- 
asters; it  was  evidence  also  of  the  extraordinary  prosperity 
that  France  had  enjoyed  under  the  Second  Empire. 

Military  reform  was  the  next  important  step,  for  the  war 
had  disclosed  the  woeful  disorganization  of  the  army.  As 
The  new  Prussia  had  learned  from  France  after  Jena,  so 
army  law  France  learned  from  Prussia  after  Sedan.  A 
new  military  law  was  passed  in  1872  which  reorganized  the 
French  army  on  the  raodeLollJiatjof  Prussia.  The  principle 
of  universal  military  service  was  mtroduced,  and  all  French 
citizens  were  obliged,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  to  serve  five 
years  in  active  service,  after  which  they  were  to  pass 
through  various  reserves  up  to  the  age  of  forty.  As  in  Prus- 
sia, exception  was  made  in  the  case  of  those  having  a  higher 
education ;  they  were  to  serve  one  year  only,  and  in  lieu  of 
the  other  four  years  they  were  required  to  pay  three  hun- 
dred dollars  to  the  State.  This  law  was  readily  accepted 
by  the  people,  and  it  was  the  prelude  to  a  military  revival 
which  greatly  alarmed  Bismarck. 

The  Commune 

Misfortunes  followed  one  after  the  other  during  the 
"terrible  year,"  as  the  French  call  1870,  On  the  heels  of  a 
Hatred  of  disastrous  war  came  a  bloody  uprising  known  as 
menfoShe"  ^^^  "Commune,"  which  far  surpassed  anything 
bourgeoisie  of  its  kind  In  all  the  revolutionary  history  of 
France.  A  generation  of  suppression  under  the  Second 
Empire  had  resulted  In  the  growth  of  secret  societies,  whose 
propaganda  was  all  the  more  violent  because  secret.  The 
merciless  suppression  of  the  "June  days"  in  1848  had  never 
faded  from  the  memory  of  the  French  proletariat,  whose 
unshakable  conviction  was  that,  no  matter  what  form  of 
government  existed,  their  enemy  was  the  bourgeoisie ;  and  In 
Thiers,  as  the  head  of  affairs,  they  saw  the  very  incarnation 
of  their  enemy. 

The  election  of  a  monarchist  Assembly  greatly  exasper-  ^ 

J 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  223 

ated  the  Republicans,  those  in  Paris  in  particular,  who  did 
not  wish  to  be  governed  by  the  "clodhoppers,"  Versaill 
as  they  termed  the  Assembly,  because  it    con-  made  the 
tained  a  large  number  of  peasants.    The  Assem-  ^^^^  ^ 
bly  moved  from  Bordeaux,  its  first  seat,  to  Versailles;  it 
avoided  Paris  for  fear  of  a  possible  interference  with  its 
deliberations  by  the  mob,  as  in  the  time  of  the  great  Revolu- 
tion.   Now  that  Paris  was  no  longer  the  capital,  many 
shopkeepers  lost  trade,  and  their  prosperity  as  well  as  their 
pride  was  seriously  hurt   by  this  change,   which  greatly 
exasperated  them. 

During  the  war  business  was  naturally  disorganized. 
As  a  war  measure,  the  payment  of  rents,  debts,  and  notes  had 
been  temporarily  suspended.  But  when  peace  Financial 
came,  the  Assembly  refused  to  grant  any  further  hardships 
dispensation  and  ordered  the  immediate  payment  of  all 
indebtedness  legally  due.  Thousands  of  Parisians  had  suf- 
fered severe  financial  as  well  as  other  hardships  during  the 
siege,  and  they  denounced  the  act  of  the  Assembly  as  com- 
pleting the  ruin  begun  by  the  Germans.  Many  were  evicteji 
from  their  homes  because  of  non-payment  of  rent,  and  many 
smalTshopkeepers  were  compelled  to  close  their  doors. 

What  drove  thousands  of  the  Parisian  poor  into  a  state  of 
desperation  was  the  abolition  of  the  National  Guard  by  the 
Assembly.  During  the  siege  all  able-bodied  men  Abolition  f 
in  Paris  had  been  provided  with  arms  and  en-  the  National 
rolled  in  the  militia,  or  National  Guard.  After 
enduring  the  hardships  of  the  terrible  siege,  many  of  these 
guardsmen  depended  on  their  pay  of  thirty  cents  a  day 
for  their  livelihood;  and  when  the  Assembly  declared  the 
Guard  dissolved,  they  found  themselves  utterly  destitute, 
but  with  arms  in  their  hands:  a  dangerous  situation  any- 
where, but  especially  so  in  Paris  with  its  revolutionary 
traditions. 

These  various  discontented  elements  coalesced  and  or- 
ganized_what  hasHbeen  called  the  "Paris  Com-   The  Com- 
mung,"  which  was  initiated  by  the  members  of  ™""^ 
the  National  Guard.  A  Central  Committee  of  the  latter  was 


224     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

formed  to  defend  the  Republic,  which  had  been  proclaimed 
at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  against  the  monarchist  National  As- 
sembly at  Versailles.  The  latter,  fearing  trouble,  sent  troops 
to  seize  the  cannon  in  Paris,  but  the  soldiers  were  sur- 
rounded by  mobs  and  disarmed.  War  now  began  between 
Paris  and  the  rest  of  France.  The  Central  Committee,  com- 
plete master  of  the  city,  ordered  elections  to  be  held  in  Paris 
for  a  General  Council.  Conservative  electors,  out  of  fear, 
kept  away  from  the  polls,  so  that  only  extreme  radicals  were 
chosen.  The  General  Council  then  proclaimed  Paris  a  "  com- 
mune," adopted  the  red  flag,  and  declared  all  acts  of  the 
Versailles  Government  to  be  null  and  void.  It  also  issued 
a  manifesto  to  the  French  people  inviting  them  to  organize 
similar  communes  and  to  unite  in  a  national  federation. 

The  communists  were  a  heterogeneous  group  of  revolu- 
tionaries: socialists,  anarchists,  nihilists,  and  radical  repub- 
Ideas  of  the  Hcans,  who,  though  sharply  divided  as  to  their 
communists  schemes  for  reorganizing  society  and  govern- 
ment, united  in  opposing  the  National  Assembly.  Among 
them  the  Jacobin  ideals  of  '93  were  strangely  fused  with  the 
socialist  ideals  of  '48.  They  revived  the  old  Revolutionary 
calendar  and  attempted  to  reestablish  the  national  work- 
shops. In  a  rather  vague  statement  they  declared  that  the 
Commune  inaugurated  "a  new  political  era,  positive  and 
scientific.  It  marks  the  end  of  the  old  political  and  clerical 
world,  of  militarism,  bureaucracy,  exploitation,  stock-job- 
bery, and  special  privileges,  to  which  the  proletariat  owe 
their  ser\-itude  and  the  Fatherland  its  misfortunes." 

These  revolutionaries  of  '71  evidently  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  establishment  of  a  socialist  statejn  France 
Communists  as  a  whole  was  impossible,  because  in  case  of  an 
centralize  Uprising  the  peasants  always  came  to  the  aid  of 
France  t;hc  middle  classes  in  the  cities  and  undid  the 

work  of  the  revolutionary  element.  The  communists  turned 
to  the  idea  of  decentralizing  France  by  giving  each  unit,  or 
commune,  great  powers  of  local  self-go\-ernment.  If  this 
were  accomplished  the  industrial  centers  might  be  able  to 
•establish  the  socialist  commonwealth;  for  without  peasant 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  225 

help  the  bourgeoisie  would  easily  succumb  to  the  attacks 
of  the  working  classes.  To  the  charge  of  the  Versailles  Gov- 
ernment that  they  were  destroying  the  unity  of  France,  the 
communists  replied  that  that  unity,  "imposed  upon  us  to 
this  day  by  the  Empire,  the  monarchy,  and  parliamentarism, 
is  merely  despotic,  unintelligent,  arbitrary,  and  onerous 
centralization,"  and  that  the  true  unity  of  France  would 
consist  in  the  free  and  spontaneous  cooperation  of  the 
communes. 

The  most  important  figure  of  the  Commune  was  Louis 
Auguste  Blanqui,  a  lifelong  political  conspirator  and  ardent 
revolutionist.  Blanqui  was  an  interesting  type  of      . 
"eternal    revolutionist,"    who    belonged    to    no 
political  party  and  to  no  definite  school  of  social  philosophy, 
but  who  continually  agitated  for  a  violent  uprising  against 
every  existing  regime.    He  was  an  important  leader  of  the 
secret  societies  which  brought   about  the  Revolution  of 
1830;  he  then  conspired  against  Louis  Philippe  and  was 
active  in  the  Revolution  of  1 848 ;  during  the  Empire  he  was 
busy  organizing   secret  political  societies.    This  fanatical 
revolutionist  spent  more  than  half  his  life  in  prison;  no 
sooner  was  he  free  than  he  would  immediately  engage  in 
stirring   up   rebellion.     In   the   vague   ideals   and   violent 
methods  of  the  Commune  Blanqui  was  in  his  element,  and 
he  became  its  chief  advocate  and  leader. 

In  a  skirmish  between  the  regular  troops  and  the  com- 
munists, some  of  the  latter  were  captured ;  and  because  the 
Versailles  Government  refused  to  treat  them  as  prisoners  of 
war,  they  were  shot  without  trial  as  rebels  and  traitors. 
This  infuriated  the  communists,  who  seized  notable  per- 
sonages living  in  Paris  and  held  them  as  "hostages"  under 
threat  of  death  in  case  any  more  communist  prisoners  were 
shot. 

When  the  captive  French  armies  were  released  by  Ger- 
many,   the   National   Assembly  determined   to  Outrages 
put  down  the  Commune  without  mercy.   A  new  f°'Xe  com- 
siege  of   Paris  was  begun  in  April^   1871,   this  munists 
time  by  the  French  army  with  the  Germans  looking  on. 


226     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

The  city  was  taken  after  six  weeks.  Then  followed  a  gigan- 
tic street  struggle  between  the  troops  and  the  communists, 
each  side  desperate  and  merciless.  In  the  streets  were 
planted j:annon  that  fired  in^yery  direction,  causing  untold 
havoc.  Seeing  themselves  overcome  by  superior  force,  the 
communists  resorted  to  frightful  methods.  They  executed 
the  hostages,  one  of  them  being  the  Archbishop  of  Paris, 
and  began  the  destruction  of  the  city  by  setting  fire  to 
famous  buildings,  such  as  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  the"PaTais 
de  Justice,  and  the  Tuileries.  The  Vendome  Column  was 
pulled  down.  Several  streets  were  masses  of  flame.  Noth- 
ing so  frightful  had  ever  taken  place  in  Paris,  not  even  during 
the  Reign  of  Terror  nor  during  the  "June  days"  of  1848. 

The  final  stand  of  the  communists  was  at  the  great 
cemetery  of  Pere-Lachaise,  where  a  desperate  encounter 
V  n  anc  took  place.  Finally,  the  troops  managed  to  get 
of  the  Gov-  the  upper  hand,  and  order  was  restored.  The 
ernmen  vengeance  taken  by  the  Versailles  Government 

equaled  in  ferocity  that  displayed  by  the  communists.  All 
those  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands  were  stood  up  against 
a  wall  and  summarily  shot,  and  then  buried  in  nameless 
masses.  Thousands  were  arrested  and,  after  a  brief  trial  by 
court-martial,  were  sentenced  to  imprisonment,  exile,  or 
death.  Thousands  more  fled  to  foreign  countries  to  escape 
the  fury  of  the  Versailles  Government.  It  is  impossible  to 
state  accurately  how  many  were  killed  during  the  uprising, 
but  it  is  estimated  that  about  seventeen  thousand  commun- 
ists perished. 

The  Commune  was  a  great  blow  to  the  peaceful  growth 
of  French  socialism  with  which  the  uprising  was  identified. 
Growth  of  It  was  universally  felt  that  the  radical  elements 
h°^d'r^'d  ^^^  taken  advantage  of  the  agony  that  France 
by  the  was  suffering  as  a  result  of  the  war  with  Ger- 

ommune  j^any  in  order  to  foist  their  theories  on  their  un- 
willing countrymen.  And  it  was  not  for  an  entire  genera- 
tion that  socialism  could  once  more  raise  its  head  in  France. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  227 

Gambetta  and  the  Triumph  of  the  Republic 
The  chief  political  problem  in  France  during   1871-79 
was  what  form  of  government  would  finally  be  adopted. 

A  truce  had  been  called  between  the  various  fac-  ^. 

,      .  ,  .     ,      ^  ...  Rivet  Law 

tions  durmg  the  period  01  reorganization  in  or- 
der to  strengthen  the  National  Assembly  in  dealing  with  the 
questions  confronting  it.  On  August  31,  1871,  the  Rivet 
Law  was  passed,  which  gave  to  Thiers  the  title  of  "Presi- 
dent of  the  Republic,"  and  made  him  responsible  to  the 
Assernbly,  which  was  now  given  constituent  powers.  It  was, 
nevertheless,  understood  that  the  Republic  was  merely  pro- 
visional, and  was  to  give  place  to  a  monarchy  as  soon  as  the 
two  royalist  factions,  the  Legitimists  and  Orleanists,  had 
composed  their  differences. 

What  attitude  Thiers  was  going  to  adopt  became  a  matter 
of  vital  concern.  Not  only  did  he  enjoy  the  confidence  of  the 
people,  but  he  was  also  the  leader  of  an  impor-  Thiers  con- 
tant  group  in  the  Assembly,  the  Left  Center,  that  verted  to 
sometimes  held  the  balance  of  power  between  the  ■  ^" 

various  factions.  All  his  life  he  had  been  an  Orleanist,  but 
he  was  now  willing,  on  patriotic  grounds,  to  accept  the  Re- 
public, "that  form  of  government  which  divides  us  least," 
as  he  called  it  in  criticism  of  the  three  monarchist  parties. 
But  he  let  it  be  clearly  understood  that  if  the  government 
was  to  be  republican  in  form,  it  must  be  conservative  in 
p^icy.  "The  Republic  will  be  conservative  or  it  will  not 
exist,"  he  warned  his  colleagues.  His  change  of  view  greatly 
incensed  the  monarchists  in  the  Assembly,  who  denounced 
the  Republic  as  a  breeder  of  "radicalism,  anarchy,  and 
moral  chaos" ;  in  1873  they  passed  a  vote  of  censure  against 
the  President,  who  thereupon  resigned.  As  his  successor  the 
Assembly  chose  Marshal  MacMahon,  a  stanch  royalist, 
with  the  understanding  that  he  would  make  way  for  a  king 
as  soon  as  one  was  chosen. 

The  action  of  the  monarchist  Assembly  in  forcing  the 
resignation  of  Thiers,  the  "Liberator  of  the  territory,"  dis- 
gusted the  country,  and   at   almost  every  by-election  a 


228     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Republican  was  successful.    To  voice  this  change  of  senti- 

^  ,  ^  ment  came  Gambetta,  who  now  entered  the  lists 
Gambetta  i      t->         i  i-  i  •  •  i- 

as  the  Kepublican  champion  agamst  royalism,  as 

at  one  time  he  had  against  imperialism.  Gambetta's  heroic 
part  during  the  Franco-Prussian  War  had  endeared  him  to 
masses  of  Frenchmen  who  had  but  little  sympathy  with  his 
radical  opinions.  It  now  remained  for  him  to  begin  the 
"republican  education"  of  France,  namely,  to  convert  these 
masses  to  the  idea  of  a  republic.  With  this  in  view  he  began 
a  series  of  speaking  tours  throughout  the  country,  "swing- 
ing around  the  circle,"  addressing  huge  audiences  and  again 
rousing  his  countrymen  to  a  high  pitch  of  enthusiasm. 

If  Thiers  was  in  appearance  the  typical  bourgeois,  Gam- 
betta was  the  typical  bohemian.  His  dark,  curly  hair  and 
Gambetta's  Aowing  beard,  his  flashing  eyes  and  careless, 
influence  and  joyous  manner,  his  deep  resonant  voice  rolling 
like  musical  thunder  over  great  audiences,  his 
flowing  eloquence  and  exuberant  imagination  fascinated  all 
those  who  came  to  hear  him.  Gambetta's  very  presence  was 
an  oration.  Strange  to  say,  he  became  the  darling  alike  of 
the  solid  bourgeoisie  and  of  the  students  in  the  Latin  Quar- 
ter of  Paris.  Not  only  was  he  a  great  orator,  one  of  the 
greatest  of  modern  times,  but  he  was  also  possessed  of  solid 
statesmanship  and  shrewd  common  sense.  Gambetta  be- 
lieved firmly  in  the  principles  of  the  French  Revolution, 
namely,  political  democracy  and  intellectual  freedom;  in 
addition,  he  had  a  warm  sympathy  for  the  "new  social 
strata,"  the  working  classes,  to  whom  he  believed  political 
power  was  destined  to  pass.^  But  mindful  of  the  Commune, 
he  warned  his  fellow  Republicans  not  to  disturb  the  social 
order  till  democratic  principles  triumphed,  and  to  endeavor 
to  solve  social  problems  in  a  spirit  of  moderation.  "There  is 
no  Social  Question,"  he  once  declared;  "there  are  only  social 
questions  which  have  to  be  dealt  with,  one  by  one,  as  they 
come  up."  Gambetta  was  essentially  an  opportunist,  asking 
for  much  and  taking  what  he  could  get,  and  he  was  willing 

^  In  1879,  his  eloquence  secured  an  act  of  amnesty  for  the  imprisoned  and 
exiled  communists. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  229 

to  work  with  a  conservative  like  Thiers  in  order  to  realize  at 
least  some  of  his  political  ideals.  Once,  when  he  was  being 
reproached  for  his  opportunism,  he  replied:  "A  policy  which 
would  not  take  opportunity  into  account,  I  call  a  policy  of 
disaster.  Opportunism!  What  does  the  name  signify  if  the 
country  approves  the  thing!"  The  policies  of  the  Third 
French  Republic  for  a  whole  generation  were  deeply  influ- 
enced by  Gambetta's  ideas,  which  were  espoused  by  his 
disciples.  Ferry,  Bert,  Freycinet,  Waldeck- Rousseau,  and 
Clemenceau. 

The  rising   tide   of^_republicanism   convinced   the   mon- 
archist factions  t"hat  they  must  come  to  a  decision  without 
delay  in  choosing  a  king.    They  agreed  to  offer  Monarchist 
the  throne  to  the   Count  de   Chambord,   who  factions 
was  to  be  crowned  as  Henry  V,  with  the  under-   Bourbon 
standing  that  he,  being  childless,  was  to  make  *^^^™^"*^ 
the  head  of  the  House  of  Orleans  his  heir  and  successor. 

The  Count  de  Chambord  was  a  true  Bourbon,  never 
having  learned  anything  and  never  having  forgotten  any- 
thing. He  firmly  believed  that  France  had  at  ™,  p 
last  repudiated3.eniocracy,  whether  republican  de  Cham- 
or  imperial,  and  was  now  returning  to  the  ideals  ^^ 
of  the  ancien  regime.  "The  issue  at  stake,"  he  declared, 
"is  none  other  than  that  of  reconstructing  society,  now 
deeply  disturbed,  on  its  natural  base  .  .  .  and  not  to 
fear  to  employ  force  in  the  service  of  order  and  justice." 
His  loyalty  to  the  traditions  of  the  Bourbon  family  was 
sincere  and  devout.  "For  forty-three  years,"  he  proudly 
said,  "I  have  preserved  intact  our  sacred  traditions  and 
our  liberties."  He  agreed  to  accept  the  crown  on  the  terms 
offered  and,  as  a  sign  that  France  had  fully  recanted  her 
democratic  past,  he  wished  the  National  Assembly  to  abolish 
the  tricolor  flag,  adopted  during  the  Revolution,  and  to 
restore  the  fleur-de-lys  of  the  Bourbons,  "received  as  a 
sacred  deposit  from  the  old  King,  my  grandfather,  dying 
in  exile."  He  rejected  absolutely  the  tricolor,  which  he 
stigmatized  as  "a  symbol  of  revolution." 

The  Assembly  was  in  a  quandary.    To  abolish  the  flag 


230     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

so  dear  to  the  French  people,  that  had  floated  on  many 
The  question  a  victorious  battlefield,  might  lead  to  an  up- 
of  the  flag  rising  and  possibly  to  a  revolution,  for  it  would 
be  taken  to  mean  that  the  restoration  of  the  fleur-de-lys 
would  be  followed  by  the  restoration  of  absolute  monarchy. 
They  tried  hard  to  persuade  the  Count  to  accept  the  tri- 
color with  the  crown,  but  without  avail.  "Henry  V  will 
never  abandon  the  white  flag  of  Henry  IV,"  was  his  proud 
answer  to  the  committee  that  came  to  see  him  about  the 
matter. 

This  curious  situation  was  fortunate  for  the  Republic, 
as  it  postponed  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy  and 
Theconsti-  aroused  the  country  to  the  true  nature  of  the 
tution  proposed  restoration.   In  order  to  continue  their 

control  of  the  Government  through  MacMahon,  the  mon- 
archists in  the  Assembly  passed,  in  1873,  the  Septennate 
Act,  extending  the  presidential  term  to  seven  yearsTTt  was 
thought  that  the  Count  de  Chambord,  being  old,  would 
probably  die  within  this  period  and  that  the  Count  de 
Paris,  who  was  willing  to  accept  the  tricolor,  would  then  be 
chosen  King.  In  1875  a  series  of  organic  laws,  passed  by  the 
Assembly,  created  a  skeleton  outline  of  a  constitution,  in 
which  the  word  "Republic"  was  carefully  omitted  where- 
ever  possible;  when  they  came  to  designate  the  office  of 
chief  executive,  however,  it  was  voted  by  a  majority  of  one 
to  use  the  title  "President  of  the  Republic."  Strangely 
enough,  this  stop-gap  constitution,  which  was  made  a  bare 
outline  in  order  to  ease  the  transition  to  monarchy,  remains 
in  substance  the  constitution  of  the  present  French  Re- 
public. 

The  Government,  nominally  a  republic,  then  proceeded 
to  make  war  upon  the  Republicans  by  using  its  vast  power 
The  election  of  patronage  to  favor  royalists.  Republicans 
H^an^ham-  were  dismissed  from  office;  their  journals  were 
ber  harassed  and  frequently  suppressed;  and  their 

associations  and  meetings  were  put  under  strict  surveil- 
lance. On  December  31,  1875,  the  National  Assembly,  hav- 
ing completed  the  work  of  reorganizing  France  for  which 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  231 

it  was  originally  called,  went  out  of  existence.  Elections 
were  then  held  for  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  the  popular 
House,  and  for  the  Senate.  In  spite  of  pressure  applied  by 
the  Government  on  the  electors  to  choose  royalist  members, 
the  Chamber  was  overwhelmingly  Republican;  the  Senate 
was  monarchist  only  because  one  quarter  of  its  member- 
ship had  been  appointed  for  life  by  the  National  Assembly 
before  it  dissolved.  The  situation  in  1876  presented  an 
anomaly:  whereas  the  popular  House  was  Republican,  the 
upper  House,  the  President,  and  the  entire  administration 
were  royalist.  This  was  bound  to  lead  to  a  renewal  of  the 
struggle  between  the  two  forces  in  order  that  a  more  deci- 
sive result  might  be  obtained. 

President    MacMahon    met   the   situation   by   a   cora-^ 
promise.    He  dismissed  the  royalist  Broglie  Cabinet  and 
appointed  one  composed  mainly  of  Republicans  The  mon- 
headed  "by  Jule"s  Simon ;  but  he  maintained  that  ^if^^^^^^' 
the  Mmistry  was  responsible  to  him  and  not  to  publicans 
the  Chamber.    The  Republicans,  on  the  contrary,  held  to 
the  principle  that  the  responsibility  of  Ministers  was  to 
Parliament,  because  the  latter,  having  been  elected  by  uni- 
versal suffrage,  was,  in  the  words  of  Gambetta,  "the  mas- 
ter of  us  all."  The  first  three  years  of  the  new  constitution 
were  the  critical  period  in  the  history  of  the  Third  French 
Republic.     All  political,   social,   and  religious  forces  were 
lined  up  for  a  trial  of  strength  to  decide  whether  France  was 
to  be  a  republic  or  a  monarchy.   Behind  the  royalists  were 
the  aristocratic  classes,  many  of  the  peasants,  the  bureau- 
cracy, and  the  more  wealthy  of  the  middle  class.  Behind  the 
Republicans  were  the  lower  middle  class,  the  intellectuals, 
and  the  workingmen,  who,  swayed  by  the  eloquence  of  Gam- 
betta, were  determined  that  no  king,  be  he  reactionary  or 
liberal,  should  ever  again  reign  in  France. 

The   Catholic   Church,  too,  entered  the  political  fray. 
Many  of  the  priests  preached  against  the  Re-  The  Church 
public  and  were  active  in  aiding  the  royalists  the^mon-^ " 
during  the  elections.    A  propaganda  was  also  archists 
started  to  have  France  restore  the  temporal  power  of  the 


232     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Pope,  and  petitions  poured  in  from  Catholic  bodies  ask- 
ing that  the  Government  intervene  in  Italy  for  that  pur- 
pose. France,  in  her  crippled  state  after  1870,  was  neither 
able  nor  willing  to  make  war  on  the  Italy  which  it  had  helped 
to  create.  So  great  was  the  activity  of  the  Catholics  on  the 
royalist  side  that  the  Republicans,  always  unfriendly,  now 
became  bitterly  hostile  to  the  Church.  Gambetta  uttered 
a  phrase  which  became  their  rallying  cry,  "Le  dSricalisme, 
voild  Vennemi!  "  ("  Clericalism!  That  is  our  enemy!") 

On  May  16,  1877,  the  famous  Seize  Mai,  President  Mac- 
Mahon  dismissed  the  Simon  Ministry,  although  it  was 
_  .  ~T,  .       supported  by  the  Chamber,  and,  in  defiance  of 

Seize  Mm         t-i     T-  •  •  1 

Parliament,  agam  appomted  a  royalist  cabinet 
headed  by  the  former  Premier,  Duke  de  Broglie.  This  ac- 
tion was  denounced  by  the  Republicans  as  a  coup  d'etat  and 
an  attempt  by  the  President  to  inaugurate  a  system  of 
"personal  government."  The  reply  of  MacMahon  was  to 
dissolve  the  Chamber  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate  and 
to  order  a  new  election.  Both  sides  once  more  entered  the 
political  arena  determined  to  fight  with  every  weapon  at 
their  command. 

To  preserve  the  "moral  order,"  as  the  royalists  called 
conservatism,  the  Government  used  every  influence  at 
Gambetta  ^^^  command  to  elect  a  monarchist  Chamber. 
versus  Mac-  It  resorted  to  "official  candidates,"  gerryman- 
dering, and  coercion  of  all  sorts.  To  counteract 
this  electioneering  activity,  the  Republicans  formed  secret 
societies  to  help  them  in  the  campaign.  Gambetta  became 
the  leading  antagonist  of  President  MacMahon.  Again  he 
went  on  one  of  his  famous  speaking  tours  to  arouse  the 
country  against  the  monarchists  and  their  methods.  He  was 
called,  in  derision,  "the  commercial  traveler  for  the  Repub- 
lic," an  appellation  which  he  himself  adopted  with  pride. 
In  one  of  his  speeches  he  gave  utterance  to  another  famous 
phrase,  which  became  the  electoral  cry  of  1877.  "When 
France  has  spoken  in  her  sovereign  voice,"  he  told  Mac- 
Mahon, "you  will  be  forced  to  submit  or  to  resign."  "(/i 
faudra  se  soumettre  on  se  demettre.") 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH  REPUBLIC  233 

The  Republicans  won  a  complete  triumph  over  their 
opponents.  In  the  new  Chamber  they  had  a  majority  of 
over    one    hundred    seats.     MacMahon    "sub-   „    . 

Resignation 

mitted."  He  dismissed  the  Broglie  Ministry  and  of  Mac- 
appointed  one  headed  by  a  conservative  Re- 
pubHcan,  Dufaure.  When,  in  1878,  an  election  for  one  third 
of  the  Senate  was  held,  the  Republicans  succeeded  in  ob- 
taining a  majority  in  the  upper  House  also.  They  now 
determined  to  force  MacMahon  out  of  office.  A  demand 
was  made  by  the  Chamber  that  he  dismiss  certain  royal- 
ist officials.  This  he  refused  to  do,  and  on  January  30, 
1879,  he  handed  in  his  resignation.  To  succeed  him  the 
National  Assembly  chose  Jules  Gre\^j  a  lifelong  and  faith- 
ful Republican,  who  declared  that  he  would  always  re- 
cognize the  Chamber  as  the  supreme  power  in  the  Govern- 
ment. 

Unlike  the  Republics  that  were  established  in  1792  and 
1848,  each  of  which  came  Into  existence  on  a  wave  of  en- 
thusiasm, the  Third  Republic  was  founded  as  0  , ...  , 
a  consequence  of  the  mistaken  tactics  of  the  theThlrd Re- 
royalists,  whose  reactionary  ideas,  delays,  and  ^" 
bickerings  disgusted  the  country  and  inclined  It  to  favor 
the  advocates  of  the  Republic,  who  were  united,  enthusi- 
astic, and  able.  Nevertheless,  the  Third  French  Republic 
has  since  proved  to  be  the  most  stable  government  that 
France  has  known  since  the  great  Revolution. 

Government  and  Parties 

The  Government  of  France  may  be  best  described  as  a 
parliamentary  republic.    Like  that  of  the  United  States, 
it  is  republican  In  form ;  but,  like  that  of  Eng-  p  ^^ 
land,  supreme  power  Is  lodged  In  a  popularly  centralized 
elected  parliament,  which  passes  laws  and  con-  '^^^^ 
trols  the  cabinet  which  executes  them.    Unlike  the  United 
States,  which  is  a  federal  union  with  a  division  of  powers 
between  the  central  and  local  governments,   France  is  a 
highly  centralized  republic,  most  of  the  local  as  well  as  the 
whole  of  the  national  government  being  directed  from  Paris. 


234     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

The  country  Is  divided  into  eighty-six  departements,  which 
are  administrative  divisions  presided  over  by  prefects,  or 
governors,  appointed  by  the  central  government.  In  each 
departement  there  are  popularly  elected  councils,  but  their 
powers  are  largely  advisory.  A  measure  of  local  self-gov- 
ernment was  given  to  the  municipalities  by  the  law  of  1884; 
it  permitted  them  to  elect  their  mayors  and  councils,  which 
exercise  considerable  power  subject,  however,  to  the  author- 
ity of  the  prefect. 

The  head  of  the  French  Republic  is  the  President,  who 
is  elected  for  a  term  of  seven  years  by  the  National  As- 
The  Presi-  sembly,  which  is  the  name  given  to  a  joint  ses- 
^^"^  sion  of  both  houses.    Mindful  of  Louis  Napo- 

leon's rise  to  power  through  popular  election,  the  French 
constitution  prescribes  this  mode  of  choosing  a  President 
and  prohibits  a  member  of  a  French  royal  or  imperial 
family  from  being  a  candidate.  The  powers  of  the  Pres- 
ident are  limited  in  the  extreme:  every  act  of  his  must 
be  countersigned  by  a  cabinet  minister;  his  veto  may  be 
overridden  by  a  bare  majority  of  Parliament;  appoint- 
ments to  office  are  made  in  his  name  by  the  cabinet ;  he  may, 
with  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  dissolve  the  Chamber  be- 
fore its  term  has  expired,  but  since  President  MacMahon's 
famous  dissolution  in  1877  no  French  President  has  exer- 
cised this  power.  Frequently,  however,  his  influence  is  Jelt 
in  the  composition  of  a  cabinet. 

The  real  ruler  of  France  is  Parliament.  The  upper  House, 
or  Senate,  consists  of  three  hundred  members  ^  elected  for 
^.    _  a  term  of  nine  years.  The  Senators  from  each 

departement  are  chosen  by  an  electoral  college, 
consisting  of  delegates  from  the  various  local  bodies  and 
the  members  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  elected  from  the 
departement.  According  to  the  constitution,  the  Senate  has 
equal  legislative  authority  with  the  Chamber;  in  reality,  its 
main  function  is  to  act  as  a  check  on  the  popular  House 

^  As  originally  provided  in  the  constitution,  one  fourth  were  to  be  life 
Senators  elected  by  the  National  Assembly;  but  an  amendment,  adopted  in 
1884,  abolished  the  life  senatorships,  though  it  permitted  the  Senators  so 
chosen  in  1875  to  continue  in  office. 


THE  THIRD  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  235 

by  revising,  amending,  and  sometimes,  though  rarely,  de- 
feating its  bills. 

The  lower  House,  or  Chamber  of  Deputies,  consists  of 
six  hundred  and  two  members  elected  by  universal  male 
suffrage  for  a  term  of  four  years.  Like  the  Amer-  The  Cham- 
ican  House  of  Representatives,  the  French  ^^^ 
Chamber  lives  out  its  full  term  of  office  for  the  reason  re- 
ferred to  above.  Candidates  are  chosen  from  single-mem- 
ber districts  called  arrondissements ,^  and  a  candidate,  to  be 
elected,  must  receive  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast.^  The 
powers_of_the  Chamber  are  like  those  of  the  British  House 
of  Commons.  It  passes  laws  and  appoints  the  cabinet, 
w^hich  it  may  dismiss  whenever  it  so  chooses  on  the  prin- 
ciple of  ministerial  responsibility. 

Although  the  French  cabinet  system  is  modeled  on  that 
of  the  British,  its  working  has  been  quite  different,  because 
of  the  multiplicity  of  political  parties,  no  one  ^,    ^  , . 

r      ^  '  ^  i        11  ...        1       ^,  The  Cabinet 

01  which  ever  has  had  a  majority  in  the  Cham- 
ber. A  cabinet  istherefore  composed  of  men  belonging  to., 
various  groups,  and  is  supported  in  the  Chamber  by  a  coali- 
tion  of  these  groups  known  as  a  hloc.  Parliamentary  coali- 
tions are  often  hard  to  keep  together,  particularly  in  France, 
where  party  ties  are  very  loose ;  cabinet  crises  are  therefore 
of  frequent  occurrence.  Ministries  are  constantly  being 
overthrown,  and  rarely  does  a  French  Cabinet  last  as  long 
as  two  years;  often  its  life  is  only  six  months.  As  much 
energy  is  frequently  expended  in  keeping  the  cabinet  to- 
gether as  in  promoting  legislation.  A  favorite  method  of 
upsetting  a  ministry  is  through  an  interpellation,  by  which 
is  meant  that  any  Deputy  may  direct  questions  and  de- 
mand answers  of  a  cabinet  minister  on  the  conduct  of  his 
office.  An  interpellation  is,  however,  more  often  in  the 
nature  of  a  challenge  than  of  a  request  for  information;  a 

'  In  1885,  in  response  to  Gambetta's  urgent  suggestion,  a  change  was  made 
and  members  were  elected  on  a  general  ticket  known  as  the  scrutin  de  liste 
in  each  departement.  Later,  in  1889,  on  account  of  the  Boulanger  affair,  the 
single-member  districts  were  restored.    (See  p.  242.) 

2  In  case  no  candidate  receives  a  majority  on  the  first  ballot,  a  second  elec- 
tion is  held  two  weeks  later  to  determine  the  final  choice. 


236     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

sharp  debate  ensues,  frequently  resulting  in  a  vote  of  cen- 
sure for  the  cabinet,  which  then  resigns. 

It  must  not,  however,  be  supposed  that  the  instability  of 
cabinets  means  the  instability  of  the  Government.  Below 
St  bTt  f  ^^^  V^^y  of  factional  politics  flow  steady  political 
the  French  currents  that  continue  in  the  same  direction  no 
Government  matter  who  is  Prime  Minister.  The  fall  of  a  Min- 
istry means  generally  only  the  appointment  of  a  new  Prime 
Minister;  the  Chamber  is  not  dissolved,  and  frequently  the 
majority  of  the  members  in  the  succeeding  Ministry  are  the 
same  as  those  of  its  predecessor.  A  great  though  silent  part 
in  steadying  the  wheels  of  government  is  played  by  the 
bureaucracy.  Since  its  reorganization  by  Napoleon,  the 
liighly  centralized  administrative  system  of  France  has  con- 
tinued the  practical  work  of  administration  in  the  spirit 
of  its  conservative  traditions  irrespective  of  what  form  of 
government  is  proclaimed  in  Paris.  It  has  given  continuity 
to  the  political  life  of  France  by  absorbing  the  shocks  of 
revolutions  and  coups  d'etat  and  by  remaining  independent 
of  cabinet  changes. 

The  French  constitution  adopted  in  1875  still  remains 
essentially  an  outline.  It  contains  no  statement  of  general 
The  Consti-  Principles,  like  the  documents  adopted  during  the 
tution  an  great  Revolution,  and  no  definite  articles  pro- 
tecting liberty,  persons,  and  property  like  the 
Bill  of  Rights  in  the  American  constitution.  Its  only  prohi- 
bition is  in  the  article  which  declares  that  "the  republican 
form  of  government  shall  not  be  made  the  subject  of  a  pro- 
posed revision."  Amendments  can  be  made  very  easily;  a 
proposal  for  an  amendment  may  be  made  by  the  President 
or  by  a  majority  of  either  House;  to  pass,  it  must  be  rati- 
fied by  a  majority  of  the  National  Assembly.  In  other  words, 
an  ordinary  statute  and  a  constitutional  amendment  are 
adopted  by  the  same  persons.  Besides,  Parliament  some- 
times passes  bills  as  statutes  which  in  America  would  be 
considered  subjects  for  constitutional  amendment,  because 
the  French  constitution  contains  only  general  provisions  for 
organizing  the  Government. 


THE  THIRD  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  237 

There  are  no  political  parties  in  France  like  those  in  Eng- 
land and  in  the  United  States.  Instead  of  two  compact, 
well-organized  groups  of  electors  with  candidates,  Political 
conventions,  and  platforms  striving  for  the  con-  gi'oups 
trol  of  the  Government,  there  are  in  France  many  loosely- 
organized  groups  with  certain  political  tendencies,  royalist, 
moderate,  radical,  or  socialist.  Each  candidate  for  public 
ofhce  IS  practically  his  own  party ;  he  writes  his  own  plat- 
form, conducts  his  own  campaign,  and  pays  his  own  ex- 
penses, aided  sometimes  by  hastily  organized  societies. 
After  his  election  he  seeks  out  other  members  of  the  Cham- 
ber who  profess  the  same  or  similar  views,  and  these  con- 
stitute a  "party."  A  party  may  be  born  at  the  opening  of 
the  parliamentary  session  and  die  before  its  close;  often  a 
Deputy  belongs  to  more  than  one  group  or  passes  serenely 
from  one  to  another.  Political  leaders,  rather  than  political 
organizations,  are  the  important  factors  in  French  parlia- 
mentary life,  as  nearly  every  group  is  dominated  by  a 
prominent  politician  whom  it  follows  as  long  as  he  can 
lead.  Newspapers,  often  owned  and  edited  by  prominent 
political  leaders,  are  a  most  powerful  factor  in  the  formation 
of  public  opinion,  which  is  easily  evoked  in  a  highly  sensi- 
tive, artistic  people  like  the  French.  A  brilliant  speech,  a 
fine  article,  a  penetrating  book,  will  often  do  the  work  of 
party  platforms  and  party  organizations. 

The  Deputies  sit  in  the  Chamber  according  to  their  opin- 
ions, the  conservatives  to  the  right  and  the  radicals  to  the 
left  of  the  president  of  the  body.  The  Right  is  The 
composed  of  royalists  and  imperialists  devoted  to  " Right" 
the  interests  of  the  various  pretenders  to  the  French  throne. 
These  anti-republicans  are  elected  most  often  in  rural  dis- 
tricts through  the  influence  of  the  aristocracy  and  clergy. 
These  groups  at  one  time  vowed  open  hostility  to  the  Re- 
public ;  but  as  France  became  more  republican  in  sentiment, 
and  fewer  monarchist  Deputies  were  elected,  the  members 
of  the  Right  dropped  the  name  royalist  and  chose  to  call 
themselves  Conservatives  or  Nationalists.  An  important 
offshoot  of  the^royalists  is  a  group  which  calls  itself  "The 


238     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Party  of  Liberal  and  Popular  Action,"  composed  of  Catho- 
lics who_are  loyal  to  the  Republic,  which  they  desire  to  see 
the  special  protector  of  the  Church  and  of  the  poor. 

Next  to  them  sit  the  Moderate  Republicans,  sometimes 
called  "Progressives,"  representing  the  interests  of  the 
The  Moder-  wealthy  middle  class  who  desire  to  keep  the 
ates  Republic  as  conservative  as  possible.  They  favor 

protection  of  the  interests  of  peasant  proprietors  and  are 
opposed  to  social  legislation  in  favor  of  the  working  class 
and  to  attacks  upon  the  rights  of  property.  It  is  to  the 
ideas  of  Thiers  that  the  Moderates  have  looked  for  in- 
spiration. 

By  far  the  most  numerous  group  of  the  Left  are  the  Radi- 
cals,  who  own  Gambetta  as  their  intellectual  father.  Uncom- 
The  Radi-  promising  hostility;jto  the  Catholic  Church,  or 
^^^^  anti-clericalism,  is  their  leading  principle;  hence 

they  have  been  the  chief  advocates  of  the  separation  of 
Church  and  State  and  of  secular  public  education.  The  bulk 
of  the  bourgeoisie,  as  well  as  many  of  the  intellectuals,  are 
supporters  of  the  Radicals,  whose^mftuence  on  the  history  of 
the  Third  Republic  has  been  very  great. 

Farther  to  the  left  sit  the  Socialist  Radicals,  who  are  in 
complete  accord  with  the  Radicals  on  the  Church  question. 
The  Socialist  and,  in  addition,  demand  social  legislation  in 
Radicals  favor  of  the  working  class,  such  as  old-age  pen- 
sions, workingmen's  compensation,  social  insurance,  and"l:he 
protection  of  women  and  children  in  industry.  The  re- 
cent experiments  of  the  Republic  in  the  field  of  social 
reform  are  almost  entirely  due  to  this  group. ^ 

At  the  extreme  left  sit  the  Socialists,  elected  mainly  by 
the  working  class  and  advocating,  like  the  Socialists  of 
The  Social-  Other  countries,  the  establishment  of  a  coopera- 
*^*^^  tive  commonwealth.  Socialism  was  slow  to  make 

headway  under  the  Third  Republic,  partly  because  of  the 
discredit  cast  upon  it  by  the  Commune  and  partly  because 
of  the  numerous  factional  quarrels  among  its  advocates.  It 
was  not  until  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  that  a 

^  See  pp.  264  ff. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  239 

well-defined  socialist  party  made  its  appearance  through  the 
founding,  in  1 904,  of  the  Unified  Socialist  Party,  which  quickly 
attracted  considerable  support  among  the  French  voters.^ 

Political  History  (1879-96) 

In  spite  of  the  great  losses  suffered  during  the  Franco- 
Prussian  War  in  life,  property,  and  through  business  dis- 
turbance, in  spite  of  the  humiliating  defeat,  in  Resurrection 
spite  of  bitter  political  and  religious  dissensions,  °^  France 
France  rapidly  recovered  her  old-time  vigor.  Indeed,  the 
national  resurrection  of  France  after  1870  is  one  of  the  amaz- 
ing chapters  in  the  history  of  modern  times.  Europe,  and 
particularly  Germany,  was  astonished  to  see  the  nation  that 
but  yesterday  was  discredited,  defeated,  and  dismembered, 
rise  to  her  feet,  bind  up  her  wounds,  and  spring  again  to  the 
fore.  Once  the  Republic  was  firmly  established,  the  country 
was  able  to  see  more  clearly  the  path  toward  recovery  and 
to  follow  it  more  firmly. 

Business  enterprise  was  greatly  encouraged,  and  the  suc- 
cessful expositions  of  1878  and  1889  were  striking  manifes- 
tations of  France's  economic  prosperity.  ^  A  mag-  National 
nificent  series  of  fortresses  was  erected  along  the  defense 
German  frontier,  notably  at  Verdun  and  at  Belfort,  to  pro- 
tect the  country  against  invasion.  The  army  was  provided 
with  the  latest  equipment  and  organized  along  the  most 
modern  lines.  In  1889  active  military  service  was  reduced 
from  five  to  three  years,  but  fewer  exemptions  were  allowed. 
The  proposals  made  by  French  diplomats  for  an  alliance 
with  Russia  as  a  counterbalance  to  the  Triple  Alliance  fin- 
ally proved  successful  and,  in  1895,  the  Dual  Alliance  of 
France  and  Russia  was  definitely  formed.' 

To  balance  the  loss  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  France  decided  on 
a  policy  of  colonial  expansion  regardless  of  ex-  Colonial  ex- 
pense and  began  the  acquisition  of  a  colonial  P^^^ion 
empire  in  Africa.    In  the  reign  of  Louis  Philippe  the  con- 

^  For  further  description  of  French  socialism,  see  pp.  591  ff. 
2  For  a  description  of  the  economic  development  of  France  under  the  Third 
Republic,  see  pp.  244  fl. 
*  See  p.  687. 


240     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

quest  of  Algeria  had  already  begun,  and  during  the  Sec- 
ond Empire  the  Senegal  Valley  had  been  annexed.  In 
1881  the  Republic,  under  the  leadership  of  Jules  Ferry,  ac- 
quired Tunis;  later,  in  1895,  the  large  island  oTMadagas- 
car  was  made  a  protectorate  of  France.  In  Asia  the  Second 
Empire  had  assumed  control  of  Cochin-China  and  Cam- 
bodia, and  the  Republic  at  this  time  acquired  Anam  and 
Tonkin.^ 

"  It  was  the  schoolmaster  who  triumphed  at  Sedan"  was 
the  common  view  in  France  in  explanation  of  the  defeat  of 
A  national  1870.  The  Superiority  of  the  Prussians  was  as- 
education  signed  to  the  fact  that  their  national  system  of 
founded  popular  education  had  almost  completely  abol- 

ished illiteracy  and  so  gave  the  mass  of  people  a  conscious 
and  intelligent  interest  in  the  welfare  of  their  country.  Pop- 
ular education  was  then  in  a  sad  way  in  France ;  schools  were 
few  and  poorly  equipped,  hence  illiteracy  was  common, 
especially  in  the  rural  districts.  If  democracy  was  to  suc- 
ceed, argued  the  Republicans,  all  Frenchmen  must  be  edu- 
cated to  appreciate  it,  and  then  universal  suffrage,  "the 
master  of  us  all,"  will  favor  progressive  ideas  and  not  be- 
come the  means  of  reaction  as  under  the  Second  Empire. 
The  namfi  rnost  identified  with  educational  reform  in  France 
is  that  of  Ju]es  Perry,  a  vigorous  and  bold  disciple  of  Gam- 
betta,  who  was  in  the  Ministry  almost  continuously  from 
1879  to  1885.  As  Minister  of  Education  and  as  Prime  Minis- 
ter, Ferry  was  an  ardent  advocate  of  a  national  system  of 
popular  education  along  secular  lines.  He  was  ably  sec- 
onded by  Ferdinand  Buisson,  the  well-known  French  educa- 
tor, and  by  Paul  Bert,  a  vehement  anti-clerical  Republican. 
An  attack  was  made  by  the  Government  on  Catholic  influ- 
ence in  the  schools.  The  Falloux  Law  was  virtually  abro- 
gated by  restoring  the  prescripti\'e  right  of  the  University  to 
grant  degrees,  and  by  suppressing  the  "letter  of  obedience" 
as  a  certificate  to  teach. ^  A  law,  passed  in  1886,  forbade  a 
member  of  any  religious  order  to  teach  in  the  public  schools, 
but  a  delay  of  ten  years  was  allowed  for  a  readjustment. 

*  See  p.  660.  2  See  p.  155. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  241 

Only  lay  teachers  having  a  government  diploma  could  now 
be  appointed  as  teachers.  Civic  and  moral  instruction  was 
substituted  for  religious,  and  the  right  of  the  parish  priest 
to  supervise  the  schools  in  his  parish  was  withdrawn.  The 
Ferry  Laws  of  1881-82  established  for  the  first  time  a  com- 
prehensive system  of  national  education  by  requiring  that  it 
be  compulsory,  free,  and  secular.  Normal  schools  for  the 
training  of  teachers  and  secondary  education  for  women, 
long  neglected,  were  now  greatly  encouraged.  Large  sums^ 
were  freely  appropriated  by  the  Government  for  the  cause 
of  popular  education.  Illiteracy  disappeared  rapidly,  so 
that  to-day  it  is  practically  non-existent.  The  creation  of  a 
national  system  of  popular  education  is  a  great  and  enduring 
achievement  of  the  Third  Republic  and  gave  its  author, 
Ferry,  his  surest  title  to  fame. 

Several  political  scandals  took  place  which  cast  great  dis- 
credit on  the  Republic  and  on  the  parliamentary  system 

generally.  It  was  discovered  that  a  son-in-law  of  ^,     , 
°  -^  .         .    .   ri  ^"^  decora- 

President  Grevy  was  using  his  influence  for  the  tions  scan- 
purpose  of  trafficking  in  the  bestowal  of  decora-  ^ 
tions,  especially  in  the  greatly  sought^or  Legion  of  Honor. 
The  President,  although  himself  innocent,  was  forced  to 
resign  (1887),  and  Sadi  Carnot,  a  descendant  of  the  famous 
"organizer  of  victory"  during  the  Revolution,  was  elected 
his  successor. 

Far  more  serious  was  the  Panama  scandal.  A  company 
had  been  organized  by  Ferdinand  de  Lesseps  to  pierce  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama,  in  which  many  Frenchmen  The  Panama 
had  invested  their  hard-earned  savings.  In  1888  scandal 
the  company  went  bankrupt,  and  a  judicial  investigation 
disclosed  doubtful  financial  transactions  in  which  officials 
high  in  the  public  service  were  implicated.  Members  of 
Parliament  had  been  subsidized  through  presents  of  shares 
of  stock  and  through  payment  of  campaign  expenses  in 
return  for  government  favors.  Even  Cabinet  Ministers 
were  implicated  in  this  "Republican  scandal,"  as  it  was 

^  In   1870  the  education   budget  was  $4,800,000,  which   rose  in   1910  to 
$56,200,000. 


242     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

termed  by  the  monarchists,  who  charged  that  the  Republic 
was  in  control  of  "Panamaists,"  or  "grafters."  The  ex- 
posure drove  several  prominent  politicians  into  private  life 
and  some  to  suicide ;  it  was  also  responsible  for  a  revival  of 
royalism. 

A  great  deal  of  discontent  was  also  aroused  by  the  peace- 
ful policies  of  the  Third  Republic.  Its  opponents  charged 
Revival  of  France  with  being  recreant  to  the  revanche,  or 
the  revanche  national  Vengeance  on  Germany  for  the  defeat 
of  1870.  The  revanche  idea  became  a  sort  of  cult  among  some 
elements;  and  patriotic  societies  were  organized  to  keep 
alive  the  bitter  memories  of  the  Franco-Prussian  War  and 
to  spread  a  propaganda  of  hostility  to  Germany.  On  every 
possible  occasion  great  demonstrations  would  take  place 
around  the  statue  erected  to  the  Alsatian  city  of  Strassburg 
in  the  Place  de  la  Concorde,  a  great  public  square  in  Paris. 

Before  long  a  man  appeared  who  became  the  leading^x- 
ponent  of  discontent  with  the  Republic.  He  was  General 
General  Boulanger,    a   handsome,    dashing   soldier   who 

Boulanger  made  a  brilliant  figure  riding  on  his  black  char- 
ger. Boulanger  was  made  Minister  of  War  in  1886.  He  be- 
came very  popular  with  the  army  by  constantly  appealing 
to  chauvinistic  sentiments  and  by  improving  conditions  for 
the  soldiers.  He  entered  politics  and  was  repeatedly  elected 
to  the  Chamber  by  enormous  majorities.  At  every  oppor- 
tunity he  would  present  himself  to  the  voters,  at  by-elec- 
tions, on  second  ballotings,  and  in  several  constituencies  at 
the  same  time;  in  the  year  1888  he  was  elected  six  times. 
The  system  of  scrutin  de  liste,^  then  in  vogue,  gave  him  an 
excellent  opportunity  to  test  his  popularity,  as  his  followers 
in  an  entire  departement  could  concentrate  on  supporting 
him;  this,  in  a  way,  constituted  a  plebiscite  of  the  departe- 
ment. What  Boulanger  definitely  wanted  was  never  made 
quite  clear.  In  a  general  way  he  demanded  a  revision  of  the 
constitution  in  favor  of  a  popularly  elected  president  with 
great  powers.  This  was  the  Republic  of  1848  all  over  again, 
and  the  Republicans   feared  that,  if  such  a  change  were 

1  See  p.  235. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  243 

made,  it  would  be  followed  by  another  coup  d'etat  by  this 
new  "man  on  horseback."  Boulanger  managed  to  attract 
an  enormous  following  and  his  popularity  was  unbounded. 
Whenever  he  appeared  in  the  streets  crowds  would  follow 
him  about,  cheering  enthusiastically  and  demanding  that 
he  be  put  at  the  head  of  affairs. 

It  soon  became  evident  that  the  General  was  merely  a 
tool  in  the  hands  of  those  that  were  hostile  to  the  Republic. 
His  campaign  was  liberally  financed  by  royalists  Collapse 
and  ably  managed;  popular  journalists,  among  Boulanger 
them  Rochefort,  became  his  champions.  In  the  movement 
face  of  this  new  danger  to  the  Republic  there  took  place, 
once  more  as  in  the  days  of  AlaclNIahon,  a  "Republican  con- 
centration"; the  various  factions  ceased  their  quarrels  and 
united  to  defend  the  Government  against  its  enemies. 
Boulanger  was  suddenly  summoned  for  trial  before  the 
Senate,  charged  with  conspiring  against  the  State.  Had  he 
been  a  man  of  the  caliber  of  the  great  Napoleon,  or  even  of 
Louis  Napoleon,  he  might  have  succeeded  in  overturning 
the  Republic  by  open  defiance.  But  he  was  a  vain  and 
empty  show.  His  audacity  vanished  quickly,  and  he  fled 
the  country  ingloriously.  He  soon  committed  suicide.  The 
entire  Boulanger  movement  suddenly  and  completely  col- 
lapsed. It  resulted,  however,  in  the  abolition  of  the  scrutin 
de  liste  and  the  reestablishment  of  single-member  districts. 
The  general  election  of  1889  was  a  great  blow  to  the  roy- 
alists, who  lost  about  one  half  of  their  representatives  in  the 
Chamber.  The  Republic  was  safe  once  more. 

But  a  new  type  of  discontent,  revolutionary  radicalism, 
was  rapidly  growing,  as  shown  by  the  increas^injthejnumber 
of  Socialist  voters  and  in  violent  deeds  by  anar-  Grouth  of 
chists.  In  1894  President  Carnpt3vas_assassin-  radicalism 
ated  by  an  anarchist.  As  his  successor  the  National  As- 
sembly chose  Casimir-Perier,  who  astonished  every  one 
by  resigning  within  six  months.  In  1895  Felix  Faure  was 
elected  President. 


244     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Economic  Progress 

The  industrial  advance  of  the  Third  Republic  has  been 
most  notable  ^  in  spite  of  the  loss  of  Alsace-Lorraine  with  its 
French  in-  important  textile  centers  and  its  rich  iron  de- 
dustriesi  posits. ^  France  remains,  however,  largely  an  agri- 
cultural country;  her  industries  are  mainly  in  luxuries 
bought  for  their  artistic  qualities,  such  as  millinery,  laces, 
silks,  gloves,  perfumes,  tapestries,  automobiles,  and  delicate 
porcelain.  And  it  is  highly  improbable  that  she  will  ever 
become  an  economic  rival  of  great  industrial  nations  like 
England,  Germany,  or  the  United  States,  because  of  her 
limited  resources  in  coal  and  iron.  The  mining  regions  are 
located  entirely  in  the  northeastejrrpart  of  the  country,  and 
the  loss  of  this  region  would  mean  that  France  would  be 
hopelessly  crippled  industrially  and  consequently  sink  to  a 
low  rank  among  modern  nations. 

Although  the  output  of  coal  has  greatly  increased  since 
1870,^  France  has  to  import  fully  one  third  of  what  she  needs 
Coal  and  in  Order  to  have  sufficient  fuel.  In  the  production 
"■oJi  of  iron  and  steel  ^  she  has  advanced  to  the  fourth 

rank  among  nations,  coming  after  the  United  States,  Ger- 
many, and  England.  The  production  of  steel  was  greatly 
facilitated  by  the  invention  of  the  Thomas  process,  which 
made  the  departement  of  Meurthe-et-Moselle  one  of  the  chief 
steel-producing  regions  of  the  world.  In  the  great  steel 
works  at  Le  Creuzot,  France  possesses  an  important  rival 
to  that  of  the  Krupps  in  Germany. 

The  silk  industry  is  as  distinctly  French  as  the  cotton  in- 
dustry is  English.  Lately,  however,  there  has  been  a  marked 
depression  in  this  notable  French  industry  owing 
to  the  destruction  of  the  silkworms  by  disease 
and  to  the  increasing  competition  of  Italy;  Milan  has  suc- 
ceeded Lyons  as  the  silk  capital  of  Europe. 

1  In  1871  the  total  horse-power  of  engines  used  in  industry  was  316,000; 
in  1907  it  was  2,474,000. 

*  See  p.  300. 

'  The  production  of  coal  and  lignite- in  1871  was  about  14,600,000  tons;  in 
1912  it  was  45,500,000  tons. 

*  In  1 87 1  the  iron  output  was  2,000,000  tons;  in  1912  it  was  21,000,000  tons. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  245 

A  most  important  factor  in  the  economic  life  of  France  is 
the  production  of  wines,  Hqueurs,  and  brandies.  The  vine, 
which  once  spread  over  the  greater  part  of  ,  . 
France,  is  now  almost  entirely  confined  to  the 
South,  where  large  areas  are  given  over  to  its  cultivation. 
During  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  this  highly 
lucrative  industry  was  almost  ruined  by  the  spread  of  a 
vine  disease,  the  phylloxera,  which  caused  the  production 
of  wine  to  sink  to  one  third  of  what  it  had  been  in  previous 
years.  ^  To  combat  this  evil,  strong  efforts  were  made  by 
the  wine-growers,  many  of  whom  were  now  reduced  to  pen- 
ury; American  vine  stock  was  grafted  upon  the  native 
French,  and  scientific  cures  discovered  by  the  great  scientist, 
Pasteur,  were  applied.  Through  these  efforts  the  industry 
began  slowly  to  improve,  but  it  has  not  recovered  its  former 
prosperity.^  Another  attack  on  the  wine  industry  came  in 
the  form  of  competition  of  adulterated  wines  which  were 
manufactured  to  be  sold  at  low  prices. 

Transport  facilities  under  the  Republic  were  greatly  im- 
proved and  extended.'  An  important  step  toward  the  na- 
tionalization of  the  railways  was  taken  in  1909  Transpor- 
when  the  entire  Western  Railway  system  (about  Nation 
thirty-seven  hundred  miles)  was  taken  over  by  the  Govern- 
ment. It  was  expected  that  by  about  1950  or  i960,  when  the 
charters  of  the  other  companies  will  have  expired,  all  the 
French  railways  will  be  under  government  ownership  and 
operation.  French  shipping  has  been  slow  in  developing  in 
spite  of  government  subsidies.^  The  merchant  marine  of 
France  is  very  small  as  compared  with  that  of  England  or 
Germany  and  is  largely  engaged  in  Mediterranean  and  coast 
trade.  The  only  marked  increase  has  been  in  the  tonnage  of 
steam  vessels,  which,  in  1872,  was  only  twelve  per  cent  of 
the  entire  tonnage,  but  which  rose  to  sixty  per  cent  in  1908. 

*  In  1875  the  wine  product  of  France  amounted  to  2,214,000,000  gallons; 
in  1895  it  had  sunk  to  about  737,000,000  gallons. 

*  In  191 2  the  wine  production  was  about  1,306,448,000  gallons. 

'  In  191 1  there  were  31,056  miles  of  railway,  which  was  more  than  three 
times  as  much  as  in  1870. 

*  In  1872  the  merchant  marine  amounted  to  1,089,000  tons  and  in  1908  it 
amounted  to  only  1,453,000  tons. 


246     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

In  the  Treaty  of  Frankfort  Germany  imposed  upon 
France  "a  most  favored  nation  clause,"  according  to  which 
The  new  each  was  to  give  to  the  other  all  the  tariff  priv- 
tariff  ileges  that  she  gave  to  the  most  favored  nation. 

This  clause  was  denounced  in  France  as  an  "industrial 
Sedan,"  for  it  was  regarded  as  an  effort  by  Germany  to 
restrict  French  foreign  trade.  In  1890  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  refused  to  renew-this  arrangement  and  prepared 
to  revise  completely  the  tariff  system.  A  new  tarlffja^-was 
passed  in  1892,  which  abandoned  the  free-trade  policy  in- 
augurated by  Napoleon  III  and  established  high  projective 
duties  on  industrial  and  agricultural  products.  The  new  law 
also  gave  the  French  Government  freedom  to  follow  any 
tariff  policy  that  it  chose  toward  any  country,  by  providing 
for  maximum  and  minimum  duties  to  be  applied  at  its 
discretion.  The  foreign  trade  of  France  has  been  steadily 
increasing,^  the  imports  being  generally  somewhat  in  excess 
of  the  exports.  France  sells  expensive  wares  to  foreign  na- 
tions and  in  return  buys  cheap  commodities,  largely  such 
raw  materials  as  wool,  cotton,  and  coal.  Her  trade  is  princi- 
pally with  Great  Britain,  the  United  States,  and  Germany. 
Of  prime  importance  for  the  welfare  of  the  country  are 
the  banking  institutions  which  invest  the  savings  of  millions 
of  thrifty  Frenchmen  in  industrial  enterprises 
and  governmental  loans,  abroad  as  well  as  at 
home.  More  than  once  has  the  "woolen  stocking"  of  the 
French  peasant  played  a  great  r61e  in  international  affairs; 
it  was  largely  responsible  for  the  quick  payment  of  the  in- 
demnity to  Germany  and  for  the  enormous  loans^  to-  the 
Russian  Government  in  order  to  secure  the  latter  as  an 
ally.^  France  is  the  banker  of  the  world  and  the  land  of 
financial  stability,  as  there  is  little  or  no  speculation  of  the 
"sky-rocketing"  type.  Investments  are  made  generally  in 
business  enterprises  that  are  soundly  organized  and  amply 
protected  from  failure.  The  French  banks  are  the  channels 

1  In  1912  the  total  foreign  trade,  exclusive  of  precious  metals,  was  valued  at 
about  $3,723,000,000,  which  was  three  times  as  much  as  that  in  1870. 

*  In  1908  French  investments  in  foreign  securities  were  estimated  at  about 
seven  and  a  half  billions  of  dollars. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  247 

through  which  the  surplus  capital  of  the  country  finds  an 
outlet;  they  are  carefully  supervised  and  controlled  by  the 
Government  in  order  to  safeguard  the  savings  of  the  people. 
A  favorite  form  of  French  investment  at  home  is  in  govern- 
ment bonds,  or  rentes;  many  a  peasant,  small  shopkeeper, 
or  laborer  possesses  a  rente,  of  which  he  is  very  proud. 
This  form  of  popular  finance  has  been  encouraged  by  the 
Republic  for  the  reason  that  it  gives  millions  of  citizens  an 
economic  interest  in  the  stability  of  the  existing  Government, 
and  so  helps  to  discourage  both  revolution  and  reaction. 

As  has  already  been  stated,  France  is  still  largely  an 
agricultural  country;  fully  one  half  of  the  population  de- 
pends upon  the  soil  for  its  livelihood.  France  is  Peasant  pro- 
the  land  of  the  small  peasant  proprietor  in  con-  P"etorship 
trast  to  Great  Britain,  the  home  of  the  great  landowner. 
But  she  is  not  quite  the  agricultural  paradise  that  has  been 
so  often  painted  by  enthusiastic  foreigners.  While  it  is  per- 
fectly true  that  the  overwhelming  majority  of  the  agricul- 
tural population  are  proprietors  of  their  lands,  the  farms 
that  they  own  are  very  small ;  by  far  the  greater  portion  of 
the  arable  land  is  in  the  hands  of  those  who  in  France  are 
considered  large  proprietors.  Frequently  large  estates  are 
cultivated  according  to  a  curious  system  called  metayage: 
the  owner  of  the  land  provides  the  buildings,  animals,  and 
the  machinery,  and  the  peasant,  the  labor,  both  sharing  the 
product. 

In  spite  of  hard  labor,  rigid  economy,  and  the  natural 
fertility  of  the  French  soil,  the  peasant  finds  it  difficult  to 
live  from  his  little  farm.  There  has  grown  up  a  Backward- 
kind  of  proletarian  proprietor  who  is  often  only  p^ench  agrl- 
too  happy  to  sell  his  farm  and  to  crowd  into  the  culture 
city.  The  French  peasant  is  backward  in  his  methods  of 
farming;  he  has  been  slow  to  introduce  scientific  methods, 
and  in  many  places  the  scythe,  sickle,  and  flail  are  still  used 
instead  of  modern  agricultural  machinery. 

It  is  the  universal  opinion  in  France  that  the  small  pro- 
prietor is  the  backbone  of  the  nation's  economic  life  and 
that  his  ruin  would  spell  the  ruin  of  the  country.  As  France 


248      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

cannot  expect  to  become  highly  IndustriaHzed,  great  con- 
cern has  been  felt  for  the  condition  of  the  peasants.  Farm- 
ers' cooperative  societies  have  been  formed,  and  scientific 
agriculture  has  been  encouraged  in  every  way.  Provision 
was  made  by  the  laws  of  1908  and  1910  for  government 
loans  to  small  landowners  at  low  interest  rates  in  order  to 
encourage  them  to  enlarge  and  to  improve  their  holdings. 

The  law  of  inheritance,  established  by  the  French  Revolu- 
tion, compels  the  equal  division  of  the  land  among  the  heirs, 
The  law  of  ^^^  ^^^  been  partly  responsible  for  the  division 
equal  in-  of  the  land  into  farms  too  small  to  provide  an 
adequate  living  for  a  family.  To  avoid  this,  some 
of  the  heirs  frequently  sell  their  holdings  to  the  others  or 
take  as  their  share  the  movable  property  of  the  estate.  In 
order  to  prevent  the  continued  partition  of  the  holdings,  a 
movement  has  been  started  in  favor  of  "liberty  of  bequest," 
but  it  has  not  progressed  very  far,  as  the  French  fear  that  it 
might  lead  to  primogeniture  ^  and  the  return  of  aristocracy. 
To  protect  the  peasant  against  his  own  mistakes,  a  law  was 
passed  in  1909  which  limited  the  right  of  seizure  and  of  pub- 
lic sale  of  small  farms  by  those  who  have  financial  claims 
upon  them. 

The  Dreyfus  Affair 

Toward  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century  occurred  the 
famous  Dreyfus  Affair  which,  for  ten  years,  convulsed 
Condemna-  France  and  attracted  the  liveliest  attention  the 
tion  of  Cap-  world  over.  In  1894  Alfred  Dreyfus,  a  captain  of 
rey  us  ^j.^jj|gj.y  attached  to  the  General  Staff,  was  ar- 
rested on  the  charge  of  having  betrayed  his  country  by  sell- 
ing: important  military  secrets.  The  court-martial,  com- 
posed of  his  fellow  officers,  found  him  guilty  and  sentenced 
him  to  expulsion  from  the  army  and  to  imprisonment  for 
life.  As  a  warning  to  all  other  traitors,  the  culprit  was  pub- 
licly and  dramatically  degraded.  He  was  marched  into  the 
courtyard  of  the  military  school  in  Paris,  the  stripes  were 
torn  from  his  uniform,  his  sword  was  broken,  and  he  was 

^  The  right  of  the  eldest  son  to  inherit  the  entire  landed  estate  of  the  father. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  249 

marched  out  branded  as  a  degraded,  despised  traitor. 
Throughout  this  dramatic  scene  Captain  Dreyfus  passion- 
ately asserted  his  innocence  and  his  love  for  France;  but 
no  attention  was  paid  to  him.  He  was  sent  to  Devil's 
Island,  a  penal  settlement  near  French  Guiana  in  South 
America,  where  he  was  to  serve  his  life  sentence  in  the 
fearful  heat  of  the  tropics.  Although  the  trial  had  been 
conducted  in  great  secrecy  and  with  unusual  harshness,  the 
judgment  met  with  universal  approval  in  France.  Treason 
has  been  universally  considered  as  the  lowest  depth  of  moral 
turpitude,  to  be  severely  punished.  And  for  an  ofhcer  of 
the  army  to  betray  his  country! 

There  was  another  element  in  the  situation.  Dreyfus 
was  an  Alsatian  Jew  whose  family  had  left  Alsace  after  the 
Franco-Prussian  War  in  order  to  live  in  France.  Anti-Semit- 
For  some  years  an  anti-Semitic  feeling  had  been  *^"^ 
developing,  the  reason  for  which  may  be  traced  to  the  fact 
that  several  Jewish  bankers  had  been  implicated  in  the 
Panama  scandal,  and  to  the  current  belief  that  the  Jews 
formed  an  international  financial  clique  which  was  working 
in  the  interests  of  Germany  and  to  the  detriment  of  France. 
A  vigorous  anti-Semitic  propaganda  was  launched  by  an 
able  journalist  named  Edouard  Drumont,  who  secured  a 
large  popular  following  through  his  paper  La  Libre  Parole 
{Free  Speech).  Drumont  constantly  repeated  the  charge 
that  the  Republic  was  being  dominated  by  Jewish  capital- 
ists who  secretly  controlled  the  politicians  through  corrupt 
means,  and  so  dictated  the  policies  of  France.  Prejudice 
against  Dreyfus  because  he  was  a  Jew  helped  materially  to 
confirm  the  already  popular  opinion  that  he  had  been  justly 
condemned. 

The  trial  and  condemnation  of  Dreyfus  had  almost  disap- 
peared from  public  view  when  the  case  was  unexpectedly 
and  dramatically  reopened  in  1896.  Colonel  Pic-  Colonel 
quart,  a  rising  young  officer,  had  been  appointed  P'^quart 
Chief  of  the  Intelligence  Bureau,  the  department  of  the 
army  in  which  military  secrets  are  guarded.  There  he  found 
the  bordereau,  a  document  containing  the  list  of  military 


250      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

secrets  which,  it  was  charged,  had  been  sold  to  the  enemy  and 
which,  the  judges  declared,  was  in  the  handwriting  of  Drey- 
fus. Although  it  was  without  date,  address,  or  signature, 
this  paper  had  been  the  most  important  evidence  presented 
against  the  condemned  man.  Colonel  Picquart  had  himself 
believed  in  the  guilt  of  Dreyfus,  but,  on  examining  the  bor- 
dereau, he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  not  in  the 
handwriting  of  the  latter,  but  in  that  of  Major  Esterhazy, 
an  officer  well  known  in  the  army  as  a  dissolute  spendthrift. 
He  naturally  imparted  this  discovery  to  his  superiors, 
General  Boisdeffre,  Chief  of  the  General  Staff,  and  Gen- 
eral Billot,  Minister  of  War,  to  whom  he  communicated 
his  conviction  that  Dreyfus  was  the  victim  of  a  judicial 
error  and  that  Esterhazy  was  the  real  culprit.  Colonel 
Picquart  was  then  told  by  his  superiors  that  Dreyfus  was 
guilty,  even  if  Esterhazy  also  was,  because  the  bordereau 
had  been  supported  by  the  additional  evidence  of  a  se- 
cret dossier,  another  mysterious  document  known  only  to 
the  judges  of  the  trial;  and  he  was  implored  to  drop  the 
matter,  as  a  revival  of  the  case  would  reflect  "on  the  honor 
of  the  army."  Picquart  now  became  thoroughly  convinced 
that  Dreyfus  was  the  victim,  not  of  a  judicial  error,  but  of  a 
military  conspiracy,  and  he  began  an  agitation  for  a  revision 
of  the  case.  He  found  himself  suddenly  removed  from  the 
position  of  Chief  of  the  Intelligence  Department,  and  trans- 
ferred to  a  military  station  in  Tunis.  In  his  place  was  ap- 
pointed Colonel  Henry,  an  officer  high  in  the  confidence  of 
the  General  Staff. 

By  this  time  great  interest  in  the  case  was  aroused  kr- 
France.  The  element  of  mystery,  the  possible  innocence  of 
The  Drey-  One  Condemned  to  so  cruel  a  punishment,  the 
thrantu  "  fear  of  foreign  complications,  all  led  the  sensitive 
Dreyfusards  French  to  take  sides  either  for  or  against  the 
prisoner  on  Devil's  Island.  The  overwhelming  majority  of 
the  people  were  anti- Dreyfusards,  and  they  denounced  the 
Dreyfusards  as  enemies  of  their  country  and  as  vilifiers  of 
the  army  whose  honor  they  continually  invoked.  Since  the 
introduction  of  military  conscription,  the  army  had  become 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  251 

more  popular  than  ever ;  it  was  to  be  the  means  some  day  of 
wiping  out  the  stain  of  1870  through  a  victorious  war  with 
Germany.  Naturally  enough  it  became  the  object  of  pas- 
sionate devotion  and  unreasoning  confidence.  To  question 
its  verdict,  "for  the  sake  of  a  Jew  accused  of  treason," 
seemed  to  many  Frenchmen  the  height  of  anti-patriotism. 

Before  long,  the  Affair   entered  politics.    A  new  party, 
called  the  Nationalists,  was  organized  by  the  anti-Drey- 
fusards.    It  attracted  elements  that  greatly  dis-  r    .  i-  * 
quieted  the  Republicans.    It  was  noticed  that  oppose 
monarchists,  clericals,  former  followers  of  Bou-      ^^^  "^ 
langer,  and  reactionaries  of  various  types  became  vociferous 
champions  "of  the  honor  of  the  army"  and  flocked  to  the 
standard  of  the  Nationalists.    The  Church,  too,  took  an 
active  part  on  the  side  of  the  anti-Dreyfusards.    A  daily 
paper.  La  Croix  {The  Cross),  published  by  an  order  of  monks, 
led  in  the  attack  on  Dreyfus  and  on  the  Jews  generally. 

On  the  side  of  Dreyfus  was  a  small  minority  consisting 
mainly  of  intellectuals,  writers,  professors,  and  artists. 
They  believed  he  was  innocent  and  that  his  con-  Intellectuals 
viction  was«a  stain  on  their  country;  they  also  fs"s  favor 
believed  that  the  revival  of  militarism,  which  Dreyfus 
was  taking  place,  would  lead  to  the  path  of  royalism  and 
reaction,  and  that  the  Republic,  in  order  to  save  itself,  must 
vindicate  Dreyfus  by  revising  the  case.  Other  Dreyfusard 
champions  were  the  Socialists,  who  at  first  refused  to  inter- 
est themselves  in  the  Affair,  regarding  it  merely  as  "a 
squabble  among  the  bourgeoisie" ;  but  later,  under  the  lead- 
ership of  Jean  Jaures,  they  became  the  most  doughty  de- 
fenders of  the  condemned  captain  and  materially  aided  in 
bringing  about  his  vindication. 

Dreyfus  came  of  a  wealthy  and  influential  family,  who 
devoted  all  their  energy  and  means  in  a  zealous  propaganda 
to  rehabilitate  him.    Bernard  Lazare,  a  French  Scheurer- 
Jew  and  friend  of  the  family,  set  himself  to  the  Kestner 

11,  champions 

task  01  unravelmg  the  mystery,  and  he  became  cause  of 
the  leading  opponent  of  the  General  Staff  in  the  ^''^y'"^ 
struggle  over  the  intricacies  of  the  case.   By  far  the  leading 


252      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

figure  among  the  Dreyfusards  was  Colonel  Picquart,  whose 
burning  zeal  for  justice,  daring  courage,  and  exact  knowl- 
edge of  the  situation  made  a  profound  impression  on  his 
fellow  countrymen,  and  caused  many  seriously  to  doubt  the 
guilt  of  Dreyfus.  The  only  Dreyfusard  member  of  Parlia- 
ment was  the  Vice-President  of  the  Senate,  Scheurer-Kest- 
ner,  a  former  Alsatian  and  a  man  universally  respected  and 
admired.  He  had  become  convinced  of  the  innocence  of  the 
Captain  after  a  careful  study  of  the  case,  and  he  requested 
that  the  prisoner  be  given  a  new  trial.  In  reply  Prime  Min- 
ister M61ine  declared  that  a  reconsideration  of  the  case 
would  not  be  entertained  because  it  was  une  chose  jugee  (a 
closed  incident),  and  refused  to  grant  the  request.  Pres- 
ident Faure,  as  well  as  the  Prime  Minister,  was  known  to 
be  against  Dreyfus. 

The  culmination  of  the  triumph  of  the  anti-Dreyfusards 
was  the  exoneration  of  Major  Esterhazy,  accused  by  Colonel 
^  .  J  Picquart  of  being  the  true  author  of  the  bor- 

of  Major  dereau.  He  was  tried  by  a  military  court  and 
s  er  azy  unanimously  acquitted,  receiving  an  enthusi- 
astic ovation  as  he  left  the  courtroom.  Picquart  was  then 
seized  and  imprisoned.  Following  his  acquittal  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies  passed  a  resolution  condemning  the  Drey- 
fus agitators  for  conducting  "an  odious  campaign"  which 
was  distracting  the  country. 

On  January  13,  1898,  a  new  champion  of  the  condemned 
captain  appeared  in  the  person  of  the  famous  novelist, 
Emile  Zola.  On  that  day  he  wrote  an  open  letter, 
entitled  T accuse,  to  the  President  of  the  Repub- 
lic, which  was  published  in  the  Parisian  journal,  LAurore. 
Zola  boldly  charged  Generals  Mercier,  Gonse,  and  Bois- 
deffre  and  their  tools  in  the  army  with  being  in  league  with 
forgers  and  conspirators;  he  accused  the  Dreyfus  judges 
with  deliberately  and  knowingly  condemning  an  innocent 
man;  and  he  denounced  their  verdict  as  "a  crime  of  high 
treason  against  humanity."  Zola's  letter  was  a  bombshell 
thrown  into  the  ranks  of  the  anti-Dreyfusards  and  caused  a 
tremendous  sensation;  for  this  he  was  prosecuted  by  the 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  253 

Government  on  the  charge  of  defamation.  The  trial  of  the 
novelist  attracted  so  much  attention  that,  for  a  time,  the 
Zola  Affair  threatened  to  obscure  the  Dreyfus  Affair.  He 
was  found  guilty  and  given  the  maximum  penalty  of  one 
year's  imprisonment,  but  he  fled  from  France  to  avoid  the 
sentence. 

In  the  elections  of  1898  for  the  Chamber,  not  a  single 
Dreyfusard  was  elected.  Godfrey  Cavaignac,  a  leading  Na- 
tionalist and  violent  anti-Dreyfusard,  was  made   „ 

.  r  \iT       •       1  1  •  IT-.'  Cavaignac 

Mmister  of  War  m  the  newly  constituted  Brisson 
Ministry.  This  Cabinet  now  proposed  to  settle  the  Dreyfus 
controversy  once  fof"^alT.  In  a  carefully  prepared  address, 
Cavaignac  announced  that  he  had  examined  all  the  docu- 
ments relating  to  the  case,  and  that,  even  omitting  the  much 
discussed  bordereau,  Dreyfus  had  been  justly  condemned, 
for  his  guilt  rested  on  three  other  documents  which  he 
named.  So  convincing  was  the  speech  of  the  Minister  of 
War  that  the  Chamber  voted  its  affichage,^  in  order  that  all 
France  might  read  it  and  also  be  convinced.  The  Dreyfus 
case  was  once  more  "closed." 

But  the  more  it  was  closed,   the  more  it  was  opened. 
Immediately  Colonel  Picquart  came   forward  and  caused 
another  commotion  by  declaring  that  two  of  the  confession 
three  documents  cited  by  the  IMinister  of  War  of  Colonel 
bore  no  relation  to  the  case,  and  that  the  third      ^^^^ 
was  a  forgery.    He  offered  to  prove  his  statement  and  was 
promptly   arrested.     Shortly   afterwards    the    public   was 
greatly  disturbed  by  the  suicide  of  Colonel  Henry,  after  he 
had  made  a  confession  that  in  the  interest  of  his  country 
he  had  forged  the  document  referred  to  by  Picquart.   The 
country  was  again  startled  by  the  news  that  Esterhazy  had 
confessed  to  being  the  author  of  the  bordereau  and  had  fled 
to  England.   The  anti-Dreyfusards  defended  themselves  by 
saying  that  the  guilt  of  Esterhazy  did  not  prove  the  inno- 
cence of  Dreyfus. 

But  a  suspicion  was  growing  among  the  French  people 

^  It  is  the  custom  of  the  French  Parliament  to  have  notable  speeches  posted 
on  all  public  bulletin  boards  in  the  country. 


254      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

that  they  were  being  duped  by  the  leaders  of  the  army  in 
Dreyfus's  Order  to  shield  forgers  and  conspirators.  The 
second  trial  ygg^j.  jg^Q  marked  the  turning  of  the  tide  iaiavor 
of  Dreyfus.  President  Faure  died  suddenly  and  mysteri- 
ously, and  the  new  President,  Emile  Loubet,  was  known  to 
favor  a  revision  of  the  case.  A  new  Ministry  was  formed  by 
Waldeck-Rousseau;  which  determined  to  get  at  the  bottom 
of  the  whole  affair.  The  supreme  court  of  France,  the  Cour 
de  Cassation,  ordered  a  new  trial  for  Dreyfus,  and  the  pris- 
oner of  Devil's  Island  was  brought  back  to  France.  At 
Rennes,  a  town  in  Brittany,  he  again  faced  a  court  of  mili- 
tary judges  who  were  bitterly  hostile  to  him  and  who  were 
determined  to  find  him  guilty  under  all  circumstances.  At 
the  second  trial  the  judges  were  almost  as  unfair  as  at  the 
first,  for  they  admitted  evidence  against  the  prisoner  and 
excluded  evidence  favorable  to  him.  He  was  again  found 
guilty  of  treason,  but  this  time,  under  "extenuating  cir- 
cumstances," and  he  was  sentenced  to  ten  years'  imprison- 
ment, from  which  the  five  years  spent  on  Devil's  Island 
were  to  be  deducted.  But  the  sentence  was  not  executed, 
for  President  Loubet  pardoned  the  prisoner. 

This  decision,  however,  satisfied  neither  side.  Dreyfus 
declared  that  as  he  was  entirely  innocent  he  did  not  wish  to 
Exoneration  be  pardoned,  for  a  pardon  carried  with  it  the 
of  Dreyfus  stigma  of  guilt.  What  he  demanded  was  complete 
exoneration.  The  anti-Dreyfusards  were  in  a  rage.  They 
denounced  the  Government  as  a  dishonor  to  France  and  as 
having  sold  out  to  the  Jews.  President  Loubet  was  publicly 
insulted  and  even  physical  violence  was  offered  him.  Street 
riots  between  the  two  factions  were  of  common  occurrence, 
but  quiet  was  restored  in  1900  by  a  grant  of  amnesty  to  all 
those  implicated  in  the  Affair,  whether  on  one  side  or  the 
other.  In  1906  the  Cour  de  Cassation  revised  the  case  itself, 
and  the  complete  exoneration  of  Dreyfus  was  the  result.  He 
was  declared  wholly  innocent  of  any  act  of  treason,  for  the 
evidence  against  him  had  proved  to  be  rank  forgeries  and 
outrageous  lies.  Esterhazy  was  found  guilty  of  being  the 
author  of  the  bordereau.  Like  the  stories  in  popular  novels, 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  255 

all  the  heroes  were  rewarded  and  all  the  villains  were  pun- 
ished. Dreyfus  was  restored  to  the  army  and  promoted  in 
rank.  In  the  very  courtyard  where  he  had  once  been  de- 
graded, he  was  now  given  the  decoration  of  the  Legion  of 
Honor.  Colonel  Picquart  became  a  General  and  later  Minis- 
ter of  War.  Zola  having  died  before  the  Affair  was  com- 
pletely closed,  his  remains  were  buried  with  great  pomp 
in  the  Pantheon,  the  Westminster  Abbey  of  France.  The 
honor  of  the  French  army  was  vindicated  by  the  degrada- 
tion or  dismissal  of  the  officers  concerned  in  the  conspiracy 
against  Dreyfus. 

Superficially  the  Dreyfus  case  had  the  appearance  of  a 
detective  story  on  a  national  scale,  but  it  really  marked 
an  important  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Third   r 

.  Importance 

Republic.  Although  the  latter  was  brought  into  of  the  Drey- 
existence  mainly  through  the  efforts  of  the  rad- 
ical Gambetta,  it  had  been  governed  in  the  spirit  of  the 
conservative  Thiers.  Only  when  attacked,  as  in  the  Bou- 
langer  affair,  did  the  Republic  defend  itself;  otherwise  it 
made  no  aggressive  move  against  the  royalists,  as  did  the 
First  Republic  of  the  Revolution.  In  foreign  affairs  the  Re- 
public pursued  a  cautious  and  defensive  policy,  sometimes 
at  the  price  of  national  humiliation,  for  it  feared  a  victory 
almost  as  much  as  a  defeat.  A  disastrous  war  would  surely 
bring  to  an  end  the  Third  Republic  as  it  had  the  Second 
Empire;  a  victorious  war  might  bring  to  the  fore  another 
"man  on  horseback"  to  plot  against  its  welfare.  Because 
of  this  peaceful  policy  the  royalists  denounced  republican- 
ism as  cowardly  and  as  false  to  the  idea  of  the  revanche. 

Royalism  had  rapidly  declined  since  1879.  Royalist  mem- 
bers of  Parliament  were  steadily  diminishing  in  number, 
and  royalist  officials  were  being  gradually  elimi-  ^.^^  ^     j_ 
nated  from  the  administration.    Only  one  insti-   istsand 
tution,  and  that  the  most  popular  one,  the  army,      ^  ^^"^^ 
upon  whose  support  all  classes  of  Frenchmen  were  united, 
was  still  royalist.  This  was  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  most 
of  the  higher  officers  came  from  conservative  classes  and 
had  received  their  early  education  under  conservative  influ- 


256      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ences.  Officers  known  to  be  Republicans  were  discriminated 
against  by  their  superiors;  promotion  was  denied  them;  and 
they  were  assigned  to  onerous  duties.  In  the  army,  there- 
fore, lay  the  one  hope  of  the  royahsts,  for  they  beHeved  that 
at  a  propitious  moment  it  would  overthrow  the  Third  Re- 
public as  it  had  the  First  and  Second. 

This  situation  was  clearly  revealed  by  the  Dreyfus  Affair, 
and  all  Republican  factions  united  to  wage  war  against 
The  Repub-  royalism.  A  coalition,  known  as  the  Hoc,  was 
hcan  bloc  formed  in  the  Chamber,  composed  of  all  types 
of  Republicans,  Moderate,  Radical,  and  Socialist,  which 
pledged  itself  to  support  the  "  Cabinet  of  Republican  De- 
fense," organized  in  1899  by  Premier  Waldeck-Rousseau. 
For  the  first  time  a  Socialist,  Alexandre  Millerand,  was  in- 
cluded In  the  Ministry.  The  Cabinet  declared  Its  readiness 
"to  defend  energetically  republican  Institutions,"  and  "to 
put  an  end  to  all  agitations  the  object  of  which,  it  is  easily 
seen,  is  against  the  system  of  government  consecrated  by 
universal  suffrage."  A  noteworthy  group  of  new  statesmen 
arose  to  face  the  situation,  Waldeck-Rousseau,  Aristlde 
Briand,  Georges  Clemenceau,  Rene  Viviani,  and  Emile 
Combes.  The  policies  of  the  hloc,  which  may  be  summed  up 
as  anti-clericalism  and  social  reform,  have  been  the  policies 
of  successive  ministries  down  to  the  outbreak  of  the  World 
War  in  1914. 

The  revision  of  the  Dreyfus  case  by  the  civil  Cour  de 
Cassation  and  the  quashing  of  the  verdicts  of  two  military 
The  repub-  tribunals  plainly  showed  the  supremacy  of  the 
licanization  civil  over  the  military  power  In  France.  The 
army  was  compelled  humbly  to  acknowledge  its 
subordinate  position  in  the  Republic,  In  which  militarism 
could  have  no  place.  A  policy  of  ruthless  republicanizatlon 
was  now  determined  upon.  Through  a  system  of  spying, 
which,  however,  was  not  long  tolerated,  officers  discovered 
to  be  royalists  were  cashiered  or  discriminated  against,  and 
favors  were  shown  to  Republicans  only. 


i 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH    REPUBLIC  257 

Suppression  of  the  Congregations 

Whenever  a  republic  was  established  in  France,  the  re- 
lations between  Church  and  State  immediately  became 
strained.  The  Church  always  felt  that  a  men-  ^^^  church 
archy,  whether  royal  or  imperial,  would  be  a  and  the 
friendly  protector,  and  that  a  republic  would  be 
a  bitter  enemy.  Neither  the  Republicans  nor  the  Catholics 
had  ever  forgotten  the  French  Revolution,  which  had  made 
so  violent  an  attack  upon  the  Church;  the  former,  inspired 
by  the  ideals  of  the  Revolution,  were  anti-clerical;  and  the 
latter,  fearing  persecution,  were  hostile  to  the  establishment 
of  a  republic.  "Between  the  Revolution  and  the  Church," 
declared  Count  Albert  de  Mun,  a  prominent  French  Cath- 
olic, "there  can  be  no  compromise.  Either  the  Church  will 
destroy  the  Revolution  or  the  Revolution  will  destroy  the 
Church.  We  recognize  the  incompatibility,  but  we  do  not 
fear  the  dilemma,  for  the  victor  is  preordained.  The  Church 
will  demolish  the  Revolution,  because  the  Church  cannot 
ever  fail." 

The  Church,  therefore,  regarded  the  establishment  of  the 
Third  Republic  with  a  great  deal  of  anxiety  and,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  she  was  very  active  in  opposing  its  Hostility 
formation.  From  that  time  on,  the  Republicans,  public  to  the 
inspired  by  Gambetta's  warning  cry,  watched  Church 
the  Church  with  an  unfriendly  eye.  Although  the  Concordat 
of  1 80 1  was  maintained,  there  was  much  friction,  and  it  was 
often  violated  in  spirit  by  both  sides.  The  annual  stipend 
of  about  a  million  and  a  half  dollars  was  not  only  too  small 
for  the  needs  of  the  Church,  but  it  was  always  voted  most 
grudgingly.  The  Ministry  of  Public  W^orship,  generally  oc- 
cupied by  an  anti-clerical,  administered  the  affairs  of  the 
Church  in  a  manner  quite  unfriendly  to  the  latter.  Never- 
theless, both  parties  favored  the  maintenance  of  the  Con- 
cordat. The  Church  favored  it  because  of  the  great  prestige 
which  it  gave  her  and  because  of  the  assured,  if  small,  in- 
come from  the  State.  Many  of  the  anti-clericals  favored  its 
maintenance  because  they  feared  "an  armed  church  in  an 


258      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

unarmed  state";  by  this  they  meant  to  Imply  that  the 
Church  would  be  far  more  dangerous  to  the  RepubHc  if 
freed  from  supervision  and  control  by  the  State,  as  provided 
for  by  the  Concordat. 

In  1892  Pope  Leo  XIII  issued  an  encyclical  criticizing 
the  royalist  tendencies  of  the  French  Catholics.  He  de- 
Pope  Leo  clared  that  the  Church  was  committed  to  no 
recognizes  particular  form  of  government,  and  that,  as 
epu  ic  gQQj^  citizens,  they  should  accept  the  Republic 
which  was  now  firmly  established;  for  by  doing  so  they 
could  exert  a  mollifying  influence  on  the  anti-clericalism  of 
the  Government.  A  section  of  the  French  Catholics  followed 
the  Pope's  advice  and  "rallied"  to  the  Republic,  forming 
a  group  in  the  Chamber  known  as  the  Rallies;  but  the  gen- 
eral feeling  in  the  Church  continued  hostile  to  the  Republic 
to  such  an  extent  that  "Catholic"  and  "royalist"  became 
synonymous  terms  in  France. 

In  the  Dreyfus  Affair,  many  of  the  Catholic  clergy 
joined  the  royalists  in  opposing  a  revision  of  the  case.  As 
The  Congre-  we  have  seen,  the  Republicans  saw  in  the  atti- 
gations  tude  of  the  royalists  and  their  clerical  allies  an- 

other attempt  on  the  life  of  the  Republic;  and  this,  more 
than  anything  else,  disposed  them  to  regard  Dreyfus  as 
innocent.  The  Waldeck- Rousseau  Ministry,  backed  by  the 
Republican  hloc  in  the  Chamber,  determined  on  an  aggres- 
sive anti-clerical  policy.  The  first  attack  was  made  on  the 
Congregations,  or  orders  of  monks  and  nuns.  These  socie- 
ties had  so  grown  in  numbers  and  in  wealth  since  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Concordat  that  in  1900  they  had  nearly 
190,000  members  and  property  valued  at  about  a  qua.rter 
of  a  billion  dollars.  It  had  been  the  custom  for  a  Congre- 
gation to  seek  "authorization,"  or  incorporation,  from  the 
Government,  which  gave  it  the  special  protection  of  an 
incorporated  body.  But  on  the  establishment  of  the  Third 
Republic  many  orders,  fearing  to  give  detailed  Informa- 
tion of  their  affairs  to  their  enemies  In  the  Government,  de- 
cided to  remain  "unauthorized,"  but  under  the  protection 
of  the  general  laws.    By  1900  the  number  of  unauthorized 


THE  THIRD  FRENCH   REPUBLIC  259 

religious  communities  greatly  outnumbered  the  authorized 
ones. 

Most  of  the  Congregations  were  engaged  in  the  work  of 
education  and  charity.  By  the  side  of  the  "lay  schools" 
established  by  Jules  Ferr^^  there  had  grown  up  Waldeck- 
a  rival  school  system  conducted  by  the  orders,  and  thT" 
This  greatly  disturbed  the  Republicans,  who  Church 
charged  that  the  religious  schools  were  permeated  by  royal- 
ist ideals.  Premier  Waldeck- Rousseau  delivered  an  address 
in  1900  which  profoundly  influenced  public  opinion  through- 
out France.  He  declared  that  the  moral  unity  of  the  people 
was  being  undermined  by  rival  systems  of  education  which 
artificially  perpetuated  the  divisions  caused  by  the  French 
Revolution:  one  system,  that  of  the  public  schools,  was  in- 
spired by  the  democratic  and  republican  ideals  of  the  Revo- 
lution, and  the  other,  that  of  the  Church,  was  inspired  by 
those  of  the  ancien  regime.  This,  he  declared,  was  an  intol- 
erable situation,  and  the  State,  in  order  to  secure  its  suprem- 
acy, was  bound  to  establish  a  more  rational  and  efficient 
relation  between  itself  and  the  Church  by  limiting  the  rights 
of  religious  associations. 

In  1 90 1  Parliament  passed  the  famous  Associations  Law. 
This  act  required  all  Congregations  to  be  authorized :  those 
unauthorized  must  immediately  apply  to  Parlia-  The  Associa- 
ment  for  this  legal  sanction  on  the  pain  of  being  *'°"^  ^^"^ 
dissolved  and  their  property  seized  by  the  Government  for 
charitable  purposes.  The  enforcement  of  the  law  was  en- 
trusted to  Emile  Combes,  who  in  1902  succeeded  Waldeck- 
Rousseau  as  Prime  Minister.  Premier  Combes,  an  extreme 
anti-clerical,  was  determined  to  apply  the  law  in  the  most 
drastic  manner  possible.  The  orders  that  refused  to  seek 
authorization  were  immediately  suppressed ;  those  that  did 
apply  were  refused  authorization  on  the  ground  that  they 
were  not  socially  necessary  and  were  also  suppressed.  Com- 
paratively few  were  permitted  to  continue  their  corporate 
existence.  Thousands  of  monks  and  nuns  found  themselves 
homeless  and  destitute,  for  the  Government  had  seized  their 
convents  and  their  property.     Many  of  them  left  France  for 


26o      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

other  lands  and  many  more  took  up  ordinary  occupations 
to  gain  a  livelihood.  The  Government  was  especially  se- 
vere on  the  teaching  orders,  because  the  Combes  Ministry 
was  firmly  convinced  that  the  educational  system  of  the 
Congregations  was  incompatible  with  the  ideals  of  the 
French  Republic.  In  1904  a  new  law  forbade  all  teaching 
of  whatever  grade  by  Congregations,  whether  authorized 
or  not ;  and  it  ordered  all  schools  conducted  by  them  closed 
within  ten  years,  or  "secularized,"  that  is,  put  under  lay 
management.  Thousands  of  schools  conducted  by  the  or- 
ders were  then  summarily  closed  by  the  Go^•ernment. 

Separation  of  Church  and  State 

The  stringent  laws  directed  against  the  Congregations 
were  only  preliminary  to  what  is  undoubtedly  the  most 
Separation  important  act  of  the  Third  Republic,  the  law 
progrTm  'Jf'  separating  Church  and  State.  Many  Republi- 
the  Left  cans  had  become  converted  to  the  doctrine  of 
Vetat  laic,  or  the  absolute  independence  of  the  State  of  all 
religious  dogmas  and  its  supremacy  over  even,^  religious  de- 
nomination; hence  separation  was  the  leading  feature  of 
the  program  of  nearly  every  Republican  group.  The  elec- 
tions of  1902  resulted  in  a  large  and  solid  anti-clerical  ma- 
jority in  the  Chamber,  and  Premier  Combes  felt  that  the 
time  was  now  ripe  for  the  momentous  step. 

What  was  needed  was  an  "incident"  to  bring  the  ques- 
tion immediately  to  the  fore.  This  came  in  1904,  when 
Pope  Pius  X  President  Loubet  went  to  Rome  to  visit  Victor 
JIainst'visit  Emmanuel  III,  King  of  Italy.  Pope  Pius  X.  who 
oif  President  had  succeeded  Leo  XIII  in  1903,  sent  an  indig- 
the  King  of  nant  letter  of  protest  to  all  the  Catholic  Powers, 
Italy  denouncing  President  Loubet's  visit  as  "  a  grave 

offense  to  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,"  because  he  was  honoring 
a  dynasty  which  had  despoiled  the  Papacy  of  its  domains. 
The  French  became  indignant  at  what  they  regarded  as  an 
unwarrantable  interference  with  their  conduct  of  foreign 
affairs  by  the  Pope  and  his  Secretary  of  State,  Cardinal 
Merry  del  \'al.   A  diplomatic  crisis  arose  between  France 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  261 

and  the  Vatican.  The  French  Ambassador  to  the  Papal  See 
was  recalled  and  the  Papal  Nuncio  was  expelled  from  Paris. 
The  opportunity  for  separating  Church  and  State  had 
now  arrived  and  the  anti-clericals  were  quick  to  take  advan- 
tage of  it.    A  drastic  separation  law  was  framed  o 

°  ,  ^^  _  Reparation 

by  Premier  Combes  which,  however,  failed  to  of  Church 
pass.  He  resigned  and  was  succeeded  by  Premier 
Rouvier.  A  committee  had  been  appointed  by  the  Chamber 
in  1903  to  study  the  question  and  to  draft  a  law.  This  com- 
mittee now  submitted  a  bill  which  was  largely  the  work  of 
Aristide  Briand,  a  brilliant  young  Socialist  Radical  who  was 
rapidly  rising  in  French  politics.  It  was  the  intention  of 
Briand  to  make  the  separation  as  mild  as  possible;  with 
this  in  view  he  introduced  several  features  which  permitted 
a  gradual  dissolution  of  the  bonds  which  united  Church 
and  State.   The  bill  became  law  on  December  9,  1905. 

This  famous  law  abrogated  the  Concordat,  and  declared 
that  the  Republic  neither  recognizes  nor  subsidizes  any 
form  of  religion;  the  budget  for  the  hitherto  Provisions 
established  faiths.  Catholic,  Lutheran,  Calvinist,  °^  ^he  law 
and  Jewish,^  was  suppressed.  Salaries  were  no  longer  to  be 
paid  to  the  clergy  by  the  State,  but  a  graded  system  of  state 
pensions  for  priests  already  in  the  service  was  adopted, 
based  upon  age,  length  of  service,  and  character  of  the 
parish.  The  Church  was  to  govern  itself  absolutely  with- 
out interference  by  the  State.  An  inventory  was  to  be 
made  by  the  latter  of  all  church  property,  which  was  then 
to  be  turned  over  to  associations  cultuelles,  or  societies,  for 
public  worship,  to  be  formed  by  the  Church  in  accordance 
with  her  principles.  The  amount  of  property  these  bodies 
could  receive  as  gifts  and  legacies  was  limited  by  law  be- 
cause, as  Briand  declared,  the  living,  not  the  dead,  should 
support  the  Church.  Seminaries,  bishops'  residences,  and 
parsonages  were  to  be  left  in  their  present  hands,  for  a 
limited  period,  after  which  they  were  to  be  taken  over  by 
the  Government.    Church  buildings  were  placed  in  charge 

1  Prior  to  the  passage  of  the  law  of  1905,  other  faiths  besides  the  Catholic 
were  subsidized  by  the  Government. 


262     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

of  the  associations  cultuelles;  but  if  these  were  not  formed 
by  a  certain  date,  the  law  made  the  buildings  the  property 
of  the  State. 

The  Separation  Law  was  the  occasion  of  a  series  of  de- 
bates in  which  the  general  principles  of  religious  polity,  as 
Briand's  wcll  as  the  law  itself,  were  brilliantly  discussed, 
views  g^g  befitted  the  seriousness  of  a  procedure  which 

terminated  a  system  that  had  flourished  for  fully  fifteen 
hundred  years.  Briand  was  the  leading  protagonist  of  the 
law.  He  declared  himself  opposed  to  extreme  anti-clerical- 
ism which  sought  to  frame  a  measure  calculated  to  disrupt 
the  Church.  In  his  opinion  the  "State  must  remain  neutral 
in  respect  to  all  religions.  It  is  not  anti-religious,  for  it  has 
not  the  right  to  be  so;  it  is  merely  non-religious" ;  therefore, 
it  was  his  intention  not  to  persecute  the  Catholics,  but  to 
carry  out  the  law  in  a  most  friendly  and  conciliatory  spirit. 

The  opposition  was  led  by  Count  de  Mun,  who  declared 
that  he  was  opposed  to  the  separation  of  Church  and  State 
Count  de  in  general  and  especially  in  France,  where  the 
Mun's  views  history,  customs,  and  temperament  of  the  people 
favored  the  ideal  of  a  union  between  civil  and  religious  life ; 
that  the  law  was  inspired  by  a  hatred  of  Christianity  and  of 
religion  and  constituted  a  revolution  in  the  moral  order 
which  would  inevitably  lead  to  the  destruction  of  Chris- 
tianity in  France;  that  what  was  really  needed  was  a  revi- 
sion of  the  Concordat  by  France  and  the  Papacy;  and  that, 
by  ignoring  the  Pope,  the  former  had  acted  in  the  spirit  of 
reprisal  and  not  in  that  of  amity;  and  he  denounced  the 
Separation  Law  as  an  act  of  spoliation  and  persecution. 

In  an  encyclical  issued  in  1906,  Pope  Pius  X  declared  the 
law  null  and  void  and  enjoined  upon  French  Catholics  not 
Pope  refuses  ^°  obey  it.  Separation  of  Church  and  State  he 
to  accept  characterized  as  "a  very  pernicious  error";  he 
denounced  especially  the  associations  cultuelles, 
which,  he  said,  could  not  be  formed  "without  violating 
sacred  rights  upon  which  the  very  life  of  the  Church  de- 
pended," as  associations  of  laymen  were  to  intrude  upon  the 
duties  of  a  divinely  ordained  hierarchy.  The  chief  difficulty 


THE  THIRD  FRENCH   REPUBLIC  263 

in  putting  the  Separation  Law  into  operation  arose  out  of 
the  provision  for  these  associations,  for  the  Catholics,  out  of 
loyalty  to  the  Pope,  refused  to  organize  them.  A  convention 
of  French  bishops  voted  to  accept  a  form  of  association  which 
would  give  the  hierarchy  full  control  over  their  membership 
and  activities  in  order  to  prevent  possible  schisms.  To  this 
the  Government  readily  assented;  and  in  some  places  soci- 
eties were  organized  by  the  Catholics  to  exercise  the  func- 
tions assigned  by  the  law  to  the  associations  cultuelles. 

The  taking  of  inventories  resulted  in  a  series  of  disturb- 
ances. Crowds  of  faithful  Catholics  collected  around  the 
churches  to  prevent  the  officials  from  entering  The  inven- 
them;  and  in  several  instances  troops  had  to  be  *°^^^^ 
called  out  to  disperse  them.  When  the  time  allotted  for  the 
formation  of  the  associations  cultuelles  expired,  it  was  feared 
that  a  religious  war  would  break  out.  But  nothing  hap- 
pened. The  Government  did  not  carry  out  the  threat  of 
closing  the  churches  contained  in  the  law,  for  it  was  very 
desirous  to  avoid  anything  which  looked  like  persecution, 
Briand,  now  Minister  of  Public  Worship,  found  a  way  out 
of  the  difficulty  by  ruling  that  religious  services  could  be 
held  under  the  general  law  providing  for  liberty  of  assembly. 

In  the  elections  of  1906  the  anti-clerical  bloc  increased  its 
majority.  During  the  Ministry  of  Georges  Clemenceau  an 
important  amendment  was  made  to  the  Separa-  Amendment 
tion  Law  (1907)  which  provided  that  churches  °^  ^^07 
could  be  kept  open  for  public  worship  by  contracts  between 
priests  and  the  local  authorities;  but  that  church  property, 
not  claimed  by  associations  cultuelles,  should  be  taken  by 
the  Government  and  given  to  charitable  institutions.  The 
Clemenceau  Ministry  carried  out  this  law  vigorously. 

In  spite  of  the  great  difficulties  involved  in  the  question 
and  the  bitter  controversies  aroused  by  it,  the  separation 
of  Church  and  State  became  an  accomplished  separation 
fact.     Both    parties    gradually    accommodated  an  accom- 

.  1  1  -^      ^-  1-1  plished  fact 

themselves  to   the  new  situation,   which  gave 

freedom  in  religion  to  the  Church  and  freedom  in  politics 

to  the  State. 


264      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Social  Legislation 

France  has  lagged  behind  Germany  and  Great  Britain  in 
the  matter  of  social  legislation  for  the  working  classes, 
largely  for  the  reason  that  her  industrial  population  being 
small,  the  problem  was  not  so  acute  as  in  highly  industrial- 
ized England  and  Germany.  In  the  struggles  of  the  Repub- 
lic with  the  royalists  and  with  the  Catholic  Church,  the 
workingman's  problems  were  forgotten.  The  Republican 
politicians  were  too  much  in  their  element  fighting  conspir- 
ing royalists  and  their  priestly  sympathizers  to  care  very 
much  about  social  questions. 

Until  the  Dreyfus  AfTair  the  Third  Republic  had  no  defi- 
nite policy  toward  social  reform.  The  crisis  in  the  life  of 
T,.    e    •  I      the  Republic  which  that  celebrated  case  revealed 

The  Social-  '^ 

ists  support  brought  homc  to  the  Republicans  the  necessity 
of  allying  themselves  with  the  Socialists,  who 
were  rapidly  growing  in  numbers,  and  who  were  led  by 
brilliant  men,  like  Jean  Jaures  and  Alexandre  Millerand. 
The  French  middle  classes  were  now  no  longer  obsessed  by 
the  fear  of  a  social  revolution  which  had  haunted  their  imag- 
ination all  through  the  nineteenth  century.  The  suppression 
of  the  Commune  having  shown  the  futility  of  a  Parisian 
uprising  under  modern  conditions,  the  workingman  was  now 
welcomed  as  an  ally  because  he  was  no  longer  feared  as  a 
foe.  The  Socialists  had  played  a  great  part  during  the 
anxious  days  of  the  Dreyfus  Affair,  and  they  helped  ma- 
terially to  fashion  the  new  France  which  arose  as  a  result 
of  this  momentous  event.  Jaures  was  a  potent  figure  in 
the  hloc,  and,  as  we  have  already  seen,  Millerand  became  a 
member  of  the  Waldeck-Rousseau  Cabinet,  which  pledged 
the  Republic  "not  to  limit  itself  to  mere  political  reforms, 
but  to  embark  on  the  new  path  of  social  reform." 

Some  progress  had  already  been  made  in  factory  legisla- 
tion. The  law  of  1892  limited  the  labor  of  minors  in  factories 
Factory  to  ten  hours  a  day,  of  women  to  eleven  hours, 

legislation      g^j^^^  ^f  men  to  twelve.   A  law  passed  in  1900  re- 
duced the  number  of  hours  for  all  operatives  to  eleven;  in 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  265 

1906,  as  a  result  of  an  agitation  for  an  eight-hour  day,  the 
number  was  still  further  reduced  to  ten.  Labor  in  the 
mines  was  forbidden  to  women  and  children.  In  1906  the 
Sunday  Rest  Law  was  passed,  entitling  every  employee  to 
one  day's  rest  during  the  week,  either  on  Sunday  or  on 
some  other  day.  •  These  reforms  were  largely  the  result  of 
the  activity  of  Millerand,  who  greatly  influenced  his  asso- 
ciates in  the  Cabinet. 

The  first  Workingmen's  Compensation  Law  was  passed 

in  1898.    It  provided  for  a  regular  scale  of  com-  Working- 

r      •   •     •  •     J  u  1  • »„^„   men's  Com- 

pensation for  mjuries  received  by  workingmen  pgnsation 

in  the  course  of  their  employment,  the  amount  Law 

to  be  paid  being  in  proportion  to  the  seriousness  of  the 

injury. 

Little  progress  has  been  made  by  France  in  the  matter  of 
sickness  and  unemployment  insurance.    The  Government 
has  so  far  been  content  to  make  annual  contribu-  ^^  ^^^j^j 
tions  to  societies  having  these  objects  in  view,      insurance 

Following  the  great  Revolution,  many  at-  ^^^ 
tempts  were  made  to  establish  a  system  of  old-age  pensions. 
No  serious  step,  however,  was  taken  in  that  direction  by 
any  Government  save  by  that  of  the  Third  oid-Age 
Republic.  In  1893  Parliament  appointed  a  com-  Pensions 
mission  to  study  the  subject  and  to  recommend  legislation. 
A  heated  controversy  arose  over  the  question  whether  the 
pensioning  system  should  be  compulsory  or  voluntary.  The 
Senate  several  times  defeated  bills  sent  up  by  the  Chamber 
because  they  contained  compulsory  clauses.  A  law  was 
passed  in  1905  which  granted  a  pension  of  about  one  dollar 
a  week  to  indigent  men  over  seventy  years  of  age,  the  money 
for  this  purpose  to  be  raised  by  local  taxation  supplemented 
by  government  subsidies.  Later  the  age  limit  was  reduced 
to  sixty-five.  This  system  resembled  old-fashioned  outdoor 
relief,  and  it  v  as  for  that  reason  considered  unsatisfactory. 
However,  it  prepared  the  way  for  the  Old-Age  Pensions  Law 
of  1910  which,  for  the  first  time,  established  compulsory 
insurance  for  wage-earners  earning  less  than  five  hundred 
and  eighty  dollars  a  year.   The  employer  and  the  employee 


266      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

each  contribute  about  $1.75  (nine  francs)  a  year,  and  the 
State  contributes  $11.60  (sixty  francs)  annually  for  each 
insured  person.  The  employee  is  entitled  to  a  pension  of 
about  eighty-five  dollars  a  year  at  the  age  of  sixty.  In  case 
of  death  before  this  age,  the  surviving  dependents  are 
granted  a  death  benefit. 

The  Labor  Movement 

In  no  other  European  country  has  the  labor  movement 
been  so  closely  identified  with  the  political  and  philosophic 
tendencies  of  the  day  as  in  France.  In  the  checkered  history 
of  French  trade  unionism  may  be  read  the  story  of  political 
progress  and  reaction,  of  bold  theories  and  revolutionary 
violence,  which  characterize  the  France  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

The  Law  of  Coalitions,  passed  in  1791,  abolished  all 
guilds  and  corporations,  and  established  freedom  of  contract 
Law  of  for  individuals  only.    It  forbade  even  the  gath- 

Coahtions  ering  of  men  of  the  same  trade  to  discuss  their 
common  affairs  lest  they  should  organize  as  a  group;  the 
"general  good"  alone  was  considered  a  legitimate  object  for 
organized  effort.  Trade  unions  were,  of  course,  considered 
illegal,  and  to  strike  was  criminal.  This  law  was  made  more 
severe  by  Napoleon,  and  it  continued  in  force  till  the  end 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  Nevertheless,  the  coming  of  the 
Industrial  Revolution  made  trade  unions  inevitable;  and, 
as  they  could  not  organize  openly,  they  did  so  secretly,  or 
in  the  disguise  of  benevolent  societies.  These  unions  some- 
times fomented  violent  strikes  and  were  often  closely  allied 
with  the  secret  political  societies  that  were  instrumental  in 
bringing  about  the  Revolutions  of  1830  and  1848. 

The  Revolution  of  1848  had  a  deep  influence  on  the  labor 
movement,  of  which  it  was  partly  the  outcome.  Louis 
Concessions  Blanc's  theories  ^  greatly  influenced  many  of 
ions'^by^Na-  ^^^  Parisian  workingmen,  and  they  began  to 
poleon  III  organize  themselves.  Although  the  uprising  dur- 
ing the  "June  days"  was  suppressed,  the  idea  of  a  general 

^  See  p.  100. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  267 

insurrection  of  labor,  or  a  social  revolution,  took  firm  root 
in  France.  During  the  early  days  of  the  Second  Empire, 
trade  unions  were  not  allowed  to  be  formed  save  under  ex- 
ceptional conditions.  Workingmen  were  carefully  watched 
through  the  livret,  first  instituted  by  Napoleon  I,  whereby 
each  laborer  was  obliged  to  have  a  booklet,  analogous  to  a 
passport,  in  which  his  comings  and  goings  were  noted  by  his 
employer.  But  the  industrial  progress  during  the  reign  of 
Napoleon  III  brought  into  existence  many  trade  unions,  or 
syndicats.  In  1864  an  important  concession  to  the  spirit  of 
the  times  was  made  in  a  law  permitting  strikes,  and  in  1868 
workingmen  were  allowed  to  organize.  Both  these  conces- 
sions were  made  with  many  restrictions,  as  the  law  of  1791 
was  not  repealed;  what  was  granted  was  legal  toleration, 
not  legal  freedom.  But  most  of  the  unions  were  suppressed 
as  a  result  of  the  Commune,  which  discredited  all  working- 
class  activity,  whether  moderate  or  revolutionary. 

After  1870  the  French  labor  movement  took  an  entirely 
new  start.  At  first  it  showed  distinctly  moderate  tenden- 
cies, deprecating  strikes  and  seeking  to  better  j^^  .  ^^^^  _ 
the  condition  of  the  workers  by  cooperating  nition  of  the 
with  the  employers.  Finally,  in  1884,  came  the 
law  which  is  the  "charter  of  liberties"  of  organized  labor 
in  France.  It  gave  workingmen  freedom  to  organize  and  to 
strike,  and  thereby,  for  the  first  time,  nullified  the  law  of 
1791.  This  reform  was  largely  the  work  of  Waldeck- Rous- 
seau, then  a  young  disciple  of  Gambetta,  who  recognized 
the  importance  of  the  new  "social  strata."  Trade  unionism 
took  on  new  life  and  began  to  spread  rapidly.^  A  federa- 
tion of  unions  was  formed,  which  held  annual  congresses  to 
discuss  general  policies  for  labor.  The  various  Socialist 
factions  tried  to  capture  the  unions  for  their  own  particular 
propagandas,  with  the  result  that  internal  dissension  almost 
disrupted  the  labor  movement,  and  generated  among  French 
workingmen  a  feeling  of  distrust  for  politics  and  politicians. 
In  1895  the  federation  of  unions  reorganized  under  the  name 

1  During  the  decade   1884-94,  the  number  of  unions  increased  from  68 
to  2178. 


268      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

"General  Confederation  of  Labor"  {Confederation  Generate 
dii  Travail),  and  declared  itself  independent  "of  all  political 
schools";  it  proposed  "to  unite  the  workingmen  in  the 
economic  field  with  the  bonds  of  class  solidarity  to  struggle 
for  their  integral  emancipation." 

Another  interesting  development  of  the  labor  movement 
appeared  in  the  formation  of  the  Bourses  du  Travail,  or 
^.    „  Chambers  of  Labor.  The  first  Bourse  was  organ- 

1  he  Bourses     ....  .11  i-  r  -i 

ized  m  raris  m  1887  with  the  object  of  provid- 
ing a  central  meeting-place  for  workingmen,  where  they 
could  come  together  to  discuss  their  affairs.  Similar  estab- 
lishments were  founded  in  other  French  cities,  frequently 
with  the  aid  of  subsidies  from  the  municipalities.  Under 
the  energetic  direction  of  Fernand  Pelloutier,  these  Bourses 
became  centers  of  agitation,  from  which  strikes  were  or- 
ganized and  directed.  As  a  consequence  the  municipalities 
withdrew  their  support  and  closed  some  of  them  on  the 
charge  of  fomenting  rebellion.  A  national  congress  was 
held  by  the  Bourses  in  1892,  when  they  organized  them- 
selves into  a  federation  which,  ten  years  later  (1902),  joined 
the  General  Confederation  of  Labor. 

The  union  of  these  two  federations  marks  the  true  be- 
ginning of  this  famous  organization,  as  its  present  consti- 
„     ,.    ,.        tution  and   its  revolutionary  activity  followed 

byndicalism  .  -^ 

closely  upon  the  amalgamation.  A  new  form  of 
organization  was  adopted.  The  Confederation  was  to  be 
the  directing  head,  not  of  craft  unions,  such  as  bricklayers, 
carpenters,  motormen,  or  shirt-makers,  but  of  industrial 
unions,  such  as  the  building  trades,  railwaymen,  the  clothing 
trades,  or  the  miners.  The  various  craft  unions  were  there- 
fore organized  into  industrial  federations,  each  with  a  com- 
mon policy.  Strikes  were  hereafter  to  be  general,  not  local: 
for  example,  should  the  carpenters  have  a  grievance,  the  en- 
tire building  trade  was  to  support  them  in  a  general  indus- 
trial strike.  This  new  labor  policy,  which  became  known 
as  syndicalism,^  was  soon  felt  as  a  most  potent  force  in  the 
affairs  of  labor,  although  fewer  than  half  of  the  organized 

'  For  a  discussion  of  syndicalism  see  pp.  599  ff . 


THE  THIRD  FRENCH   REPUBLIC  269 

workingmen  in  France  were  identified  with  the  Confedera- 
tion. Syndicalism  was  intensely  anti-militarist;  it  charged 
the  army  with  being  the  tool  of  the  capitalists  and  began  a 
propaganda  among  the  soldiers  against  military  service. 

The  Confederation  began  to  agitate  vigorously  for"  an 
eight-hour  law  for  all  labor.  It  fixed  May  i,  1906,  as  the 
day  for  beginning  a  general  strike,  when  all  labor  General 
was  to  cease  in  order  to  compel  the  Government  ^^^^^^^ 
to  pass  such  a  law.  When  the  day  arrived  there  was  al- 
most a  panic  throughout  France,  and  the  troops  were  called 
out  to  preserve  order.  Many  stopped  work  on  that  day,  but 
the  strike  was  not  sufficiently  general  to  prove  successful. 
In  March,  1907,  nearly  all  of  Paris  was  plunged  in  darkness 
because  of  a  strike  of  the  gas  and  electric  workers  organized 
by  the  Confederation;  but  this,  too,  proved  a  failure,  al- 
though it  showed  the  new  spirit  animating  the  French  work- 
ing class.  Most  disturbing  to  the  Government  was  the  union- 
izing of  public  employees,  such  as  teachers  and  postmen, 
who  desired  to  be  affiliated  with  the  Confederation.  In  1909 
a  strike  of  those  employed  in  the  public  postal  and  telegraph 
offices  took  place,  which  failed  mainly  because  many  persons 
not  in  the  service  volunteered  to  take  the  places  of  the 
strikers.  To  prevent  a  similar  occurrence  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  passed  a  resolution  denying  the  right  of  public 
employees  to  strike  and  forbidding  them  to  join  the  Con- 
federation. 

Syndicalism's  greatest  effort  was  in  the  railway  strike  in 
October,  191  o,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  labor  demon- 
strations in  recent  times.   A  demand  made  by  The  great 
the  railwaymen  for  an  increase  in  wages  was  strjk^of 
refused.    In  a  short  time  almost  the  entire  rail-   1910 
way  system  of  France  was  completely  tied  up.    Food  sup- 
plies for  the  cities  were  not  delivered,  inflicting  great  pri- 
vation.   Rioting  followed  and  much  railway  property  was 
destroyed.    The  strikers  had  expected  that  the  Socialist 
Radical  Premier,  Briand,  who  had  himself  once  advocated 
the  general  strike,  would  sympathize  with  them.   But  they 
were  soon  undeceived.     Briand   discovered  a  new  way  of 


270      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

breaking  a  strike.  The  leaders  were  arrested,  and  the  Gov- 
ernment issued  mobiHzation  orders  to  the  strikers,  calling 
them  "to  the  colors,"  that  is,  to  perform  military  duty  as 
reservists.  They  were  then  ordered  to  protect  the  trains 
which,  as  soldiers,  they  could  not  refuse  to  do;  in  other 
words,  the  strikers  became  their  own  strike-breakers.  The 
strike  immediately  collapsed.  Briand  was  bitterly  denounced 
by  the  workingmen  as  a  tyrant  and  dictator.  He  defended 
himself  by  saying  that  the  Government  was  faced  by  what 
was  virtually  rebellion,  and  that  it  had  a  right,  therefore, 
to  use  all  means,  illegal  ones  if  necessary,  to  protect  itself 
from  destruction. 

Political  History  (1906-14) 

In  1906  Armand  Fallieres  was  elected  President  and 
Georges  Clemenceau  became  Prime  Minister.  A  new 
Pr  rti  1  '^^^^^  ^^^  appeared,  proportional  representation, 
representa-  which  began  to  displace  clericalism  as  the  leading 
question  in  French  politics.  Ever  since  Gam- 
betta's  day  the  scrutin  d'arrondissement  ^  had  been  the  sub- 
ject of  attack.  The  disregard  of  minorities,  and  sometimes  of 
majorities,  which  this  system  fostered,  made  the  Chamber 
not  a  truly  representative  assembly,  but  a  "broken  mirror" 
in  which  France  could  not  recognize  her  own  image,  as 
Gambetta  once  declared.  Moreover,  the  attendant  evils  of 
district  representation  are  intensified  in  a  highly  centralized 
country  like  France,  where  the  great  influence  of  the  Na- 
tional Government  is  used  in  favor  of  the  candidate  sup- 
porting its  policies;  as  a  consequence  there  is  a  system  of 
veiled  "official  candidates"  which  has  aroused  much  criti- 
cism. Once  elected,  the  Deputy  becomes  the  dispenser  of 
governmental  favors,  such  as  appointments,  promotions, 
licenses  to  sell  matches  and  tobacco  which  are  state  mono- 
polies, decorations,  furloughs  from  the  army,  and  the  like. 
Only  too  frequently  has  the  welfare  of  the  country  been 
forgotten  by  the  representatives  in  their  desire  to  please 
their  districts  which,  in   the  expressive  phrase  of  Briand, 

1  See  p.  235. 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  271 

became  "stagnant  pools"  infesting  with  moral  disease  the 
political  life  of  the  people.  It  was  hoped  that  proportional 
representation,  by  enlarging  the  unit  of  representation, 
would  enlarge  the  political  vision  of  the  electors,  who  would 
then  be  inspired  more  by  national  issues  than  by  local  poli- 
tics.^ The  Briand  Ministry  had  "put  electoral  reform  at  the 
head  of  its  program,  and  the  elections  of  1910  were  fought 
on  this  issue.  An  overwhelming  majority  of  those  elected 
to  the  Chamber  favored  reform.  In  1912  the  Chamber 
passed  a  bill  which  proposed  to  establish  a  modified  system 
of  proportional  representation,  but  the  measure  was  de- 
feated in  the  Senate,  the  opponents  being  chiefly  Radicals, 
like  Clemenceau  and  Combes,  who  feared  that  their  party 
would  be  ousted  from  power  in  case  the  new  electoral  sys- 
tem was  adopted. 

In  1913  Raymond  Poincare  was  elected  President  of 
France.  He  is  a  man  of  distinguished  character  and  abilities 
whose  political  affiliations  are  with  the  Moderate  ^      ,    . 

\  ,  ^  Population 

Republicans.  Poincare's  election  was  largely  due  in  France 
to  his  vigorous  championship  of  a  three-years'  ^  ^  lonary 
military  service  law.  In  1905  service  in  the  army  had  been 
reduced  from  three  to  two  years.  When,  as  a  result  of  the 
Morocco  and  Balkan  crises,-  Germany  had  decided  to  in- 
crease her  army,  France  determined  to  do  likewise.  But 
the  question  for  France  was  how  to  do  it,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  her  population  was  considerably  smaller  than  that  of 
Germany.  During  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century 
France  was  second  only  to  Russia  in  the  size  of  her  popula- 
tion; but  since  1870  the  birth-rate  has  fallen  considerably 
and,  as  a  result,  the  French  population  is  almost  station- 
ary.' Were  it  not  for  the  low  death-rate  and  foreign  immi- 
gration,^ the  population  of  France  might  actually  be  de- 
creasing. This  situation  has  an  important  military  bearing. 

^  For  a  fuller  discussion  of  proportional  representation,  see  p.  492. 

*  See  p.  708. 

*  In  1872  France  contained  about  36,000,000  inhabitants;  in  19 14  about 
40,000,000. 

^  In  1 914  there  were  about  a  million  foreigners  domiciled  in  France,  mainly 
Italians  and  Belgians. 


272      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Where  was  France  to  get  the  men  in  case  of  a  war  with  Ger- 
many, whose  increase  in  population  during  two  months 
equaled  that  of  France  for  five  years?  "Every  year  we  win  a 
battle  against  France,"  once  remarked  General  von  Moltke. 

There  was  only  one  possible  way  of  increasing  the  size  of 
the  French  army,  namely,  to  increase  the  term  of  military 
Th  th  service.   In  191 3  a  bill,  raising  the  term  of  active 

years'  serv-  service  from  two  to  three  years,  was  introduced 
^^  in  the  Chamber,  where  it  encountered  most  vehe- 

ment opposition,  chiefly  from  the  Socialists.  Jaures  deliv- 
ered many  eloquent  speeches  against  the  measure  which,  he 
declared,  would  put  an  intolerable  burden  on  the  people.  He 
denounced  the  system  of  universal  conscription  generally, 
and  he  proposed  the  substitution  of  a  popular  militia  for  a 
standing  army.  Enormous  mass  meetings  were  organized  by 
socialists  and  syndicalists  to  protest  against  three  years* 
service ;  and  several  times  troops  had  to  be  called  out  to  dis- 
perse the  mobs.  It  was  only  with  the  greatest  difhculty  that 
the  bill  finally  passed  Parliament.  Under  the  new  law,  the 
French  army  was  increased  by  about  170,000  men. 

The  elections  of  19 14  were  significant  only  because  the 
representation  of  the  Unified  Socialists  rose  to  one  hundred 
The  elections  and  One  seats  in  the  Chamber,  a  gain  of  twenty- 
of  1914  g-^  seats,  largely  at  the  expense  of  the  Moderates. 

A  new  Cabinet  was  formed  under  a  Socialist  Radical,  Rene 
Viviani,  pledged  to  a  number  of  reforms,  including  propor- 
tional representation,  an  income  tax,  and  social  insurance. 
But  the  European  storm  clouds  were  gathering.  Suddenly 
in  1914  the  World  War  broke  out,  and  France  was  stricken 
with  the  agony  of  invasion. 

Literature  under  the  Republic 

French  literature  after  1870  no  longer  displayed  either  the 
joyous  buoyancy  of  the  Romanticists  or  the  calm  strength 
Pessimistic  of  the  Realists.  A  spirit  of  pessimism  took  pos- 
French  session  of  the  new  generation,  on  whose  minds 

writers  the  national   disaster  of   1870  exercised  a  pro- 

found nnpression.   To  the  world  at  that  time  the  defeat  of 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  273 

France  by  Germany  was  a  sign  of  the  decadence  of  the  for- 
mer, and  so  widespread  was  this  idea  that  even  many 
Frenchmen  beUeved  it.  They  became  skeptical  about  the 
destiny  of  their  country  and  of  humanity  in  general,  and 
there  developed  what  was  called  the  fin-de-siede  spirit,  a 
nonchalant  attitude  of  mind  characteristic  of  France  at 
the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

The  last  of  the  great  Realists  was  Guy  de  Maupassant 
(1850-93),  who  is  universally  regarded  as  the  greatest  of 
short-story  writers.     Like  his  master,  Flaubert,   ,^ 

■\/r  1  -1        IT  •  1      •  Maupassant 

Maupassant  strove  to  describe  hie  with  im- 
personal objectiveness;  he,  too,  believed  that  the  true  func- 
tion of  the  author  is  to  stand  passively  by  and  allow  his 
characters  to  act  out  their  destiny.  His  stories  depict  hu- 
man vices  and  virtues,  as  seen  in  all  classes  of  people  and 
under  all  circumstances.  Whether  the  happening  be  fright- 
ful or  idyllic,  it  is  described  in  a  detached,  almost  anony- 
mous way,  so  that  an  impression  of  absolute  truthfulness  is 
made  on  the  reader.  Each  story  is  its  own  comment.  Al- 
though Maupassant  seems  to  have  no  point  of  view  about 
life,  there  runs  through  his  work  a  hidden  vein  of  melan- 
choly, which  might  be  interpreted  to  mean  that,  though  life 
is  really  not  worth  living,  it  is  interesting:  so  let  us  live. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Realism 
passed  to  its  logical  but  brutal  conclusion.  Naturalism. 
To  get  "  slices  of  life"  the  novelists  of  the  new  „  , 

.  Zola 

school  worked  among  miners  and  fishermen,  be- 
came patients  in  hospitals,  or  had  themselves  incarcerated 
in  prisons  in  order  to  reproduce  in  literature  these  experi- 
ences, which  they  considered  "human  documents."  The 
most  distinguished  champion  of  Naturalism  was  Emile  Zola 
( 1 840-1 903),  whose  novels  created  a  world-wide  sensation. 
In  imitation  of  Balzac,  Zola  set  himself  the  task  of  writing 
a  comedie  humaine  of  the  middle  nineteenth  century.  This 
is  the  famous  Rougon-Macquart  series  of  twenty  novels 
describing  "the  natural  and  social  history  of  a  family  living 
under  the  Second  Empire,"  which  deals  largely  with  the 
problem  of  degenerate  heredity.   The  most  famous  books  in 


274      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

this  series  are  Germinal  {The  Sprouting),  La  Terre  {The 
Countryside),  and  La  Debacle  {The  Downfall).  Zola  reveled 
in  unsavory  descriptions  of  human  degradation,  for  he  re- 
garded man  as  a  "human  beast"  who  could  be  moved  only 
through  his  appetites.  Yet,  for  all  his  brutal  pessimism,  he 
showed  himself  a  hero  during  the  Dreyfus  Affair,  when, 
at  great  personal  risk,  he  jumped  into  the  fray  in  order  to 
right  the  wrong  done  to  an  innocent  man.^  Zola,  unlike 
Flaubert,  had  no  talent  for  analyzing  the  indiAddual  soul, 
but  he  greatly  excelled  in  describing  angry  mobs,  street 
crowds,  tumultuous  assemblies,  and  other  great  masses  of 
men  in  action. 

The  charming  and  pathetic  tales  of  Alphonse  Daudet 
(1840-97)  have  endeared  him  to  millions  of  readers.  Daudet 
combined  pathos  with  humor  to  a  degree  at- 
tained only  by  Charles  Dickens,  with  whom  he 
has  been  frequently  compared.  He  was  "ever  trembling 
into  tears  or  flashing  into  laughter."  His  most  famous  work 
is  Les  Aventures  prodigieuses  de  Tartarijt  de  Tarascon  {The 
Extraordinary  Adventures  of  Tartarin  of  Tarascon) .  Tartarin 
is  a  typical  meridional,  or  South  Frenchman,  whose  exuber- 
ant imagination  gives  the  neighborhood  the  general  impres- 
sion that  he  is  a  mighty  hunter.  Forced  at  last  by  public 
opinion  to  give  proof  of  his  skill,  Tartarin  leaves  for  Algiers 
on  a  lion-hunting  expedition.  There  he  shoots  a  tame  old 
lion  that  used  to  be  taken  about  the  streets  by  a  beggar,  and 
returns  home  in  triumph  with  his  trophy.  The  story  is  told 
with  great  charm  and  humor  and  the  character  of  the  hero 
is  described  in  inimitable  style. 

A  unique  figure  in  French  literature  is  Paul  Verlaine 
(1844-96),  whose  poems  have  a  quality  quite  original  in 
,,   ,  .  French  poetry.   Verlaine  excels  in  what  he  calls 

Verlaine  r-  j  ^         ^ 

nuance,  delicate  suggestion  m  tuneful  words. 
He  plays  upon  words  as  upon  a  musical  instrument,  and 
his  verse  has  been  well  described  as  "disembodied  song,"  so 
lute-like  is  its  quality  and  so  haunting  its  charm.  Verlaine 
had  no  message  to  give  to  mankind  nor  did  he  care  to  have 

^  See  p.  252. 


J 


THE  THIRD   FRENCH   REPUBLIC  275 

any;  he  merely  wished  to  express  the  mood  of  exquisite  mel- 
ancholy that  frequently  possessed  him.  Curiously  enough, 
this  great  artist  lived  much  of  his  life  as  a  Parisian  vaga- 
bond, now  in  the  cafe,  now  in  the  gutter,  now  in  the  hos- 
pital. He  was  a  child  that  fell  into  evil  ways  and  remained 
a  child. 

By  far  the  greatest  figure  in  contemporary  French  litera- 
ture is  Jacques  Anatole  Thibault  (1844-  )'  better  known  by 
his  pseudonym,  Anatole  France.  No  writer  has  Anatole 
more  truly  expressed  the  mood  of  the  generation  ^^^^^^ 
that  grew  up  under  the  Third  Republic  than  this  author. 
After  the  death  of  Renan,  his  master,  he  was  the  leading 
spirit  among  the  intellectual  elite  of  France.  A  true  French 
man-of-letters,  France  is  learned,  witty,  and  wise;  and  the 
style  of  his  disquisitions,  generally  in  the  form  of  loosely 
constructed  novels,  is  almost  perfect  in  charm  and  lucid- 
ity. Satire,  varying  from  irony  so  delicate  as  to  be  almost 
indistinguishable  from  serious  intent,  to  mockery  that  is 
blasphemous  and  sometimes,  though  rarely,  coarse,  per- 
vades nearly  all  his  writing. 

France  has  chosen  to  aim  the  shafts  of  his  wit  at  two  sub- 
jects, early  Christianity  and  modern  society.  His  attacks  on 
Christian  ideals  take  the  form  of  stories  of  the  early  martyrs 
of  the  Faith,  in  which  this  twentieth-century  Voltaire  sat- 
irizes their  motives  and  their  practices.  "Bibles  of  modern 
unbelief,"  a  critic  has  called  his  books.  His  attacks  upon 
the  modern  social  system  are  most  biting.  The  following 
excerpt  is  characteristic  of  his  manner:  "The  State,  with 
its  majestic  sense  of  justice  and  equality,  forbids  the  rich 
man  as  well  as  the  poor  man  from  sleeping  in  the  streets." 
In  a  description  of  primitive  life,  which  pretends  to  explain 
the  origin  of  our  cherished  institutions,  we  read:  "See  how 
this  furious  man  is  biting  the  nose  of  his  fallen  adversary; 
and  how  the  other  one  is  pounding  the  head  of  a  woman 
with  a  big  stone!"  cries  one  character  to  another.  "I  see 
them  well  enough.  Do  not  interfere!  They  are  creating 
law;  they  are  founding  property;  they  are  establishing  the 
principles  of  civilization,  the  basis  of  society  and  the  foun- 


276      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

dation  of  the  State,"  is  the  reply.  Yet  this  master  of  irony 
is  full  of  marked  tenderness  for  the  very  persons  and  things 
that  he  so  mercilessly  satirizes ;  for  he  believes  that  it  is  the 
spirit  of  folly,  not  of  evil,  which  is  responsible  for  our  incon- 
gruous world. 

One  of  France's  most  famous  books  is  lie  des  Pengouins 
{Penguin  Island),  a  satirical  history  of  his  country,  in  which 
religion,  morals,  art,  and  politics  are  dissected  with  an  ele- 
gant dagger  held  in  the  delicate  but  firm  fingers  of  this 
aristocrat  of  letters.  The  story  has  a  pessimistic  conclu- 
sion: the  world  is  plunged  into  a  universal  cataclysm  of 
revolution  and  the  wearisome  process  of  rebuilding  civiliza- 
tion has  to  begin  anew.  His  Histoire  Contemporaine,  a 
series  of  four  novels,  is  a  penetrating  study  of  French  politi- 
cal and  ecclesiastical  life.  The  hero,  M.  Bergeret,  is  a  pro- 
fessor at  a  provincial  university  who  loves  his  books,  his 
daughter,  and  his  dog.  He  is  "irreligious,  but  with  decency 
and  good  taste."  It  is  M.  Bergeret's  wont  to  go  among  his 
neighbors,  like  Socrates,  and  start  discussions;  and,  like  the 
latter,  he  is  regarded  as  a  nuisance  and  suffers  in  conse- 
quence. 

Anatole  France  lived  for  many  years  in  "an  ivory  tower," 
a  literary  recluse  interested  only  in  art  and  literature;  but 
the  Dreyfus  Affair  aroused  him  to  action;  and,  like  Zola,  he 
became  an  ardent  champion  of  the  condemned  Captain.  He 
has  since  that  time  continued  actively  interested  in  public 
affairs  as  a  reformer  and  a  Socialist. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE 

Government  and  Parties 

The  outward  structure  of  the  political  system  of  Germany 
resembles  that  of  the  United  States.    It  is  a  federal  union 
composed  of  twenty- five  states  enjoying  large  Germany 
powers  of  local  autonomy  and  united  for  common  a  federal 

1  1  T->      1'         union 

purposes  under  a  central  government  at  berlm. 
Centralization  in  Germany  has  been  carried  to  a  larger  ex- 
tent than  in  the  United  States.  Matters  like  the  regulation 
of  corporations,  ownership  of  railways,  social  legislation,  and 
civil  and  criminal  codes,  which  in  America  are  left  largely 
to  the  states,  are  in  Germany  subjects  of  imperial  legisla- 
tion. But  the  federal  laws  are  administered  by  state  officials 
under  the  supervision  of  the  central  Government.  The  Ger- 
man federal  union  is  an  Empire  and  the  office  of  Emperor 
is  hereditary  in  the  Hohenzollern  dynasty,  the  rulers  of  Prus- 
sia. Each  state,  except  the  three  city  republics  and  Alsace- 
Lorraine,  is  likewise  a  monarchy;  the  local  ruler  is  known  as 
king,  grand  duke,  duke,  or  prince,  generally  according  to  the 
size  of  his  domain,^  which  he  governs  in  conjunction  with 
a  local  legislature. 

The  most  powerful  governing  body  in  the  Empire  is  the 
Bundesrat,  which  is  composed  of  sixty-one  members,  dis- 
tributed among  the  states  roughly  according  to  The  Bun- 
size.    Prussia  has  seventeen;  Bavaria,  six;  Sax-  ^^^rat 
ony  and  Wiirttemberg,  four  each;  Alsace-Lorraine,  Baden, 
and  Hesse,  three  each;  Mecklenburg-Schwerin  and  Bruns- 

^  There  are  four  kingdoms,  Prussia,  Bavaria,  Saxony,  and  Wiirttemberg; 
six  grand  duchies,  Baden,  Hesse,  Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  Saxe-Weimar-Eise- 
nach,  Mecklenburg-Strelitz,  and  Oldenburg;  five  duchies,  Brunswick,  Saxe- 
Meiningen,  Saxe-Altenburg,  Saxe-Coburg-Gotha,  and  Anhalt;  seven  princi- 
palities, Schwarzburg-Sondershausen  and  Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt  (united  in 
1916),  Waldeck,  Reuss  Elder  Line,  Reuss  Younger  Line,  Schaumburg-Lippe, 
and  Lippe;  three  free  cities,  Lijbeck,  Bremen,  and  Hamburg;  and  the  Imperial 
territory,  Alsace-Lorraine, 


278     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

wick,  two  each ;  and  the  rest  one  member  each.  A  delega- 
tion to  the  Bundesrat  votes  as  a  unit  and  under  instruc- 
tions from  the  monarch  whom  it  represents  and  by  whose 
grace  it  holds  office.  As  a  legislature  the  Bundesrat  ini- 
tiates all  legislation  of  importance  and  issues  ordinances 
which  have  the  force  of  law.  Its  consent  is  necessary  for  the 
acceptance  of  treaties,  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Reichstag, 
and  for  the  appointment  of  many  of  the  federal  officials. 
It  acts  as  judge  in  quarrels  between  the  states,  and  has 
the  power  to  coerce  any  refractory  state  that  refuses  to  obey 
its  decision.  An  amendment  to  the  Imperial  Constitution 
must  first  be  submitted  to  the  Reichstag,  or  popular  House, 
where  a  majority  vote  is  required  for  its  passage;  then  it 
goes  to  the  Bundesrat,  where  fourteen  votes  are  sufficient 
to  defeat  it.  This  gives  the  Bundesrat  power  to  prevent 
changes  in  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  Empire. 

The  distinctively  democratic  feature  of  the  Government 
of  Germany  is  the  Reichstag,  which  is  composed  of  three 
The  Reichs-  hundred  and  ninety-seven  members  elected  by 
*^^  universal  suffrage.   Its  term  of  office  is  five  years, 

unless  it  is  sooner  dissolved  by  the  Emperor  with  the  consent 
of  the  Bundesrat.  According  to  the  Constitution,  all  imperial 
laws  must  have  the  consent  of  the  Reichstag.  But  it  does 
not  follow  from  this  that  it  is  a  legislature  like  the  American 
House  of  Representatives,  which  shapes  laws  to  its  liking, 
or  a  parliament  like  the  British  House  of  Commons,  on 
which  the  Government  of  the  day  is  dependent  for  its  ex- 
istence. Although  the  Reichstag  has  the  right  to  initiate 
legislation,  it  seldom  does  so;  that  is  left  to  the  Bundesrat. 
A  bill  adopted  by  the  Bundesrat  is  sent  to  the  Reichstag, 
which  may  accept,  amend,  or  reject  it.  If  accepted,  the 
bill  becomes  law;  if  it  is  amended,  it  goes  back  to  the 
Bundesrat,  which  has  the  first  and  last  word  in  all  legisla- 
tion; if  the  bill  fails,  the  status  quo  continues,  for  the  Cabinet 
does  not  resign  as  in  England  under  similar  circumstances. 
As  the  power  of  the  Reichstag  is  negative,  its  chief  function, 
is  that  of  criticism,  which  it  very  freely  exercises,  often  to 
the  embarrassment  of  the  Government.   It  serves  chiefly  as 


THE   GERMAN   EMPIRE  279 

a  forum  for  political  discussion,  and  constitutes  the  best 
means  that  the  Government  has  of  gauging  public  opinion. 

Representation  in  the  Reichstag  at  the  present  time 
closely  approaches  a  ''rotten-borough"  system.  No  reap- 
portionment has  taken  place  since  1870,  in  spite  Unfair  rep- 
of  great  changes  in  population.  Berlin  has  grown  i^n  th?Reichs- 
from  a  city  of  six  hundred  thousand  in  1870,  to  tag 
one  of  over  two  million  inhabitants,  but  its  representation  in 
the  Reichstag  continues  to  be  six  members;  whereas  the 
rural  region  known  as  East  Prussia,  with  a  population  about 
that  of  Berlin,  sends  a  delegation  of  seventeen  members. 
There  are  "giant "  constituencies  of  three  hundred  thousand 
and  over  and  "dwarf"  constituencies  of  fifteen  thousand 
and  less.  In  the  elections  of  19 12  seventy-four  Conservatives 
were  elected  by  about  two  million  voters  and  one  hundred 
and  ten  Social  Democrats  by  four  and  a  quarter  million.  As 
the  present  system  gives  the  advantage  to  the  rural  dis- 
tricts, which  are  mainly  Conservative  in  politics,  the  Gov- 
ernment has  persistently  refused  a  reapportionment  for 
fear  that  a  larger  representation  from  the  cities  would  result 
in  a  larger  number  of  Socialists  in  the  Reichstag. 

A  striking  feature  of  the  German  system  of  government  is 
the  Chancellor,  or  Prime  Minister,  who  is  appointed  by  and 
is  responsible  to  the  Emperor.  He  therefore  does  The  Chan- 
not  resign  on  an  adverse  vote  of  the  Reichstag,  ^^^^°^ 
but  only  when  he  displeases  his  master,  the  Emperor.  As 
the  mouthpiece  of  the  latter,  and  as  the  head  of  the  im- 
perial administration,  the  Chancellor  has  great  influence 
in  shaping  the  policies  of  the  Empire,  both  foreign  and 
domestic. 

The  Imperial  Constitution  requires  that  the  presidency 
of  the  union  be  vested  in  the  King  of  Prussia,  with  the  title 
of  Deutscher  Kaiser,  or  German  Emperor,  and  The  Kaiser 
that  it  shall  always  be  hereditary  in  the  House  °''  Emperor 
of  Hohenzollern.  The  chief  function  of  the  Emperor  is  that 
of  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy,  a  position 
purely  nominal  in  other  countries,  but  a  political  reality  in 
Germany,  where  the  army  plays  a  great  part  in  the  life  of  the 


280     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

nation.  Through  the  Chancellor  he  influences  the  foreign  and 
domestic  policies  of  the  Empire.  His  legislative  and  execu- 
tive authority  is,  however,  strictly  circumscribed ;  he  cannot 
directly  veto  bills  passed  by  the  Bundesrat  and  Reichstag; 
and  he  shares  with  the  Bundesrat  in  the  appointment  of 
imperial  officials. 

But  the  real  powers  of  the  Emperor  are  derived  from  the 
fact  that  he  is  King  of  Prussia.  The  most  distinguishing 
Privileges  of  characteristic  of  the  German  Empire  is  the  domi- 
Prussia  nance  of  Prussia  over  the  entire  union,  which  is 

accomplished  in  the  following  ways.  As  we  have  already 
seen,  her  King  is  German  Emperor;  all  proposed  changes  in 
the  army,  navy,  or  system  of  taxation  must  have  Prussia's 
consent;  the  chairman  of  every  standing  committee  in  the 
Bundesrat,  except  the  one  on  foreign  affairs,  must  be  a 
Prussian;  moreover,  her  seventeen  votes  in  the  Bundesrat 
are  sufficient  to  prevent  changes  in  the  constitution.  The 
Fatherland  was  not  formed  by  the  absorption  of  Prussia  into 
Germany,  but  by  the  absorption  of  Germany  into  Prussia: 
the  part  swallowed  the  whole. 

It  is  therefore  highly  important  to  examine  the  political 
structure  of  Prussia,  for  in  it  lies  the  "efficient  secret"  of  the 
Government  government  of  the  Empire.  Prussia  has  been  a 
of  Prussia  constitutional  state  since  1850,  when  a  parlia- 
ment, the  Landtag,  was  established  by  the  King.  But  the 
limited  power  of  this  body,  as  well  as  the  reactionary 
electoral  system,  makes  the  Landtag  merely  a  veil  for  au- 
tocratic rule.  It  consists  of  two  houses,  the  Herrenhaus, 
or  House  of  Lords,  and  the  Abgeordnetenhaus,  or  House 
of  Representatives.  The  former  is  distinctly  an  aristocratic 
body,  as  its  membership,  numbering  three  hundred,  is  made 
up  mainly  of  wealthy  landed  aristocrats.  The  latter  consists 
of  four  hundred  and  forty-three  members  who  are  chosen  by 
the  well  known  three-class  system.  According  to  this  system 
the  voters  of  a  district  are  divided  into  three  groups:  first, 
the  wealthy,  who  pay  one  third  of  the  direct  taxes  of  the 
district ;  then,  the  moderately  well-to-do,  who  pay  the  second 
third;  and,  finally,  the  mass  of  poor,  who  pay  the  remaining 


THE   GERMAN  EMPIRE  281 

third.  Each  class  elects  by  public  ballot  one  third  of  the 
members  of  an  electoral  college  which,  in  turn,  elects  the 
representatives  for  the  district.  As  votes  are  not  counted  but 
weighed  in  the  scale  of  property  to  determine  their  value, 
the  electoral  colleges  are  naturally  controlled  by  the  prop- 
erty-owners.^ This  three-class  system,  with  its  property 
qualifications,  indirect  election,  and  public  voting,  was  de- 
liberately designed  to  strangle  democratic  government,  and 
even  Bismarck  once  denounced  it  as  "the  most  wretched  of 
all  electoral  systems."  Its  unfair  character  was  strikingly 
illustrated  in  the  elections  of  1908,  when  the  Conservatives, 
who  received  about  seventeen  per  cent  of  the  popular  vote, 
returned  two  hundred  and  twelve  members  to  the  Abgeord- 
netenhaus ;  the  Center,  w^ho  received  about  twenty  per  cent, 
returned  one  hundred  and  four  members;  and  the  Socialists, 
about  twenty-four  per  cent,  returned  seven  only.  The  con- 
servative parties,  though  possessing  a  minority  of  the  suf- 
frage, are  assured  by  this  system  of  a  perpetual  majority  in 
the  popular  chamber. 

The  actual  government  of  Prussia  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
King,  Avhor~Ts""Vest€d  by  the  Coristitutiofr~with  sovereign 
power.  He  appoints  and  dismisses  all  officials  po^er  of  the 
including  the  Cabinet,  and  he  has  an  absolute  King  in 
veto  over  all  legislation  passed  by  the  Landtag. 
He  also  appoints  Prussia's  delegation  to  the  Bundesrat 
and  directs  its  vote  in  that  body.  Although  the  other 
states  of  the  Empire  have  fairly  democratic  constitutions, 
the  influence  of  Prussia  is  the  determining  force  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  German  people.  The  Emperor,  as  King  of 
Prussia,  is  thus  able  indirectly  to  exercise  the  dominant 
control  in  the  Empire,  which  proves  to  be,  in  reality,  an 
autocratic,  not  a  parliamentar}^  state. 

It  is  rather  astonishing  that  a  people  like  the  Germans, 
who  have  made  such  wonderful  progress  in  almost  every 
field  of  human  endeavor,  should  maintain  in  the  twentieth 

^  It  is  reckoned  that  three  per  cent  of  the  Prussian  voters  are  in  the  first 
class,  ten  per  cent  in  the  second,  and  eighty-seven  per  cent  in  the  third.  In 
some  districts  the  first  class  consists  of  only  five  or  six  persons. 


282     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

century  a  political  system  which  had  become  archaic  in  the 
Reasons  for  nineteenth.  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the 
autocracy  in  Germans  are  content  to  be  the  "political  kin- 
(i)  The  dergarten  of  Europe."   Far  from  it.    Time  and 

^^"^^  again  has  public  opinion  shown  a  decided  pref- 

erence for  democratic  rule.  Why,  then,  is  the  autocratic 
system  tolerated?  It  must  be  remembered  that  Germany 
was  made  by  "blood  and  iron,"  and  that  this  system  was 
riveted  on  her  by  a  conservative  military  class.  To  change 
it  peaceably  is  impossible  without  the  consent  of  Prussia, 
that  is,  of  the  King  and  the  landed  aristocracy;  to  rise  in 
revolt  against  the  Government  would  be  a  quixotic  pro- 
ceeding, because  an  armed  uprising,  no  matter  how  wide- 
spread, could  easily  be  suppressed  by  that  military  machine 
which  proved  its  prowess  at  Sadowa  and  Sedan,  and  which 
was  able  to  withstand  the  Allies  in  19 14. 

The  German  people  are,  moreover,  loath  to  rise  in  revolu- 
tion for  fear  of  losing  what  they  gained  in  1870,  their  Father- 
.  ^  P  r  land.  The  idea  has  been  sedulously  fostered  by 
foreign  ene-  the  ruling  classes  that  a  popular  uprising  would 
'"'^^  give  Germany's  enemies  an  opportunity  to  make 

war  upon  her  in  order  to  reduce  her  to  impotence.  To  pro- 
tect the  Fatherland  a  united  people  must  stand  behind  a 
strong  army,  and  the  Government,  no  matter  how  distaste- 
ful it  is,  must  be  supported. 

It  should  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Germans  are 
very  proud  of  their  Government,  and  with  good  reason.  Al- 
,  .  Efficienc  though  domineering  and  even  brutal  at  times, 
of  the  Gov-  it  is  progressive,  enlightened,  economical,  and 
ernmen  marvelously  efficient.    In   no   other   country  in 

the  world  is  administration  to  the  same  degree  a  science 
applied  by  experts  as  in  Germany.  Laws  are  the  result  of 
thorough  study,  and  they  are  enacted  with  an  eye  to  the 
welfare  of  every  class  in  the  community.  The  legislation 
of  the  Empire,  which  will  be  described  later,  ^  has  been  espe- 
cially favorable  to  the  common  man,  who  has  benefited  from 
this  system.    "So,  why  revolt?"  he  reasons. 

1  See  p.  296. 


THE   GERMAN   EMPIRE  283 

Finally,  there  exists  a  condition  which  effectively  bars  the 
way  to  the  establishment  of  democracy.  It  will  be  recalled 
that  in  England  the  first  triumph  of  democracy  ^^^  Division 
came  as  a  result  of  a  combination,  of  the  mid-  among  its 
die  and  working  classes,  who  forced  through  the 
Reform  Bill  of  1832;  in  France  a  similar  combination  suc- 
ceeded in  the  Revolution  of  1830.  History  has  proved  that 
it  takes  two  classes  out  of  power  to  cope  successfully  with 
one  class  in  power.  In  Germany  the  working  classes  have 
continually  refused  to  combine  with  the  middle  classes 
against  the  intrenched  aristocracy,  on  the  ground  that  the 
middle  classes  would  reap  the  benefit,  as  in  England  in  1832 
and  in  France  in  1830.  Although  the  middle  classes  are 
opposed  to  the  autocratic  regime,  they  have  consistently 
refused  to  combine  with  the  workingmen  to  overthrow  it, 
because  they  fear  that  the  latter,  who  are  largely  Socialists, 
might  endeavor  to  establish  a  socialistic  republic,  as  was 
attempted  in  France  in  the  Revolution  of  1848  and  in  the 
Commune  of  1871.  Its  opponents  being  thus  divided,  the 
autocratic  system,  supported  by  the  landed  aristocracy,  or 
Junkers,  has  been  able  to  maintain  itself  without  serious 
difficulty. 

Political  Parties 

In  Germany  there  are  no  political  parties  in  the  English 
or  American  sense.  Instead  of  two  powerful  political  organ- 
izations with  leaders,  platforms,  conventions.  The  "frac- 
and  candidates,  there  are  numerous  political  ^^°^^ 
groups  which  are  formed  in  the  Reichstag,  generally  after 
elections.  Candidates  for  office  are  often  self-nominated  or 
nominated  by  small  organizations  representing  various  po- 
litical, economic,  or  religious  interests.  As  no  one  "frac- 
tion," as  a  political  group  is  termed,  is  ever  large  enough  to 
command  a  majority  in  the  Reichstag,  several  combine  to 
form  a  Blok,  or  alliance,  in  order  to  pass  laws. 

The  many  parties  may  be  grouped  into  five  main  divi- 
sions. Conservative,  Center,  National  Liberal,  Radical,  and 
Socialist.    The  Conservative  Party  represents  primarily  the 


284      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

landed  interests,  and  its  support  comes  mainly  from  land- 
The  Con-  owners,  peasants,  and  officials.  It  favors  a  high 
servatives  protective  tariff  on  agricultural  products,  co- 
lonial expansion,  and  an  ever  stronger  army  and  navy.  It 
is  bitterly  opposed  to  any  reform  in  the  political  system, 
some  Conservatives  considering  it  even  too  democratic. 
Although  numerically  small,  the  Conservative  Party  is  by 
far  the  most  important  in  Germany,  because  it  is  supported 
by  the  aristocratic  Junkers,  who  have  directed  the  policies 
of  the  Empire  since  its  birth.  An  influential  faction  of 
the  Conservatives,  known  as  the  Pan-Germans,  advocate 
aggressive  foreign  policies  in  order  to  establish  in  the  world 
the  predominance  of  German  influence. 

The  Center,  or  Clerical  Party,  represents  the  interests  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  Germany.  It  is  supported 
chiefly  by  the  Catholic  peasants  of  Bavaria  and 
the  Catholic  workingmen  of  the  Rhenish  prov- 
inces. The  political  program  of  this  party  has  never  been 
definitely  formulated,  but  its  general  attitude  in  the  Reichs- 
tag is  moderate,  hence  the  name  "Center,"  which  signi- 
fies that  the  group  sits  between  the  Left,  or  Radicals,  and 
the  Right,  or  Conservatives.  Since  the  abrogation  of  the 
anti-Catholic  laws  passed  during  the  Kultiirkampf ,'^  the 
Center  has  generally  united  with  the  Conservatives  to  sup- 
port the  Government,  because  both  these  parties  represent 
essentially  agricultural  interests  and  favor  conservative 
principles  of  government. 

The  interests  of  the  middle  classes  are  represented  by  the 
National  Liberals  and  the  Radicals.  The  former  favors  revi- 
The  Na-  ^^°^  ^^  ^^e  tariff  downwards  on  agricultural,  but 
tional  Lib-  not  on  industrial,  products,  and  moderate  politi- 
cal reforms,  such  as  the  abolition  of  jthe„,Brtis- 
sian  three-class  system,  a  reapportionment  of  the  Empire, 
and  the  restriction  of  church  influence  in  education  and 
government.  It  is  also  "national,"  and  agrees  with  the 
Conservatives  in  favoring  colonial  expansion,  an  aggressive 
foreign  policy,  and  a  large  army  and  navy.  The  leaders  of 

*  See  p.  290. 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  285 

the  National  Liberals  are  the  lords  of  industry,  or  great 
capitalists,  who  deeply  resent  the  monopoly  of  influence  and 
offices  that  the  Junkers  enjoy  in  the  Government,  and  are 
constantly  demanding  equality  in  these  respects  with  the 
latter. 

The  most  advanced  of  all  the  middle-class  groups  is  the 
Radical,  or  Progressive  People's  Party.  It  favors  the 
complete  democratization  of  the  Government  The  Radi- 
through  the  establishment  of  ministerial  respon-  ^^^^ 
sibility,  reapportionment  of  the  Empire,  and  a  democratic 
electoral  system  for  Prussia.  This  party  is  also  a  strong 
opponent  of  "militarism,"  or  the  influence  of  the  army  in 
the  Government,  and  oT  "clericalism,"  or  the  influence  of 
the  churches  in  the  Government ;  hence  it  favors  the  com- 
plete subordination  of  the  military  to  the  civil  power  and 
the  separation  of  Church  and  State.  In  regard  to  the  tariff, 
it  favors  free  trade  as  maintained  by  England. 

By  far  the  most  significant  group  is  the  Social  Democratic, 
or  Socialist  Party.  It  is  the  only  thoroughly  organized 
political  party  in  Germany,  as  it  maintains  The  Social 
central  and  local  organizations  that  hold  conven-  Democrats 
tions  to  nominate  candidates  and  to  adopt  platforms.  It 
has  a  large  corps  of  enthusiastic  volunteer  workers,  and  its 
regular  party  membership  in  1914  numbered  about  eight 
hundred  thousand  men  and  women.  The  Social  Democratic 
Party  has  become  a  channel  for  the  expression  of  political 
and  economic  discontent;  and,  although  most  of  its  sup- 
porters are  workingmen,  many  of  the  middle  class  vote 
with  it  as  the  best  way  of  protesting  against  autocracy  and 
militarism.^ 

The  Army 
Ever  since  the  Liberation  Movement  of  18 14,  the  Prussian 
military   ideal  has   been  that  of  "a   nation  in  universal 
arms,"  or  of  an  army  consisting  of  the  whole  military 

•  scr\'icc 

body  of  able-bodied   citizens.     This  was  made 

possible  by  the  system  of  universal   military   service  or 

^  For  further  description  of  the  German  Socialists,  see  pp.  586ff. 


286      MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

general  conscription  which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  first 
adopted  by  Prussia.  Later,  the  principle  was  incorporated 
in  the  constitution  of  the  German  Empire,  which  requires 
military  service  of  every  citizen  capable  of  bearing  arms. 

A  recruit  is  ''called  to  the  colors"  generally  at  the  age  of 
twenty,  although  he  is  liable  to  service  at  seventeen.  For 
The  military  two  years  he  is  withdrawn  entirely  from  civil 
system  |jfg  g^j^^j  jjg  spends  all  his  time  in  constant  train- 

ing, or  active  service.  If  he  joins  the  cavalry  he  is  required 
to  give  three  years  of  active  service.  Those  who  give  evi- 
dence of  superior  education  serve  only  one  year,  and  form  a 
special  group  in  the  army  known  as  the  "one-year  volun- 
teers." As  the  latter  generally  come  from  well-to-do  fam- 
ilies, they  provide  their  own  equipment  and  live  at  home. 
This  group  supplies  many  of  the  officers  of  the  Landwehr. 
At  the  age  of  twenty-two  an  active  soldier  is  put  into  the 
reserve,  where  he  remains  for  five  years,  during  which  time 
he  is  called  out  to  drill  for  two  periods  of  about  six  weeks 
each.  At  the  age  of  twenty-seven  he  passes  into  the  Land- 
wehr, where  he  remains  till  the  age  of  thirty-nine.  During 
the  first  five  years,  or  the  "first  ban,"  in  the  Landwehr,  he 
is  occasionally  called  out  for  drill ;  but  during  the  latter  part, 
or  "second  ban,"  he  performs  few  military  duties.  From 
the  Landwehr  he  passes  into  the  Landsturm,  where  he  re- 
mains till  the  age  of  forty-five,  when  his  military  service  is 
over.  The  Landsturm  is  not  called  out  in  case  of  war,  but 
is  used  for  garrison  duty  at  home. 

Strictly  speaking  there  is  no  "German"  army,  as  each 
state  organizes  and  officers  its  own  military  force.  But  all 
The  Great  ^^^  armies  are  subject  to  the  supreme  command 
General  of  the  Emperor,  who,  as  Bundesfeldherr,  or  Com- 

mander-in-Chief of  the  federal  forces,  appoints 
the  Great  General  Staff,  a  body  of  mlHtary  experts  that 
devote  their  entire  time  and  energy  planning  campaigns, 
directing  the  movement  of  the  armies  of  the  Empire,  and, 
in  the  words  of  General  von  Moltke,  "working  out  all  pos- 
sible eventualities  of  war  in  the  most  minute  way." 

The  training  of  recruits  is  most  severe.   Tests  of  endur- 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  287 

ance,  discipline,  and  courage  are  constantly  devised  in  order 
to  bring  them  to  the  highest  pitch  of  military  Training  of 
efficiency.  During  his  term  of  service  the  young  *^^  soldiers 
German  is  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  obedience  which  he 
carries  with  him  into  civil  life;  he  becomes  an  obedient  em- 
ployee and  a  law-abiding  citizen.  Pflicht,  or  duty,  is  his 
watchword.  He  also  imbibes  the  military  spirit  which  exalts 
the  profession  of  arms  over  all  other  professions  and  the 
military  virtues  over  all  other  virtues. 

The  officers  of  the  army  are  practically  a  military  caste 
with  their  own  code  of  laws  and  morals.  They  are  recruited 
in  the  main  from  the  Junker  class,  and  are  sol-  _,.      ^ 

"^  .    .         The  officers 

diers  by  tradition,  temperament,  and  trammg 
almost  from  childhood.  The  spirit  of  deference  to  the  officer 
is  marked  everywhere  in  Germany.  Civilians  are  considered 
inferior  and  treated  as  such  by  the  officers,  particularly  by 
the  younger  ones,  whose  behavior  is  often  haughty  and 
overbearing.  This  was  strikingly  illustrated  in  the  famous 
Zabern  Affair.^ 

The  influence  of  the  army  in  civil  affairs  has  been  very 
great,  and  many  complaints  have  been  made  by  German 
democrats  against  what  is  termed  "saber  rule,"   .....^    . 

*  Militarism 

or  militarism.  The  control  of  the  Reichstag  over 
the  army  is  slight.  Its  organization  is  established  by  the 
Constitution;  its  administration  is  exclusively  in  the  hands 
of  the  Kaiser ;  and  its  budget  is  voted  for  a  number  of  years 
at  a  time,2  not  annually,  as  is  the  case  in  those  countries, 
like  England,  France,  and  the  United  States,  where  the  mili- 
tary is  under  the  full  control  of  the  civil  power.  Writing  of 
the  possibility  of  full  parliamentary  control  of'  the  army,  a 
well  known  German  historian,  Hans  Delbriick,  recently  de- 
clared that  "whoever  understands  thoroughly  the  feelings 
and  ideals  of  our  corps  of  officers  knows  that  such  a  thing 
is  an  impossibility;  for  this  to  come  to  pass,  it  would  be 
necessary  that  our  army  experience  a  defeat  as  great  as 
that  of  the  French  at  Sedan." 

^  See  p.  317. 

*  Between  1874  and  1893  the  period  was  seven  years;  since  then,  five. 


288     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Bismarck  as  Chancellor 

Unlike  his  great  contemporary,  Cavour,  Bismarck  lived 
to  direct  the  fortunes  of  the  political  structure  of  which  he 
Bismarck's  had  been  the  master-builder.  He  became  the  first 
realism  Chancellor  of  the  German  Empire,  which  he  ruled 

so  long  as  Emperor  William  I  reigned.  Problems  as  mo- 
mentous as  those  previous  to  unification  now  faced  the  vet- 
eran statesman,  who  set  about  solving  them  with  his  old 
daring  and  insight.  Bismarck's  intellectual  mobility  was 
amazing;  he  "grew  visibly."  He  frequently  boasted  of  be- 
ing entirely  free  from  "doctrinairism,"  by  which  he  meant 
that  he  had  no  fixed  ideas  or  principles,  but  suited  his 
theories  to  the  needs  of  every  problem.  "No  theory!"  was 
his  constant  rejoinder  to  those  who  wished  to  solve  Ger- 
many's new  problems  according  to  set  formulas.  Bismarck 
was  the  lone  realist  in  a  land  of  theorists.  This  was  strik- 
ingly illustrated  by  his  change  of  attitude  toward  universal 
suffrage,  which  he  had  bitterly  opposed  all  his  life.  When  he 
was  convinced  by  Ferdinand  Lassalle,  the  Socialist,  that 
to  inject  a  popular  element  into  the  Government  would 
mean  the  "moral  conquest  of  Germany,"  he  adopted  uni- 
versal suffrage  for  the  Reichstag.  In  spite  of  his  frequent 
and  sometimes  startling  changes  of  policy,  Bismarck,  nev- 
ertheless, consistently  pursued  one  aim,  the  welfare  of 
Germany. 

In  foreign  affairs  Bismarck's  object  was  to  make  secure 
what  had  been  gained  in  1870.  He  declared  that  Germany 
Bismarck's  ^^^  ^^"^^  "satiated,"  having  accomplished  her 
foreign  unity  and  having  taken  a  leading  position  among 

^°  '^^  the  nations  of  the  world.  But  she  had  earned  the 

bitter  enmity  of  France,  which  might  bring  another  conflict. 
Bismarck  was  astonished  at  France's  quick  recovery  from 
the  crushing  defeat  of  1870.  To  weaken  her  internally,  to 
attract  her  attention  to  other  fields,  and  to  isolate  her  in 
Europe  were  now  the  aims  of  his  diplomacy.  He  therefore 
favored  and  secretly  encouraged  a  republican  government  for 
France  in  the  hope  that  factional  quarrels  would  divide  the 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  289 

nation.  He  also  encouraged  the  French  to  expand  in  North- 
ern Africa  in  order  to  make  them  forget  the  loss  of  Alsace- 
Lorraine.  But,  most  of  all,  he  sought  to  prevent  an  alliance 
between  France  and  Russia,  for  such  a  combination  would 
be  most  dangerous  to  Germany,  who,  being  geographically 
situated  between  these  two  nations,  would  find  herself 
locked  in  their  hostile  embrace  in  case  of  war.  Bismarck's 
plans  succeeded  admirably  and  he  achieved  the  greatest 
diplomatic  triumph  of  his  career  by  forming  the  famous 
Triple  Alliance.^ 

To  Bismarck  and  his  associates  there  was  an  ever-present 
fear  that  "particularism"  and  internationalism,  so  deeply 
embedded  in  the  consciousness  of  the  German   Methods  of 
people,  would  loosen  the  foundations  of  the  new  fostering 
Germany.    In  order  to  make  the  Germans  sink 
their  localisms  in  the  common  consciousness  of  national 
unity,   the   Imperial  Government  constantly  enlarged  its 
functions.    A  central  Imperial  Bank  was  created  to  har- 
monize the  financial  operations  of  the  various  state  govern- 
ments; a  civil  and  criminal  code  was  issued  establishing  a 
common  private  law  for  the  Empire;  all  the  state  railways 
were  put  under  the  supervision  of  an  imperial  railway  board; 
new  coins  were  issued,  bearing  on  one  side  the  effigy  of  the 
Emperor  and  on  the  other,  the  arms  of  the  Empire,  to  be  the 
missionaries  "preaching  the  good  news  of  unity." 

Almost  from  the  very  beginning  of  national   unity,   a 
great  struggle  began  between  the  Empire  and  the  Catholic 
Church.    In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  Catholics  jhe  Cath- 
had  rallied  to  the  Fatherland  during  the  Franco-  °'^^^  ^"^■ 
Prussian  War,  their  whole-hearted  loyalty  to  the  being  anti- 
new  Empire  was  questioned  because  they  had   "^*'°"^' 
favored  Austria  during  the  Seven  Weeks'  War.   In  the  elec- 
tions of  1871'  the  Center,  or  Catholic  Party,  elected  sixty- 
three  members  to  the  Reichstag.    To  Bismarck  this  was  a 
challenge  to  the  German  Empire.    Memories  of  the  strug- 
gle between  Pope  and   Emperor  during  the  Middle  Ages 
were  revived,   and   the  Pope  was   accused   of  desiring  to 

1  See  p.  685. 


290     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ruin  the  new  Empire  as  his  predecessors  had  ruined  the 
old. 

What  aggravated  the  situation  was  the  attitude  of  Pope 
Pius  IX  toward  modern  ideas.  In  1864  he  had  issued  a  noted 
c  11  u  encyclical,  Quanta  Cura,  which  was  followed  by 
the  Syllabus  of  Modern  Errors,  both  of  which  de- 
fended most  vigorously  the  religious  conception  of  society 
and  government,  and  declared  that  the  supreme  authority 
in  the  world  lay  in  the  Church.  Pope  Pius  denounced  as 
"modern  errors"  liberty  of  conscience,  civil  marriage,  di- 
vorce, and  secular  education.  On  December  8,  1869.,  there 
was  convened  in  Rome  a  great  assembly  of  Catholic  eccle- 
siastics, known  as  the  Vatican  Council,  which  was  the  first 
general  assembly  of  the  Church  since  the  Council  of  Trent 
in  the  sixteenth  century.  It  adopted  the  dogma  known  as 
"  papal  infallibility,"  by  which  is  meant  that  when  the  Pope 
speaks  ex  cathedra,  or  by  virtue  of  his  apostolic  authority, 
on  matters  pertaining  to  faith  and  morals,  he  cannot  err. 

These  pronouncements  of  the  Church  were  received  by 
liberals  throughout  the  world  as  a  declaration  of  war  against 
C  th  li  modern   society,    and   they   had   the   effect   of 

versus  lib-  greatly  embittering  the  relations  between  Cath- 
olics and  non-Catholics.  This  was  particularly 
true  in  Germany,  the  home  of  the  Protestant  Revolution, 
where  the  differences  between  Catholic  and  Protestant 
engendered  during  the  sixteenth  century  still  lingered  in 
some  quarters.  Hatred  for  Catholicism  was  very  strong 
among  the  large  number  of  free-thinkers  in  Germany  who 
derived  their  inspiration  from  the  French  Revolution  and 
from  the  philosophy  of  Kant. 

The  struggle  which  followed  is  known  as  the  Kulturkampf, 
or  the  battle  for  civilization.  It  began  in  1871  with  an  im- 
The  "May  pcrial  law  making  it  a  penal  offense  for  priests  to 
Laws  attack  the  Government  from  the  pulpit.    In  the 

same  year  another  law  was  passed  expelling  the  Jesuits  from 
Germany.  Then  followed  the  famous  "May  Laws"  (1873- 
75),  enacted  by  the  Prussian  Landtag  under  the  influence 
of  Falk,  the  new  Minister  of  Public  Worship,  making  civil 


THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  291 

marriage  compulsory,  obliging  all  candidates  for  the  priest- 
hood to  attend  government  schools  and  universities  and  to 
pass  government  examinations,  and  stopping  subventions 
to  the  Church.  A  strict  supervision  was  also  instituted  over 
Catholic  institutions,  and  the  civil  government  asserted  its 
authority  jn^e  appointment  and  dismissal  of  priests. 

The  answer  of  the  Pope  was  to  declare  these  laws  null  and 
void,  and  the  faithful  in  Germany  were  enjoined  by  him  not 
to  obey  them.  This  interference  aroused  Bis-  Persecution 
marck's  ire,  and  he  determined  to  crush  all  op-  °^  Catholics 
position  of  the  Church.  "We  shall  not  go  to  Canossa^  either 
in  the  flesh  or  in  the  spirit,"  was  his  famous  challenge. 
Priests  who  refused  obedience  to  the  "May  Laws"  were 
fined  and  jailed,  church  property  was  confiscated,  and  many 
churches  were  closed  by  the  Government.  In  order  to  divide 
the  Catholics,  Bismarck  encouraged  a  schism  which  was 
formed  by  a  group  calling  itself  the  "Old  Catholics,"  who 
refused  to  accept  the  doctrine  of  papal  infallibility.  The  Old 
Catholics  at  one  time  threatened  to  disrupt  the  Church,  but 
their  adherents  were  few,  as  they  numbered  only  about  fifty 
thousand,  the  overwhelming  majority  of  the  German  Catho- 
lics standing  by  the  Pope.  This  "Diocletian  persecution," 
as  it  was  called  by  the  Catholics,  only  roused  them  to  stub- 
born resistance,  and  many  willingly  suffered  imprisonment 
for  conscience's  sake.  Many  non-Catholics  also  opposed 
the  "May  Laws"  as  an  attack  on  religious  freedom,  and  the 
Liberal  and  Conservative  Parties,  which  supported  Bis- 
marck in  the  Kulturkampf,  were  severely  criticized. 

The  Catholic  voters  found  a  champion  in  Ludwig  Wind- 
thorst,  an   able   parliamentarian   and   eloquent  Repeal  of 
orator,   who   became  the  leader  of  the  Center  the  "May 
Party.  Bismarck's  majority  of  Liberals  and  Con- 
servatives was  beginning  to  vanish,  as  the  Center  in  1877 
won  ninety- two  seats  in  the  election  for  the  Reichstag;  so 
he  decided  to  "  go  to  Canossa."     He  promptly  deserted 
his  Liberal  friends  and  began  to  make  overtures  to  his 

^  The  Italian  town  where,  in  the  eleventh  century,  the  Emperor  Henry  IV 
humiliated  himself  before  Pope  Gregory  VII. 


292      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

erstwhile  enemies.  In  J878  a  new  Pope^^^o_XIII;  was 
elected,  who  was  more^ moderate  in  his  views  than  his  prede- 
cessor, Pius  IX.  Bismarck  offered  terms  of  peace  to  the 
Church  which  were  accepted,  and  a  new  Government  coali- 
tion was  formed  in  the  Reichstag,  this  time  of  the  Cen- 
ter and  Conservative  Parties.  Between  1878  and  1887 
nearly  all  the  "May  Laws"  were  repealed;  those  that  con- 
tinued in  force  were  the  anti-Jesuit  and  civil  marriage  laws. 

If  the  "black  internationaf^"  as  Catholicism  was  called, 
was  considered  a  danger  to  German  unity,  the  "red  inter- 
The  Social-  national,"  or  socialism,  was  looked  upon  as  its 
^^•^^  *^,^  d  b  open  and  avowed  enemy.  The  few  Socialists  in 
Bismarck  the  Parliament  of  the  North-German  Confedera- 
tion had  voted  against  the  Franco- Prussian  War  and  had 
denounced  the  annexation  of  Alsace-Lorraine.  After  1870 
the  newly  formed  Social  Democratic  Party  bitterly  opposed 
the  Bismarckian  order  and  openly  favored  the  establish- 
ment of  a  democratic  republic.  It  was  the  internationalism 
of  the  Socialists,  even  more  than  their  democracy,  that 
aroused  Bismarck's  ire,  and  he  denounced  them  as  men 
"without  a  country"  and  as  "enemies  of  the  Empire."  He 
believed  that  the  Socialists  were  aiming  to  alienate  the 
working  class  from  the  Fatherland,  threatening  the  unity 
of  the  Empire  as  well  as  the  social  order.  Bismarck,  there- 
fore, determined  to  crush  them  without  mercy. 

The  sought-for  opportunity  came  in  1878,  when  two  at- 
tempts were  made  on  the  life  of  the  aged  and  beloyed  Em- 
Anti-Social-  peror  William  by  men  who  were  known  to  be 
1st  laws  Socialists.     The   Reichstag   passed   a   series   of 

"exceptional  laws"  against  "the  publicly  dangerous  en- 
deavors of  Social  Democracy,"  prohibiting  the  formation  or 
existence  of  all  associations,  meetings,  or  publications  which 
sought  to  subvert  the  existing  system  of  society  and  govern- 
ment. Large  powers  w^ere  given  to  the  police  to  be  exercised 
against  the  Socialists,  who  were  now  in  a  state  of  semi-out- 
lawry. Their  meetings  were  prohibited  and  their  leaders 
arrested  on  the  slightest  pretexts,  often  on  the  charge  of  lese 
majesle.    Owners  of  assembly  halls  were  forbidden  to  rent 


THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  293 

them  for  Socialist  meetings.  Socialist  publications  were  con- 
stantly suppressed,  their  funds  confiscated,  and  their  editors 
fined  or  jailed.  A  state  of  minor  siege  might  be  proclaimed 
in  any  town  where  Socialists  were  numerous  and  influential, 
so  that  those  arrested  might  be  tried  by  martial  law. 

For  about  a  decade  these  "exceptional  laws"  remained  in 
force,  but  Socialist  agitation  continued  in  spite  of  them.  It 
was  merely  driven  underground.  Secret  associa-  Futility  of 
tions  were  formed  that  carried  on  a  far  iQorevig^.  ^^^^^  '^^^ 
orous  propaganda  than  heretofore.  Socialist  papers  de- 
veloped an  artoFcommunicating  their  ideas  "between  the 
lines"  in  order  not  to  give  sufficient  cause  for  court  pro- 
ceedings. Branches  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  would 
organize  as  bowling  and  singing  clubs  in  order  to  avoid 
police  interference.  Conventions  of  the  party  would  meet 
in  Switzerland,  where  they  used  the  freedom  of  speech  per- 
mitted in  that  country  to  denounce  the  reactionary  policy 
of  Bismarck.  The  Socialist  Party  grew  in  spite  of,  or  rather 
because  of,  persecution.^  In  the  election  of  1890  it  received 
about  a  million  and  a  half  votes  and  captured  thirty-five 
seats  in  the  Reichstag.  The  Government  saw  the  futility 
of  the  repressive  measures,  and  in  1890,  the  year  of  Bis- 
marck's retirement,  the  "exceptional  laws"  were  not  re- 
newed. Once  more  Bismarck  was  beaten.  And  yet  his 
scheme  of  constructive  social  legislation,^  which  was  enacted 
during  the  period  of  Socialist  persecution,  produced  a  far- 
reaching  eff"ect  upon  the  attitude  of  the  working  classes 
toward  the  Empire.  There  began  a  steady  growth  of  a 
moderate  sentiment  among  the  SociaHsts^  whose  revolu- 
tionary ideas  were  transformed  into  demands  for  reform, 
and  whose  emphasis  on  internationalism  grew  fainter  and 
fainter. 

Germany  has  been  the  pioneer  of  the  most  modern  forms 
of  social  legislation.  With  rare  insight  Bismarck  discerned 
the  true  nature  of  industrial  society  and  its  effect  upon  the 

1  In  one  election  only,  that  of  1881,  was  there  a  marked  falling  off  of  the 
Socialist  vote.   See  p.  589. 
^  See  pp.  295  ff. 


294      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

working  classes.  He  regarded  the  policy  of  laissez  faire  as 
Bismarck  fraught  with  great  danger  to  society  and  to  the 
sS/S^'^""  State,  because  it  produced  an  unbridled  capital- 
policies  ism  intent  upon  its  own  interests  only  and  a 
sullen  working  class  alienated  from  the  State  which  it  re- 
garded as  an  enemy.  The  great  Chancellor  determined 
to  avoid  such  an  outcome  in  Germany  at  all  costs,  for  a 
healthy,  contented  working  class  was  to  him  the  surest 
guarantee  of  social  peace  and  national  power. 

According  to  Bismarck,  it  was  the  duty  of  a  Christian 
State,  as  the  sole  representative  of  all  the  elements  in  the 
TT-  nation,  to  look  after  its  unprotected  members, 

His  reasons  ^  ' 

for  social  "that  they  may  not  be  run  over  and  trampled 
egisation  under  foot  on  the  highway  of  life."  He  was  not  at 
any  time,  however,  opposed  to  the  interests  of  the  employers. 
"  I  am  not  antagonistic  to  the  rightful  claims  of  capital,"  he 
declared ;  "  I  am  far  from  wanting  to  flaunt  a  hostile  flag;  but 
I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  masses,  too,  have  rights  which 
should  be  considered."  What  was  necessary,  according  to 
him,  was  "to  add  a  few  drops  of  social  oil"  in  the  recipe  for 
the  health  of  the  State  if  it  desired  to  be  regarded  as  a 
friend,  not  as  an  enemy,  by  the  lower  classes.  This  idea  is 
forcefully  and  clearly  enunciated  in  the  preamble  to  the  Sick- 
ness Insurance  Law.  "That  the  State  should  interest  itself 
to  a  greater  degree  than  hitherto  in  those  of  its  members  who 
need  assistance  is  not  only  a  duty  of  humanity  and  Chris- 
tianity .  .  .  but  an  object  of  state-preserving  policy.  It 
should  be  our  aim  to  spread  the  idea,  particularly  among  the 
non-propertied  classes,  who  form  at  once  the  most  numerous 
and  the  least  instructed  part  of  the  population,  that  the 
State  is  not  merely  a  necessary  but  a  beneficent  institution. 
If  direct  benefits  are  secured  to  these  classes  by  legislation, 
they  will  not  regard  the  State  as  a  contrivance  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  better  classes,  but  as  an  institution  serving  their 
own  needs  and  interests." 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  rapid  growth  of  socialism 
frightened  Bismarck,  who  saw  in  this  revolutionary  move- 
ment a  danger  to  the  united  Fatherland,  for  the  Socialists 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  295 

claimed  to  be  internationalists,  owing  no  allegiance  to  any 
particular   country  and   therefore  flouting  the  Social  legis- 
ideal  of  patriotism.  He  was  convinced  that  social  lation  would 

,  ,     .  .  ",  •  make  the 

legislation  would  result  in  making  the  working-  workingmen 
men  more  contented  and  therefore  less  inclined  P^^"°tic 
to  support  revolutionary  parties.  "Give  the  workingman 
the  right  to  employment  as  long  as  he  has  health,"  he 
once  told  the  Reichstag,  "  assure  him  care  when  he  is  sick, 
and  maintenance  when  he  is  old,  .  .  .  then  these  gentlemen 
[the  Socialists]  will  sound  their  bird  call  in  vain.  Thronging 
to  them  will  cease  as  soon  as  the  workingmen  realize  that 
the  Government  is  earnestly  concerned  in  their  welfare." 
The  cry,  raised  by  the  middle-class  Liberals,  that  laws  for 
the  benefit  of  the  working  classes  constitute  socialism,  did 
not  disturb  Bismarck.  "If  you  believe  that  you  can  frighten 
any  one  or  call  up  specters  with  the  word  'socialism,'  you 
take  an  attitude  which  I  have  abandoned  long  ago,"  he 
once  told  an  opponent. 

The  reforms  of  Stein  and  Hardenberg  In  18 14,  emanci- 
pating the  peasantry  by  royal  edict,  constituted  a  great 
Prussian  tradition,  and  the  Hohenzollern  family  Precedent  of 
was  proud  of  its  paternalism,  or  Its  interest  in  the  Hardenberg 
condition  of  the  lower  classes.  "In  Prussia,"  reforms 
once  declared  Bismarck,  "it  is  the  kings,  not  the  people, 
who  make  revolutions."  Why,  then,  should  not  the  Govern- 
ment improve  the  condition  of  the  new  poor  man,  the  fac- 
tory laborer,  as  it  once  had  improved  that  of  the  other  poor 
man,  the  peasant?  Moreover,  the  Ideal  of  an  efficient  nation 
would  be  greatly  advanced  by  social  legislation,  for  a  healthy 
working  class  would  make  better  soldiers,  better  citizens, 
and  even  better  workingmen,  and  so  advance  the  Inter- 
ests of  the  employers  themselves  as  well  as  those  of  the 
State. 

Three  great  social  reform  measures  were  enacted  by  the 
Imperial  Government,  (i)  the  Sickness  Insurance  Law  of 
1883,  (2)  the  Accident  Insurance  Law  of  1884,  The  social 
and  (3)  the  Old-Age  and  Invalidity  Law  of  1889.  ''^°'"'  ^^"^^ 
Later,  in  191 1,  these  acts  were  unified  in  a  social  insur- 


296      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

ance  code  of  about  two  thousand  articles,  which  constitutes 
the  most  comprehensive  effort  yet  made  by  any  modern 
state  for  the  amelioration  of  the  lot  of  the  working  classes. 
The  social  legislation  of  other  countries,  particularly  that  of 
England,  has  been  largely  enacted  upon  the  German  model. 
These  laws  added  a  new  luster  to  Bismarck's  renown;  he 
was  now  considered  the  greatest  social  reformer,  as  well  as 
the  greatest  diplomat,  of  his  age.  In  the  Reichstag  the  insur- 
ance laws  were  carried  by  a  combination  of  the  Conserva- 
tives, who  took  Bismarck's  point  of  view,  and  the  Center, 
who  believed  that  it  was  the  duty  of  a  Christian  state  to 
alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  poor.  Opposed  to  them  were 
the  Liberals,  who  believed  in  the  doctrine  of  laissez  faire 
and,  therefore,  decried  the  interference  of  the  State  in  indus- 
trial life  as  "socialism";  and,  curiously  enough,  the  So- 
cialists, who  feared  "the  Greeks  bearing  gifts"  to  the 
workingman. 

Sickness  insurance  is  compulsory  for  all  laborers  whose 
wages  are  less  than  five  hundred  dollars  a  year.  The  fund 
Sickness  from  which  benefits  are  drawn  is  made  up  of 
insurance  contributions  by  the  employers  and  working- 
men  in  the  proportion  of  one  third  from  the  former  to  two 
thirds  from  the  latter.  The  benefits  go  entirely  to  the  work- 
ingman, who,  in  case  of  sickness,  receives  one  half  of_his_- 
wages  for  a  period  of  twenty-six  weeks  and  free  medical  at- 
tendance including  medicines.  In  case  of  death,  the  expense 
of  the  funeral  is  paid  from  the  same  source.  The  funds  are 
administered  by  a  commission  composed  of  representatives 
of  employers  and  employees.  In  1913  there  were  about 
fourteen  and  a  half  million  men  and  women  insured  against 
sickness,  and  they  received  about  one  hundred  and  seven 
million  dollars  in  benefits. 

Accident  insurance  was  made  compulsory  for  nearly  all 
workers  employed  in  industry.  The  funds  are  made  up  en- 
Accident  tircly  by  the  employers,  who  contribute  accord- 
insurance  jj^g  |-Q  ^j^g  number  of  their  employees  and  ac- 
cording to  the  degree  of  risk  in  their  trade.  The  administra- 
tion of  the  funds  is  in  the  hands  of  the  employers,  but  the 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  297 

scale  of  compensation  to  injured  workingmen  is  determined 
by  law  according  to  the  degree  of  injury  sustained  by  the 
latter  in  the  course  of  their  employment.  In  addition,  those 
that  are  insured  against  sickness  receive  the  regular  sick- 
ness benefit  for  thirteen  weeks.  In  case  of  death,  the  de- 
pendents of  the  worker  receive  an  annual  pension  of  twenty 
per  cent  of  his  wages.  The  number  of  those  insured  un- 
der this  law  in  19 13  was  about  twenty-six  million,  and 
they  received  in  benefits  over  fifty-one  million  dollars. 

Old-age  and  invalidity  ^  insurance  was  made  compulsory 
for  laborers  who  earn  less  than  four  hundred  dollars  a  year. 
This  fund  is  made  up  of  contributions  by  the  em-  oid-age  and 
ployers,  the  workingmen,  and  the  State,  and  is  invalidity 
administered  entirely  by  state  officials.    At  the 
age  of  seventy,-  the  insured  receives  a  pension,  the  amount 
of  which  varies  according  to  the  contributions  which  he  has 
made.   These  pensions  are  small,  ranging  from  about  thirty 
to  sixty  dollars  a  year.   In  191 3  the  number  of  those  insured 
under  this  law  was  about  sixteen  and  a  half  million,  and 
they  received  in  benefits  about  fifty-two  million  dollars. 

Great  objection  was  at  first  raised  by  employers  to  these 
insurance  laws,  which  they  considered  a  burden  upon  indus- 
try, hampering  them  in  competing  with  foreign  success  of 
manufacturers,  who  then  had  no  such  burden.,  the  insur- 
But  the  remarkable  advance  of  German  industry 
convinced  them  that  social  insurance,  instead  of  being  a 
handicap,  was  actually  an  advantage  because  of  the  in- 
creased efficiency  of  the  workers.  Now  all  parties  in  Germany 
heartily  favor  such  legislation  and  even  advocate  a  wide  ex- 
tension of  the  system. 

Economic  Progress 

Germany's  rise  in  the  economic  world  has  been  as  phe- 
nomenal as  her  rise  in  the  political  world.  Even  during  the 
middle  of  the  nineteenth  century,  two  generations  after  the 

^  By  invalidity  is  meant  total  or  partial  incapacity  to  work  because  of  dis- 
ablement for  any  reason.  An  invalidity  pension  is  given  by  the  Government 
to  the  workingman  after  his  twenty-six  weeks  of  sickness  benefit. 

*  In  19 1 5  the  age  limit  was  lowered  to  sixty-five. 


298     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Industrial  Revolution  had  taken  place  in  England,  Ger- 
Industrial  many  was  still  largely  a  "peasant  land,"  as  only 
ness'^ofce'r-  thirty  per  cent  of  her  population  then  lived  in 
many  towns  of  over   two   thousand.     Few    factories 

existed ;  hence  there  was  practically  no  export  of  manufac- 
tured articles.  It  was  a  poor  country,  inhabited  by  a  frugal, 
hardworking  people  devoted  to    agriculture   and   to  the 


handicrafts.  At  that  time  the  Germans  were  said  to  be  un- 
practical, inefficient,  and  lacking  in  business  enterprise,  a 
"nation  of  poets  and  thinkers"  whose  empire  was  "in  the 
clouds." 

Hardly  a  country  in  Europe  presented  a  less  inviting  field 
for  economic  development  than  Germany.  Her  soil  was 
generally  poor,  her  rivers  shallow,  her  harbors  few,  and  her 
deposits  of  coal  and  iron  were  so  inferior  in  quality  that  little 
mining  was  done.^  In  order  to  engage  in  manufacturing, 

*  As  late  as  i860  only  twelve  million  tons  of  coal  and  half  a  million  tons  of 
pig  iron  were  produced  in  Germany. 


THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  299 

the  raw  materials  had  to  be  assembled  from  widely  sep- 
arated districts,  and  means  of  communication  were  inade- 
quate;^ moreover,  the  long  distance  to  the  seaboard  from 
the  manufacturing  regions  was  a  serious  handicap  to  over- 
seas trade. 

Shortly  after  1870  a  startling  change  took  place.    In  an 
incredibly  short  period  Germany  was  transformed  from  a 
"peasant  land"  to  a  highly  developed  industrial  industrial 
nation.   The  population  in  1870  was  about  forty  "se  of  Ger- 

.,,.  .  •     1       1     •  •  M      many 

million;  in  19 14  it  had  risen  to  sixty-seven  mil- 
lion, of  which  fully  sixty  per  cent  lived  in  large  cities  and 
were  engaged  in  industrial  and  commercial  pursuits.  ^  The 
period  1870-75  is  known  in  Germany  as  the  Grunderjdhre, 
or  "foundation  years,"  as  during  these  five  years  the 
amount  of  capital  invested  in  industry  was  extraordinarily 
large  for  that  day.  Once  the  impetus  was  given,  there 
seemed  to  be  no  limit  to  Germany's  mounting  prosperity. 
The  products  of  her  factories  and  workshops  invaded  the 
markets  of  the  world  and  the  legend  "Made  in  Germany" 
became  the  symbol  of  commercial  success.  Inside  of  a 
generation  Germany  leaped  to  the  side  of  England  as  an 
industrial  nation  and  challenged  this  long-established  "work- 
shop of  the  world"  for  economic  leadership. 

The  industrial  sections  of  Germany  are  in  the  west  and  in 
the  south  where  are  found  large  deposits  of  coal  and  iron, 
the  twin  pillars  of  modern  industry.  In  the  Coal  and 
Rhineland,  Westphalia,  Silesia,  and  the  Saar  ^''°" 
region  near  the  Vosges  are  the  great  coal  fields.  Enormous 
quantities  of  iron  ore  are  found  in  Lorraine,  which  supplies 
three  fourths  of  all  the  iron  used  in  Germany.^    For  a  long 

^  In  1840  there  were  only  three  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  railway  in  all 
Germany. 

^  There  began  a  Landflucht,  or  exodus  from  the  land,  as  millions  of  peasants 
moved  to  the  cities.  In  1870  there  were  only  eight  cities  of  over  one  hundred 
thousand  people;  in  1910  there  were  forty-seven.  In  1870  the  rural  popula- 
tion was  sixty-four  per  cent;  by  1907  it  had  sunk  to  about  thirty-three  per 
cent. 

*  In  1912  Germany  produced  over  192,000,000  tons  of  coal,  which  gave  her 
third  rank  as  a  coal-producing  country. 


300     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

time  the  iron  ore  of  Lorraine  was  considered  useless,  as  it 
contained  a  large  amount  of  sulphur;  but  the  "Thomas 
process"  of  burning  out  the  phosphorus  in  iron,  invented  in 
1878,  made  these  deposits  of  great  value.  This  process  also 
produces  a  by-product,  a  "slag,"  which  is  useful  as  a  soil 
fertilizer.  Germany  immediately  advanced  as  a  producer 
of  iron,  so  that  by  1903  she  passed  England  and  is  now 
the  second  iron-producing  country  in  the  world,  ^  ranking 
after  the  United  States.  In  the  production  of  steel  there  was 
a  similar  rise.  From  1890  to  1910  the  German  steel  industry 
grew  seven  times  as  fast  as  that  of  England  in  point  of  pro- 
duction; and  in  1912  Germany's  product  doubled  that  of 
England.  The  world-renowned  Krupp  Works  at  Essen 
manufacture  not  only  munitions  of  war  but  also  steel  ma- 
terials for  railways,  ships,  and  factories.  Germany's  export 
of  machinery  in  1908  was  about  half  that  of  England,  but 
five  years  later  she  completely  outdistanced  her  rival.- 

Thirty  years  ago  German  ships  were  built  in  England. 
To-day  Germany  builds  not  only  her  own  vessels  but  many 
^, .    ,  for  other  countries.   She  has  developed  an  im- 

Shipping  ,  .  ,  .   ,       . 

portant  merchant  marme,  which  m  191 3 
showed  a  net  tonnage  of  3,154,000,  nearly  all  new  vessels 
using  steam  power.  Two  of  the  largest  steamship  com- 
panies in  the  world  are  the  Hamburg-American  and  the 
North-German  Lloyd,  whose  magnificent  liners  carry  about 
one  half  of  the  passengers  between  Europe  and  America. 
However,  England's  shipping  is  still  far  in  the  lead,  partic- 
ularly in  the  "tramp  steamers,"  which  have  no  definite  time 
schedule:  in  19 14  the  English  tonnage  all  told  was  about 
seven  times  that  of  Germany. 

Two  typical  German  industries  are  the  electrical  and  the 
The  elec-  chemical,  the  extraordinary  growth  of  which  is 
chemicann-  ^^.rgely  due  to  the  excellent  technical  schools  of 
dustries  Germany.    Most  of  the  electrified  railways  in 

Europe  were  built  with  German  apparatus.    Germany  easily 

^  In  1913  Germany  produced  19,292,000  tons  of  pig  iron,  almost  sixteen 
times  that  of  1870. 

2  In  1887  Germany  exported  $13,200,000  worth  of  machinery;  in  1912  the 
value  of  this  export  was  $157,600,000. 


THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  301 

leads  the  world  in  the  manufacture  of  chemical  products. 
The  manufacture  of  dye-stuffs,  a  branch  of  the  chemical 
industry,  is  largely  in  German  hands.  In  1914  Germany 
supplied  four  fifths  of  the  world's  demand.^  German  chem- 
ists have,  in  a  way,  abolished  the  tropics,  for  they  have 
discovered  processes  for  making  artificial  indigo,  musk,  va- 
nilla, and  camphor,  which  are  exported  in  large  quantities. 

The  annexation  of  Alsace-Lorraine  gave  an  impetus  to 
the  German  textile  industries  as  well  as  to  the  production 
of  coal  and  iron.  Alsace  and  Saxony  are  the  cot-  „     ., 

•'  .  1  extiles 

ton  manufacturing  centers  of  the  Empire,  but 
they  are  not   sufhciently  developed  to  make  Germany   a 
great  textile-producing  nation,  her  annual  production  be- 
ing only  a  fifth  of  that  of  England. 

Although  German  industrial  development  has  been  most 
wonderful,  it  has  not  been,  as  in  the  case  of  England,  at  the 
expense  of  agriculture.  Germany's  economic  Scientific 
ideal  has  been  a  harmonious  development  of  all  agriculture 
her  resources,  and  she  has  been  as  careful  to  protect  and 
develop  her  agriculture  as  she  has  been  to  protect  and  de- 
velop her  manufacturing  industries.  This  was  accomplished 
in  two  ways :  by  protective  tariffs  and  by  scientific  farming. 
In  spite  of  the  outcry  raised  by  the  city  dwellers  against 
the  high  duties  on  agricultural  products  which  were  partly 
responsible  for  the  constantly  increasing  cost  of  living, 
Germany  refused  to  follow  England's  free-trade  example; 
hence  German  agriculture  was  saved  from  possible  ruin  by 
foreign  competition.  Scientific  farming  has  accomplished 
wonders  for  German  agriculture.  By  a  careful  system  of 
manuring,  nursing,  and  soil  preparation,  the  yearly  harvest 
has  enormously  increased  despite  the  constantly  diminish- 
ing number  of  people  engaged  in  farming.  ^   The  cultivation 

^  The  value  of  the  annual  export  of  dye-stuffs  from  Germany  was  put  at 
about  $25,000,000. 

*  Between  1885  and  1910  the  grain  crop  increased  forty-five  per  cent  and  the 
potato  crop  fifty-five  per  cent.  In  1913  Germany  was  the  leading  potato- 
producing  country  in  the  world,  having  grown  fifty-four  millions  of  tons,  or 
fourteen  times  as  much  as  Russia,  although  the  latter  had  three  times  as  much 
land  under  potato  cultivation. 


302     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

of  the  sugar  beet  has  been  greatly  developed.  By  careful 
planting  and  selection,  the  German  beet  was  made  to  in- 
crease very  largely  its  yield  of  sugar,  so  that  from  1880  to 
1 910  the  amount  of  sugar  produced  in  Germany  rose  from 
half  a  million  to  over  two  million  tons  a  year.  The  chief 
farming  regions  are  East  Prussia,  where  the  system  of  large 
estates  obtains,  and  Bavaria,  where  the  land  is  largely  cul- 
tivated by  peasant  proprietors. 

Although  the  home  market  is  rapidly  increasing,  foreign 
trade  has  become  a  necessity  for  Germany,  as  she  must  needs 
Foreign  manufacture  more  and  more  in  order  to  feed 

trade  j^gj.  gj-Qwing  population.   She  must  import  huge 

quantities  of  raw  material,  make  it  over  into  goods,  and 
send  the  surplus  to  the  world  in  return  for  food ;  hence  great 
efforts  were  made  to  expand  Germany's  foreign  trade  and 
with  signal  success.  In  1870  her  total  foreign  trade  was 
about  a  billion  dollars;  in  1913  it  rose  to  over  five  billions,  of 
which  nearly  all  the  imports  were  food  and  raw  material  and 
nearly  all  the  exports  manufactured  articles.  Steadily  Ger- 
many has  been  lessening  the  disparity  which  exists  between 
her  foreign  trade  and  that  of  England,  whose  trade  has  not 
increased  at  the  same  rate  as  that  of  her  rival  across  the 
North  Sea.  ^  This  has  given  rise  to  a  commercial  rivalry  be- 
tween the  two  nations  which  has  been  going  on  with  ever- 
increasing  bitterness. 

There  are  many  causes  for  Germany's  astounding  indus- 
trial development.  First  and  foremost  is  the  unification  of 
Reasons  for  the  Country,  which  united  the  energies  of  a  highly 
^ro™er^r^-  Capable  people  and  gave  them  unbounded  confi- 
(i)  National  dence  in  their  powers.  It  is  said  that  on  the  sur- 
""'^^  render  of  Metz,  Prince  Frederick  Charles  made 

the  following  statement:  "We  have  just  conquered  in  the 
military  sphere;  our  task  is  now  to  fight  and  conquer  in 
the  industrial  sphere."  The  large  indemnity  collected  from 
France  and  the  natural  resources  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  now 
a  part  of  Germany,  were  highly  important  factors  in  the 
latter's  economic  advance. 

*  See  p.  369. 


THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  303 

The  Germans  have  been  pioneers  in  the  application  of 
science  to   industry.     Germany   is   literally   covered   with 
chemical  laboratories,  wherein  an  army  of  highly   (2)  Appiica- 
trained  scientists  are  constantly  at  work  invent-  ence  toln- 
ing  new  processes  and  devising  new  methods,  dustry 
with  the  result  that  articles  produced  in  Germany  are 
cheaper  than  those  produced  elsewhere.   This  union  of  labo- 
ratory and  workshop  has  been  an  efficient  cause  of  German 
prosperity,  as  it  enlisted  trained   intelligence  to  solve  the 
problems  of  industry.    German  business  men  will  spare  no 
expense  in  providing  for  scientific  experiments,  well  knowing 
that,  in  time,  they  will  be  amply  rewarded.  German  labor- 
ers, even  those  doing  the  simplest  work,  are  highly  skilled, 
due  to  the  numerous  and  excellent  technical  schools  that 
prepare  men  and  women  for  their  vocations  in  life. 

Slow  and  plodding,  the  Germans  work  with  intense  en- 
ergy if  without  feverish  excitement.  They  are  patient  and 
methodical,  and  they  have  developed  a  most  /  >,p«-  • 
extraordinary  genius  for  efficient  organization, 
or  the  art  of  putting  every  man  in  his  place  and  of  getting 
the  most  out  of  him.  Business  is  a  career  in  Germany  for 
which  men  prepare  themselves  as  carefully  as  for  a  profes- 
sion, studying  in  excellent  commercial  schools  the  various 
aspects  of  commerce  and  industry  in  general  and  their  spe- 
cial branch  in  particular.  A  striking  characteristic  of  German 
business  men  is  their  freedom  from  tradition ;  they  are  en- 
terprising and  will  readily  change  their  system  in  order  to 
conquer  a  market.  New  methods  and  new  goods  are  eagerly 
sought  for  and  quickly  adopted  if  they  are  found  good.' 
They  are  also  ready  to  cooperate  for  mutual  advantage. 
Frequently  several  German  firms  combine  to  hire  a  trained 
and  experienced  commercial  traveler,  who  is  sent  to  distant 
lands  to  open  new  markets  for  German  wares.  German 
commercial  travelers  learn  the  language  of  their  prospective 
customers,  their  likes,  and  their  dislikes;  and  they  endeavor 
to  please  them  in  every  possible  way.  Time  and  again  have 
the  Germans  captured  the  trade  in  certain  articles  by  pay- 
ing special  attention  to  little  things,  such  as  the  color  of  a 


304     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

garment,  the  shape  of  an  egg  cup,  or  the  method  of  packing 
needles.  German  firms  sell  their  goods  cheaply  and  on  long 
credit;  they  are  enabled  to  do  this  partly  because  they  are 
careful  to  keep  down  the  cost  of  production  and  partly  be- 
cause they  are  satisfied  with  small  profits. 

Germany's  late  entrance  into  the  field  of  modern  industry 
proved  to  be  not  a  handicap  but  a  positive  advantage  in  her 

(4)  Adop-  struggle  for  economic  supremacy.  Instead  of 
tion  of  the      going  by  rule  of  thumb  along  an  unknown  path, 

most  im-  r    •         1  1  •  r        1 

proved  she,  prohtmg  by  the  experience  01  other  nations, 

methods  especially  by  that  of  England,  carefully  planned 
and  directed  her  economic  development.  She  avoided  their 
mistakes  and  improved  on  their  successes,  so  that  the  many 
problems  arising  from  the  Industrial  Revolution  were  solved 
before  they  had  become  serious  enough  to  become  obstacles 
to  social  betterment  and  to  business  enterprise.  It  was 
easier  for  Germany  to  adopt  the  most  improved  machinery 
and  the  most  modern  methods,  as  she  had  no  old  plants  to 
dismantle  and  no  cherished  business  traditions  to  violate. 

The  Government  of  the  Empire  has  been  a  most  impor- 
tant factor  in  the  economic  advance  of  Germany.   Her  great 

(5)  Favor-  international  position  as  a  military  and  naval 
mercial"^"  power  has  been  very  effective  in  securing  com- 
treaties  mercial  treaties  favorable  to  German  merchants 
and  in  compelling  concessions  to  German  capitalists  in  Asia 
and  Africa.  The  Empire  decided  on  a  policy  of  protection 
in  order  to  avoid  the  possible  hindrance  to  German  industry 
through  foreign  competition.  Bismarck,  who  had  been  a 
free-trader,  was  convinced  that  high  tariff  duties  were  now 
needed  to  protect  the  large  and  rapidly  growing  home  mar- 
ket. Free  trade,  he  declared,  was  the  "weapon  of  the  strong- 
est" and  a  good  policy  for  England,  who  was  now  "a  mighty 
industrial  athlete"  capable  of  competing  successfully  in  the 
world;  but  for  Germany  protection  was  necessary,  as  she 
was  as  yet  industrially  weak  and  therefore  unable  to  stand 
foreign  competition.  In  1880  a  high  protective  tariff  was 
adopted  which  has  since  been  maintained  and  applied  with 
great  intelligence  and   knowledge  by  a  tariff  commission 


THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  305 

composed  of  economists,   business   men,  and  government 
officials. 

Government  regulation  has  been  an  important  cause  of 
Germany's  prosperity.  There  is  hardly  a  business  enter- 
prise which  does  not  feel  the  regulating  hand  of  /g-,  Govern- 
the  Government ;  and  it  is  done,  not  with  the  ment  regu- 
idea  of  hampering  but  of  promoting  business. 
Almost  from  the  beginning  of  the  Empire  the  railways  were 
nationalized  for  military  reasons,  that  troops  might  be 
transported  rapidly  to  all  corners  of  the  land.  The  railways 
are  owned  and  operated  by  the  individual  states,  but  are 
supervised  by  an  Imperial  Railway  Board  which  establishes 
uniform  regulations  for  the  entire  Empire.  State  ownership 
of  railways  has  proved  a  brilliant  success  in  Germany;  the 
management  is  economical  and  efficient,  fares  are  low,  the 
equipment  is  good,  and  the  service,  excellent.  The  State 
Governments  make  large  profits  from  their  railways,  which 
enables  them  to  undertake  many  things  without  resorting  to 
new  taxes.  ^  But  most  important  of  all  is  the  way  the  rail- 
ways have  been  used  to  build  up  German  commerce  and 
ixidustry.  Especially  low  rates  are  allowed  on  export  goods 
in  order  to  enable  the  German  manufacturer  better  to  com- 
pete in  foreign  markets.  If  a  new  industry  is  to  be  started, 
the  rates  on  the  raw  material  coming  from  distant  parts  are 
lowered  in  order  to  encourage  the  enterprise.  Material  help 
was  in  this  way  given  to  the  building  of  a  merchant  marine; 
for  low  freight  rates  were  allowed  on  the  materials  which 
came  to  the  shipyards  from  all  over  Germany.  Many  times 
the  evil  effects  of  bad  harvests  were  minimized  and  many 
farmers  saved  from  ruin  by  the  lowering  of  freight  rates 
on  agricultural  products.  Rebating  in  Germany  is  open  and 
legal,  as  fully  sixty  per  cent  of  the  entire  railway  traffic  is 
under  "exceptional  rates";  but  this  is  done  for  the  purpose 
of  helping,  not  of  destroying,  business  enterprises.  The 
Government  has  built  a  wonderful  system  of  canals  connect- 
ing the  various  rivers,  so  that  inland  transportation  is  cheap" 

^  In  191 1  Prussia  made  $178,000,000  profit   from  her  railways,  which  was 
double  the  amount  that  she  collected  in  taxes  for  that  year. 


306     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

and  easy.  Vast  sums  have  been  spent iDLdeepening  the  shal=_ 
low  German  rivers  In  order  to  make  them  more  navigable.^ 

Results  of  the  Industrial  Revolution 

The  results  of  the  Industrial  Revolution  were  in  general 
the  same  in  Germany  as  in  other  lands. ^  But  there  were 
Laissezfairc  noteworthy  features,  peculiar  to  that  country, 
ideals  not  which  it  is  important  for  us  to  note.  The  as- 
tounding rapidity  of  the  transformation  left  a 
marked  impression  on  the  German  people,  for  it  was  almost 
a  flying  leap  from  the  economy  of  the  eighteenth  century  to 
that  of  the  twentieth.  For  this  reason  Germany,  unlike 
England,  largely  missed  the  early  forms  of  capitalistic  soci- 
ety, with  its  keen  competition  in  business,  individualism  in 
philosophy,  and  laissez  faire  in  politics.  Cooperation,  regu- 
lation, and  efhciency  became  the  watchwords  of  this  "  na- 
tion of  poets  and  thinkers,"  now  become  a  nation  of  business 
men  and  soldiers. 

The  German  working  class  which  made  its  appearance 
was  not  merely  democratic,  as  was  that  of  England  and 
Dominant  France  during  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth 
the'landed  ceutury;  it  was  socialistic,  and  therefore  op- 
aristocracy  posed,  in  theory  at  least,  to  the  very  existence  of 
the  capitalistic  system.  The  German  middle  classes,  on  the 
other  hand,  have  not  been  liberal  like  those  in  England,  or 
revolutionary  like  those  in  France,  for  in  spite  of  their  pro- 
fessed belief  in  democracy  they  have  consistently  supported 
the  autocratic  regime,  because  the  latter  encouraged  busi- 
ness enterprise  from  which  they  profited,  and  kept  down  the 
Socialists  of  whom  they  stood  in  deadly  fear.  Hence  Ger- 
many, a  modern,  highly  industrialized  nation,  has  been 
ruled  by  a  privileged  landed  aristocracy,  which  officers  the 
army  and  navy,  fills  most  of  the  important  positions  in  the 
Government,  and  directs  the  policies  of  the  country,  largely 
to  suit  its  class  interests.    In  spite  of  their  great  wealth  the 

1  The  Main  River,  at  one  time  only  two  and  three  quarters  feet  deep,  was 
deepened  to  eight  and  one  quarter  feet. 

2  See  p.  34. 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  307 

"chimney  aristocrats,"  as  the  capitalists  are  called  in  Ger- 
manyT^ccupy  a  subordinate  position  m  the  State,  gr-eatly 
to  their  chagrin. 

From  a  land  of  emigration,  Germany  has  become  one  of 
immigration.    Before  the  new  industrial  era  Germans  emi- 
grated at  the  rate  of  two  hundred  thousand  a  Emigration 
year;^  but  since  then,  in  spite  of  a  yearly  in-  and  immi- 
crease  of  eight  hundred  thousand,  German  in- 
dustry has  been  able  to  provide  work  for  so  many  that 
emigration  has  sunk  to  about  twenty  thousand  annually. 
Every  year  about  half  a  million  foreign  workingmen,  mainly 
from  Italy,  Austria,  and  Russia,  come  into  Germany  to 
help  harvest  the  crops  and  to  work  in  the  mines.    These 
immigrant  laborers  are  permitted  to  remain  under  special 
conditions  and  for  a  specified  time  in  order  to  prevent  them 
from  competing  with  the  native  laborers. 

Unfortunately  for  Germany,  she  came  into  existence  as  a 
nation  when  the  best  parts  of  the  world  had  already  been 
parceled  out  among  the  other  nations.  Of  what  was  left 
she  got  her  share,  which  was  almost  entirely  in  the  hot, 
unhealthy  regions  of  Africa  which  were  unfit  for  white  set- 
tlement.^ She  therefore  turned  her  attention  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  economic  empire.  German  capital  began  to 
invade  foreign  countries  and  to  make  invisible  conquests. 
Through  the  influence  of  the  Government,  concessions  were 
granted  to  German  capitalists,  who  began  to  build  railways, 
to  open  mines,  and  to  establish  factories  in  Asia,  Africa,  and 
South  America.  Even  the  countries  of  Europe  felt  the  influ- 
ence of  German  investors,  for  some  of  the  largest  industrial 
and  financial  establishments  in  France,  Italy,  Russia,  and 
Turkey  came  under  their  control.  This  economic  penetra- 
tion of  foreign  countries  made  Germany's  influence  greatly 
felt  the  world  over,  but  it  did  not  satisfy  her  longing  to 
expand  in  territory. 

^  During  the  period  1851  to  1895  four  and  a  half  millions  of  Germans  emi- 
grated, most  of  them  to  America. 
^  See  p.  679. 


3o8      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Reign  of  William  II 

On  March  9,  1888,  the  aged  Emperor  WilHam  I  died.  His 
son  and  successor,  Frederick  III,  was  known  to  be  a  liberal 
,-..„.      -,      and  an  admirer  of  the  English  system  of  govern- 

Wilham  II  b  J  ?5 

ment,  but  he  lived  only  a  few  months.  He  died 
on  June  15  of  the  same  year,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son, 
William  II,  a  young  man  twenty-nine  years  of  age.  No 
monarch  of  recent  times  has  been  more  widely  known  than 
Emperor  William.  A  man  of  striking  personality,  very 
eager  to  appear  in  the  public  eye,  he  succeeded  in  gaining 
wide  popularity.  Like  his  predecessor,  Frederick  William  IV, 
he  is  a  brilliant  orator  and  is  fond  of  making  speeches  on  any 
and  every  occasion  and  on  any  and  every  subject.  He  will 
lecture  learned  bodies  on  archaeology,  dispute  points  in  the- 
ology with  theologians,  advise  artists  how  to  paint,  and 
recommend  courses  in  the  teaching  of  history.  The  Emperor 
has  frequently  taken  occasion  to  discuss  his  political  views 
boldly  and  freely,  and  he  has  been  nicknamed  "William  the 
Indiscreet,"  because  of  his  sensational  sayings  and  doings. 
\yhen  the  Boers  defeated  the  Jameson  raiders,^  he  sent 
a  telegram  of  congratulation  to  President  Kruger  which 
aroused  the  British  to  furious  indignation.  In  1908  he  gave 
an  interview  to  the  London  Daily  Telegraph  in  which  he 
asserted  his  sincere  friendliness  for  England,  but  admitted 
that  the  mass  of  his  people  were  hostile  to  the  English.  This 
time  the  Germans  were  aroused  to  fury,  and  a  unanimous 
Reichstag  passed  a  chiding  resolution  which  declared  that 
the  Emperor  should  henceforth  speak  on  political  matters 
through  the  mouth  of  his  Chancellor  only. 

In  William's  speeches  two  subjects  are  continually  re- 
ferred to,  namely,  the  army  and  religion.  On  numerous 
His  claim  to  occasions  he  has  exalted  the  army  as  the  foun- 
"divine  dation  stone  of  Germany.    Addressing  a  body  of 

"^  recruits  in  1891  he  declared,  "You  are  now  my 

soldiers;  you  have  given  yourselves  to  me  body  and  soul. 
There  is  now  but  one  enemy  for  you  and  that  is  my  enemy." 
Not  even  in  the  twentieth  century  has  he  relinquished  the 

1  See  p.  416. 


THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  309 

outworn  theory  of  divine  right,  according  to  which  he  claims 
to  rule  as  King  of  Prussia.  In  19 10  Emperor  William  de- 
clared in  a  public  address  that  his  "grandfather  in  his  own 
right  placed  the  Crown  upon  his  head,  insisting  once  again 
that  it  was  bestowed  upon  him  by  the  grace  of  God  alone, 
and  not  by  parliaments  or  by  the  will  of  the  people.  .  .  . 
I  too  consider  myself  a  chosen  instrument  of  Heaven,  and 
I  shall  go  my  way  without  regard  to  the  views  and  opinions 
of  the  day." 

There  is  another  and  truly  modern  side  to  Emperor  Wil- 
liam. In  spite  of  his  outworn  ideals  of  "divine  right"  and 
of  his  romantic  temperament,  he  is  keenly  aware  His  progres- 
of  the  new  industrial  spirit  stirring  within  Ger-  ^^'^^  attitude 
many,  and  he  has  done  much  to  foster  it.  Around  him 
have  gathered  the  new  "chimney  aristocrats,"  the  lords  of 
mines,  factories,  ships,  and  banks,  who  have  had  a  powerful 
influence  in  shaping  the  policies  of  the  Empire. 

Bismarck,  who  had  once  prophesied  that  William  would 
be  his  own  Chancellor,  soon  came  into  conflict  with  his 
master.  The  Emperor  resented  the  overshadow-  Dismissal 
ing  importance  and  complete  dominance  of  Ger-  °^  Bismarck 
man  politics  by  the  veteran  statesman;  and  he  was  unwill- 
ing to  follow  his  grandfather's  course  of  allowing  Bismarck 
to  rule  while  he  reigned.  Germany  was  too  small  to  hold  two 
such  self-willed  autocrats.  Moreover,  it  was  felt  by  the  ris- 
ing generation  that  Bismarck's  work  was  now  over,  because 
his  main  policy  as  Chancellor  was  to  conserve  what  had  been 
gained  in  1870,  and  he  would  therefore  be  a  great  obstacle  in 
the  path  of  the  new  Germany  that  was  about  to  be  launched. 
Accordingly,  the  Emperor  determined  to  "drop  the  pilot." 
In  1890  the  Iron  Chancellor  was  dismissed,  and  he  retired  to 
private  life  full  of  humiliation  and  bitterness.  He  spent  his 
remaining  days  writing  his  memoirs  and  inspiring  malicious 
articles  against  the  Emperor,  whom  he  secretly  distrusted  as 
hot-headed  and  flighty.  In  1898  the  "faithful  servant  of 
Emperor  William  I"^  died,  and  the  entire  nation  was 
plunged  into  great  grief. 

1  This  is  the  inscription  on  Bismarck's  tomb  placed  there  at  his  request. 


3IO      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

A  new  era  of  conciliation  opened  with  William  II's  reign. 
The  "exceptional  laws"  against  the  Socialists  were  not  re- 
„,.,,.      TT      newed  and  some  of  the  remaining  anti-Catholic 

William  II  °  , 

and  the  So-  laws  were  repealed.  The  Emperor  early  evinced 
cia  ists  ^  special  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  working 

classes,  and  the  social  insurance  laws  of  Bismarck  were 
extended  with  the  idea  of  killing  socialism  with  kindness. 
Finding,  however,  that  in  spite  of  these  laws  the  Social  Dem- 
ocrats were  increasing,  he  became  deeply  resentful  and  took 
every  opportunity  to  denounce  them  as  "unworthy  to  bear 
the  name  of  Germans,"  and  as  "vermin  which  gnaw  at  the 
roots  of  the  Imperial  oak."  In  the  address  to  the  recruits 
above  referred  to,  the  Emperor  declared,  "In  the  presence 
of  the  Socialist  agitation  it  may  happen,  though  may  God 
avert  it !  that  I  shall  order  you  to  shoot  down  your  relatives, 
brothers,  yea,  even  parents;  yet  you  must  obey  my  com- 
mands without  murmuring." 

It  became  evident  that  William  would  be  his  own  Chan- 
cellor; hence  any  one  that  he  chose  for  that  ofifice  would 
The  tariff  merely  be  his  mouthpiece.  As  successor  to  Bis- 
agitation  marck  he  appointed,  in  1890,  Count  von  Caprivi, 
a  soldier  by  profession  and  instinct,  who  had  only  one  rule, 
to  obey  his  master,  the  Kaiser.  It  was  during  Caprivi's 
chancellorship  that  a  sharp  demand  arose  from  the  middle 
and  working  classes  for  lowering  or  abolishing  the  tariff  on 
foodstuffs,  in  order  that  cheaper  food  might  be  imported. 
Germany,  they  contended,  was  no  longer  an  agricultural  but 
an  industrial  state ;  hence  industrial  interests  should  be  para- 
mount. Caprivi  signed  reciprocity  treaties  with  Russia, 
Austria,  and  Italy,  which  materially  reduced  the  tariff  on 
foodstuffs  coming  from  these  countries.  This  aroused  the 
powerful  landed  interests  who,  in  1893,  organized  an  asso- 
ciation called  the  Bund  der  Landwirte,  or  League  of  Land- 
lords, which  began  an  agitation  against  the  renewal  of  these 
treaties  which,  they  claimed,  were  ruining  agriculture  and 
thereby  lessening  the  food  supply  of  the  nation.  By  a  re- 
vision of  the  tariff  in  1902  the  landed  interests  succeeded 
in  restoring  the  high  duties  on  agricultural  products. 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  311 

Prince  Hohenlohe-Schillingfurst  succeeded  Caprivi  as 
Chancellor  in  1894.  But  he,  too,  was  merely  a  mouthpiece 
for  his  master.  In  1900  Count  Bernhard  von  Bernhard 
Billow,  an  adroit  diplomat,  clever  speaker,  and  ^'°"  Bulow 
skillful  parliamentarian,  became  Chancellor.  Although 
Billow  was  always  in  perfect  accord  with  the  views  of  the 
Emperor,  he  was  far  too  able  a  man  to  be  merely  his  mouth- 
piece ;  he  consequently  exercised  great  influence  on  the  poli- 
cies of  the  Government.  During  the  first  years  of  his  chan- 
cellorship, he  was  always  fully  supported  in  the  Reichstag 
by  the  Conservatives  and  the  Center  and,  occasionally,  by 
the  Liberals  on  "national "  questions,  that  is,  those  affecting 
the  army,  the  navy,  and  foreign  affairs.  The  only  party  that 
consistently  opposed  him  was  the  Social  Democrats. 

A  decided  change  took  place  in  Germany's  foreign  policy 
almost  from  the  beginning  of  the  new  reign.  Bismarck's 
policy  of  "satiation"  no  longer  satisfied  the  am-  The  new  for- 
bitious,  exuberant  Germany  of  Emperor  William,  ^'§"  policy 
which  wished  to  become  a  world  Power  and  play  a  leading 
r61e  in  Weltpolitik.  A  veritable  hunger  for  foreign  markets 
took  possession  of  Germany,  whose  expanding  industry  was 
ever  pushing  her  onward  to  newer  economic  conquests.  She 
began  to  demand  "a  place  in  the  sun,"  or  a  colonial  empire, 
in  order  to  find  new  sources  of  raw  material  for  her  factories 
and  an  outlet  for  her  surplus  population.  "The  wave- beat 
knocks  powerfully  at  our  national  gates,  and  calls  us  as  a 
great  nation  to  maintain  our  place  in  the  world,  in  other 
words,  to  follow  world  policy,"  once  declared  the  Emperor 
in  a  widely  quoted  address.  Germany's  territorial  ambitions 
were  centered  in  Morocco,  the  only  desirable  part  of  Africa 
not  yet  acquired  by  a  European  Power ;  but  in  this  she  en- 
countered the  bitter  opposition  of  France,  who  also  desired 
to  annex  the  country.^  Her  economic  ambitions  were  cen- 
tered in  Asia  Minor,  a  fertile  but  undeveloped  region;  and 
through  the  influence  of  the  Imperial  Government  the  Sul- 
tan granted  concessions  to  groups  of  German  capitalists, 
who  began  building  the  Bagdad  Railway;  but  this  project 

*  For  further  discussion  of  the  Morocco  question  see  p.  700. 


312     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

encountered  the  active  hostility  of  Great  Britain  when  it 
was  proposed  to  extend  the  railway  to  the  Persian  Gulf.^ 

The  good  understanding  with  Russia,  long  maintained  by 
Bismarck,  terminated  when  the  latter  retired  from  public 
life.  Germany  began  to  draw  more  closely  to 
Austria,  for  Russia  and  France  were  cementing 
their  alliance  and  Italy's  interest  in  the  Triple  Alliance  was 
becoming  lukewarm.  William  at  first  endeavored  to  bring 
about  a  rapprochement  with  France  in  order  to  isolate  Eng- 
land, but  he  failed ;  instead,  a  rapprochement  took  place  be- 
tween England  and  France  which  ended  in  the  Entente 
cordiale,  and  Germany  was  isolated.^ 

To  the  Emperor's  initiative  was  due  the  creation  of  a  Ger- 
man navy.  He  was  thoroughly  convinced  that  Germany's 
The  navy  rapidly  growing  merchant  marine  and  world- 
law  wide  economic  interests  needed  a  great  fleet  for 
their  protection  in  case  of  war.  The  idea  was  also  present 
in  the  minds  of  the  ruling  classes  of  Germany  that  a  power- 
ful navy  was  the  best  means  of  gaining  and  holding  oversea 
possessions,  just  as  a  powerful  army  was  the  best  means  of 
defending  the  country  from  invasion.  In  a  series  of  eloquent 
speeches  the  Emperor  emphasized  Germany's  need  of  a 
navy  in  order  to  maintain  her  position  as  a  world  Power. 
"World  power  and  sea  power  are  complementary;  the  one 
cannot  exist  without  the  other,"  he  declared.  "Our  future 
lies  on  the  water,"  and  "The  trident  must  pass  into  our 
hands,"  are  two  of  his  oft-quoted  sayings.  Navy  leagues 
were  founded  under  the  patronage  of  the  Emperor,  which 
began  a  persistent  and  enthusiastic  propaganda  in  favor  of  a 
large  navy.  In  1900  the  first  great  navy  law  was  passed  by 
the  Reichstag.  In  the  preamble  to  this  law  the  following 
statement  occurs:  "Germany  must  possess  a  fleet  of  such 
strength  that  a  war  against  the  mightiest  naval  Power  would 
endanger  the  supremacy  of  that  Power."  The  building  of 
war  vessels  went  on  at  a  rapid  rate,  so  that  in  a  short  time 
Germany  had  the  second  largest  navy  in  the  world,  ranking 

^  See  p.  702. 

*  For  a  fuller  discussion  of  Germany 's  foreign  policies  see  ch.  xxix. 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  313 

after  England.  Under  Admiral  von  Tirpitz,  who  became 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  1897,  the  new  German  navy  was 
splendidly  organized  on  the  English  model. ^  In  1890  the 
little  island  of  Helgoland,  near  the  entrance  to  the  Kiel 
Canal,  was  acquired  by  Germany  from  Great  Britain  in 
exchange  for  parts  of  Africa.  This  transaction,  made  by 
Lord  Salisbury,  was  regarded  in  England  as  a  good  trade, 
an  "exchange  of  a  button  for  a  suit  of  clothes."  But  Hel- 
goland was  quickly  fortified  by  the  Germans  and  became 
the  Gibraltar  of  the  North  Sea,  protecting  the  Kiel  Canal 
which  was  completed  five  years  later. 

Closely  connected  with  the  movement  for  naval  arma- 
ment was  the  colonial  question.  In  its  African  possessions 
the  Government  had  much  trouble^  with  the  Colonial  re- 
natives,  against  whom  several  expeditions  had  ^"^"^ 
to  be  sent.  It  was  charged  that  the  German  officials  in 
the  colonies  were  guilty  of  cruelty,  and  that  the  adminis- 
tration was  corrupt  and  incompetent.  The  home  Govern- 
ment was  obliged  to  make  up  large  deficits  every  year.  In 
1907  Bernhard  Dernburg  was  appointed  to  the  newly  created 
office  of  Colonial  Minister.  He  was  not  of  aristocratic  but  of 
middle-class  origin,  a  banker  who  had  become  known  as  an 
able  administrator.  It  was  Dernburg's  plan  to  spend  large 
additional  sums  of  money  on  the  colonies  in  order  to  put 
them  on  a  sound  basis  so  that,  in  time,  they  would  be  an 
asset  and  not  a  liability  to  the  mother  country.  He  visited 
Africa  several  times  and  made  drastic  reforms  in  the  admin- 
istration. In  1907  a  colonial  budget,  appropriating  money 
for  these  colonial  reforms,  was  introduced  in  the  Reichstag. 
The  Center  Party  thereupon  abandoned  the  Government 
and  joined  the  Socialists  in  opposing  what  was  denounced  as 
"a  colonial  adventure,"  and  both  parties  had  enough  votes 
to  defeat  the  budget.  The  Reichstag  was  dissolved,  and  the 
election  which  followed  was  fought  on  the  colonial  issue. 
The  Conservatives  and  Liberals  made  an  appeal  for  patri- 
otic support  on  the  ground  that  the  two  international  par- 
ties, the  "Blacks"  and  the  "  Reds,"  had  combined  to  oppose 

^  See  p.  689. 


314     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

national  interests.  Great  enthusiasm  was  shown  in  this 
exciting  election  in  favor  of  the  Government,  and  the  result 
was  a  signal  triumph  for  the  latter.  The  Socialist  represen- 
tation fell  from  seventy-eight  to  forty-three  members,^  and 
the  Center  barely  managed  to  hold  its  own.  A  new  com- 
bination of  Conservatives  and  Liberals  was  formed  in  the 
Reichstag  to  support  Chancellor  von  Biilow,  and  the  colo- 
nial budget  was  adopted. 

Problem  of  the  Non-Germans 

Although  homogeneous  to  a  remarkable  degree  Germany, 
nevertheless,  contains  within  its  borders  non-German  ele- 
_,    ^  ments  that  have  stubbornly  resisted  assimilation. 

The  policy  of  uncompromising  "Germanism" 
pursued  by  the  Imperial  Government  has  produced  bitter 
resentment  among  the  "submerged  nations,"  who  wish  to 
maintain  their  own  languages  and  cultures,  even  though 
they  live  under  the  German  flag.  In  Schleswig,  acquired 
from  Denmark  in  the  war  of  1864,  the  people  are  predomi- 
nantly Danish,  and  they  have  managed  to  maintain  their 
speech  and  sentiment  in  spite  of  the  vigorous  and  systematic 
efforts  of  the  Prussian  Government  to  suppress  them. 

Far  more  serious,  however,  is  the  Polish  problem.  The 
parts  acquired  by  Prussia  in  the  dismemberment  of  Poland  ^ 
„.    „  ,  are  still  Polish  in  tradition,  language,  and  senti- 

The  Poles  7      ?         1  •      t- 

ment.  Many  Poles  are  also  to  be  found  m  East 
Prussia,  where  they  are  employed  as  agricultural  laborers, 
and  in  Westphalia,  where  they  work  in  the  mines.  Alto- 
gether there  are  about  four  millions  of  Poles  In  the  Empire, 
and  they  have  tenaciously  clung  to  their  nationality.  Prus- 
sia, fearful  that  this  alien  and  hostile  element  on  the  frontier 
might  prove  a  danger  to  the  Empire  In  time  of  war,  has 
made  special  efforts  to  Germanize  them.  In  1886  the  Prus- 
sian Landtag,  through  the  influence  of  Bismarck,  appro- 
priated twenty-five  million  dollars,  which  was  turned  over 

'  In  spite  of  the  loss  of  seats  the  Socialist  popular  vote  showed  an  actual  in- 
crease of  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  This  anomaly  was  due  to  the  unfair 
system  of  representation.  See  p.  589. 

2  See  p.  503. 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  315 

to  a  Settlement  Commission  with  power  to  purchase  land 
in  the  Poh'sh  regions  and  resell  it  to  German  "colonists," 
who  were  to  be  induced  to  settle  there  by  favorable  terms  of 
sale.  This  policy  of  the  Government  had  for  its  object  to 
permeate  the  Polish  districts  with  Germans  and  thereby  to 
weaken  "  Polonism."  In  addition,  drastic  laws  were  passed 
prohibiting  the  public  use  of  the  Polish  language;  Polish 
historic  names  were  abolished  and  German  names  substi- 
tuted for  them;  the  right  of  public  meeting  was  indirectly 
curtailed  by  the  requirement  that  all  addresses  had  to  be 
in  the  German  tongue ;  and  even  theatrical  performances  in 
Polish  were  forbidden. 

Between  1886  and  1890  about  one  hundred  and  twelve 
thousand  acres  of  Polish  land  were  acquired  by  Germans 
through  the  efforts  of  the  Settlement  Commis-  Struggle 
sion.  In  1898,  and  again  in  1902,  the  Landtag  for  the  land 
voted  new  funds  to  continue  this  policy  of  Germanization. 
The  Poles,  frightened  at  the  prospect  of  being  driven  from 
their  historic  home,  formed  cooperative  societies  and  land 
banks  to  tide  them  over  in  times  of  financial  difficulty,  in 
order  not  to  be  compelled  to  sell  their  farms  to  the  Germans. 
As  a  result  less  and  less  Polish  land  was  sold ;  in  fact,  many 
of  the  German  colonists  were  compelled,  through  systematic 
boycotting  by  the  Poles,  to  resell  their  land  to  the  Poles 
at  low  prices.  German  settlers  were  exhorted  on  patriotic 
grounds  not  to  resell  to  Poles,  but  all  to  no  purpose;  and  the 
Prussian  Government  saw  the  failure  of  its  Polish  policy. 

In  1908  came  the  Dispossession  Law,  which  gave  extraor- 
dinary powers  to  the  Settlement  Commission.  It  was  now 
empowered  to  compel  the  sale  of  Polish  land  at  The  Dispos- 
prices  fixed  by  itself.  Germans  buying  this  land  session  Law 
did  so  with  the  understanding  that  they  must  not  resell  it 
to  Poles.  The  laws  against  the  use  of  the  Polish  language 
were  made  more  severe.  All  teaching,  even  that  in  private 
schools,  had  to  be  in  German.  When  the  Polish  children  in 
the  schools  refused  to  answer  their  teachers  in  German,  they 
were  severely  punished  and  their  parents  and  priests  fined 
and  imprisoned.  Many  school  "strikes"  took  place.  A  pop- 


3i6      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

ular  cartoon  of  the  day  represented  a  Polish  child  saying,  "  If 
I  say  my  prayers  in  German,  my  father  beats  me;  if  I  say 
them  in  Polish,  my  teacher  beats  me;  if  I  don't  say  them  at 
all,  my  priest  beats  me." 

An  outcry  was  soon  raised  by  the  Poles  against  the  harsh 
policy  of  the  Prussian  Government,  and  their  cause  gained 
The  Reichs-  the  sympathy  of  many  people  the  world  over.  In 
ptons^fhe  ^^^  Reichstag  the  Poles  were  supported  by  their 
Poles  co-religionists  of  the  Center  Party  and  by  the 

Socialists,  who,  on  January  30,  1913,  combined  to  pass  a 
resolution  of  "no  confidence"  in  the  Imperial  Government 
and  condemning  the  Prussian  authorities  for  their  attitude 
toward  the  Poles.  This  was  the  first  time  that  a  resolution 
of  this  kind  was  passed  by  the  Reichstag. 

The  problem  of  the  Alsatians  is  really  an  international 
one,  as  their  cause  is  championed  by  France.  Immediately 
The  Alsa-  after  the  Franco- Prussian  War  thousands  of 
tians  families  left  Alsace-Lorraine  for  France  rather 

than  live  under  the  German  flag.  In  spite  of  the  serious 
international  aspect  of  the  problem,  Germany  determined  to 
hold  on  to  these  provinces  at  all  costs  for  two  important 
reasons:  first,  the  military  necessity  of  keeping  the  "gates," 
Metz  and  Strassburg,  closed  against  possible  French  inva- 
sion; secondly,  the  vast  deposits  of  iron  found  in  Lorraine 
are  essential  to  her  industrial  progress.  The  Germans 
also  claim  that  the  region  is  Teutonic  by  race,  tradition,  and 
language,  and  hence  by  right  ought  to  belong  to  Germany 
and  not  tQ  France. 

A  large  number  of  German  settlers  came  to  take  the  place 
of  those  who  had  left.  Although  the  French-speaking  pop- 
Suppression  ulation  is  small  and  lives  mainly  In  Lorraine, 
of  French  many  Alsatians  feel  a  strong  attachment  for 
France  despite  the  fact  that  the  provinces  have 
prospered  greatly  under  German  rule.  The  Government  has 
shown  Itself  needlessly  severe  and  very  tactless  in  its  efforts 
to  stamp  out  French  influences.  The  use  of  the  French 
language  was  strictly  forbidden  in  public  assemblies  and 
limited  even  In  private  life.   Tombstones  must  contain  no 


THE   GERMAN   EMPIRE  317 

French  inscriptions.  An  Alsatian  barber  was  fined  for  hav- 
ing on  his  window  the  sign  "Coiffeur."  Societies  to  keep 
alive  French  memories  were  dissolved,  and  ardent  French 
nationalists  were  imprisoned  or  exiled  on  the  slightest  pre- 
texts. The  story  is  told  of  an  Alsatian  who  had  his  body  tat- 
tooed with  the  legend  "  Vive  la  France!"  and  was  arrested 
when  he  appeared  in  a  public  bath.  The  famous  "Zabern 
Affair"  of  19 13  illustrated  the  strained  relations  between 
the  Alsatians  and  the  German  authorities.  The  military 
officers  stationed  in  the  little  garrison  town  of  Zabern  in 
Alsace  had  so  greatly  offended  the  citizens  by  their  domi- 
neering and  insulting  attitude,  that  they  were  hooted  when- 
ever they  appeared  on  the  streets.  During  a  disturbance  of 
this  sort  a  haughty  young  lieutenant  struck  with  his  sword  a 
lame  shoemaker  who  had  laughed  at  him.  Great  indignation 
was  aroused  in  Germany  at  the  brutal  conduct  of  the  officers; 
and,  on  December  4,  1913,  the  Reichstag  passed  a  resolution 
of  "no  confidence"  in  the  Government  because  of  its  sup- 
port of  the  military. 

The  pro-French  attitude  of  German-speaking  Alsatians  is 
a  remarkable  tribute  to  the  generous  and  kindly  treatment 
that  the  provinces  had  been  accorded  under  Home  rule 
France.  Thousands  of  young  Alsatians  crossed  Aisace-Lor- 
the  border  every  year  to  enlist  in  the  French  raine 
army,  where  they  were  welcomed  with  open  arms.  For 
about  forty  years  the  government  of  Alsace-Lorraine  was 
that  of  a  Reichsland,  or  imperial  territory,  ruled  by  a  Statt- 
halter,  or  governor,  appointed  by  the  Emperor.  The  people 
were,  however,  allowed  to  elect  members  to  the  Reichstag, 
and  they  sent  a  "protesting  delegation"  of  about  fifteen 
members.  In  191 1  the  country  was  deemed  sufficiently  safe 
to  be  entrusted  with  home  rule.  A  constitution  was,  there- 
fore, granted  to  Alsace-Lorraine,  which  provided  for  a  local 
legislature  to  be  elected  by  universal  suffrage,  and  for  a  dele- 
gation of  three  members  to  the  Bundesrat  to  be  chosen  by 
the  Statthalter,  who  was  to  be,  as  hitherto,  an  appointee  of 
the  Emperor. 


3i8     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

The  Movement  for  Popular  Control 

Ever  since  the  organization  of  the  Empire  there  has  ex- 
isted a  movement,  supported  mainly  by  Sociahsts  and  Radi- 
The  question  cals,  to  democratize  the  government  by  estab- 
riarrespon-  Wishing  the  principle  of  ministerial  responsibility 
sibility  to  the  Reichstag.   If  the  popular  chamber  could 

make  and  unmake  a  Chancellor,  the  influence  of  the  Em- 
peror in  the  Government  would  be  materially  lessened. 
During  the  debate  in  the  Reichstag  on  the  Telegraph  inci- 
dent, a  Radical  member  declared:  "Our  present  constitu- 
tional system  is  in  many  respects  a  sham,  as  it  does  not  fulfill 
the  aims  of  a  modern  constitutional  state.  .  .  .  There  is  no 
doubt  that  complete  responsibility  of  the  cabinet  to  parlia- 
ment is  the  very  cornerstone  of  constitutional  government." 
Naturally  enough,  this  principle  has  been  vigorously  op- 
posed by  the  ruling  powers,  for  its  adoption  would  make  the 
Reichstag  the  dominant  element  in  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment. "A  Chancellor  dependent  only  upon  the  Emperor 
and  the  King  of  Prussia,"  once  declared  Chancellor  von 
Bethmann-Hollweg,  "is  the  necessary  counterpoise  to  the 
freest  of  electoral  laws,  devised  by  Bismarck  on  the  sup- 
position that  the  Bundesrat  and  the  Imperial  Chancellor 
would  maintain  their  independence." 

The  first  precedent  for  ministerial  responsibility  came 
with  the  resignation  of  Chancellor  von  Billow.  The  com- 
Resolution  binatiou  of  Conservatives  and  Liberals,  formed 
fidence"  after  the  election  of  1907,  soon  split  over  the 
thrReichs-  Question  of  taxation.  In  order  to  pay  for  the 
tag  mounting  expenditures  of  the  army  and  navy, 

Billow  included  an  inheritance  tax  in  the  imperial  bud- 
get of  1908.  The  Conservatives  refused  to  support  it  and 
joined  the  Center  in  opposition,  with  the  result  that  the 
budget  was  defeated.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Chancellor 
resigned,  and  the  Emperor  appointed  Theobald  von  Beth- 
mann-Hollweg as  his  successor.  The  two  resolutions  of  "no 
confidence,"  passed  by  the  Reichstag  as  described  above, 
did  not  lead  in  either  case  to  the  resignation  of  Chancellor 


THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  319 

von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  because  he  continued  to  have  the 
confidence  of  the  Emperor ;  at  the  same  time  it  was  univer- 
sally felt  in  Germany  that  the  unpopularity  of  the  Gov- 
ernment would  in  time  be  followed  by  important  conces- 
sions to  democracy. 

The  new  Chancellor  had  spent  his  life  in  the  Prussian 
administration,  and  was  known  as  a  conscientious,  well- 
informed  official,  but  lacking  in  originality  and  xhe  "Blue- 
parliamentary  ability.  He  made  peace  with  the  Black  _^ 
Conservatives  and  Center,  who  now  united  to 
control  the  Reichstag;  this  alliance  became  notorious  as  the 
"Blue-Black  Block,"  or  aristocratic-clerical  combination. 
The  inheritance  tax  was  withdrawn  and,  instead,  consump- 
tion taxes  were  laid  on  tobacco,  beer,  tea,  sugar,  brandy,  and 
matches,  and  stamp  taxes  on  checks,  notes,  and  shares  of 
stock.  It  was  evident  that  the  agrarian  interests,  as  repre- 
sented by  the  Block,  were  using  the  government  to  shift 
the  burden  of  taxation  on  other  shoulders.  In  1909  the 
Hansabund,  or  Hanseatic  League,  was  organized  with  a 
membership  of  three  hundred  thousand  merchants  and 
manufacturers  who  were  determined  to  oppose  the  agra- 
rian interests.  The  Socialists  began  to  recover  from  their 
defeat  of  1907,  as  nearly  every  by-election  brought  in  a 
Socialist  member. 

The  citadel  of  reaction  in  Germany  is  the  Prussian  three- 
class  system ;  once  that  falls,  it  is  the  common  view  in  Ger- 
many, then  the  democratization  of  the  Empire  Attempts  to 
will  speedily  come.  A  persistent  and  powerful  [hree-class^ 
agitation  was  therefore  set  on  foot  to  abolish  this  system 
system.  Huge  demonstrations  took  place  in  Berlin,  in 
which  Socialist  hosts  marched  through  the  streets  demand- 
ing a  democratic  suffrage  for  Prussia.  The  ever-growing  un- 
popularity of  the  Government  finally  induced  it  to  make 
some  concessions.  On  February  10,  1910,  Bethmann-Holl- 
weg introduced  a  bill  into  the  Prussian  Landtag  which 
slightly  modified  the  three-class  system  by  putting  the  elec- 
tors of  superior  education,  irrespective  of  the  taxes  which 
they  paid,  into  the  second  class,  and  by  abolishing  indirect 


320      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

voting;  it  retained,  however,  public  voting  and  the  divi- 
sion of  the  electors  into  three  classes.  The  Socialists  and 
Liberals  denounced  the  measure  as  inadequate  and  refused 
to  support  it;  the  Conservatives  and  Center  opposed  it  as 
being  too  liberal,  with  the  result  that  the  bill  was  withdrawn. 

Discontent  was  rife  all  over  Germany.  The  Prussian 
electoral  struggle  had  become  a  matter  of  imperial  interest, 
The  election  and  an  attempt  was  made  in  the  Reichstag  to 
of  1912  compel  Prussia  to  adopt  a  democratic  suffrage. 

The  ever-increasing  cost  of  living  as  well  as  the  unpopular 
consumption  taxes  were  laid  at  the  door  of  the  "Blue-Black 
Block."  The  middle  classes  were  now  almost  as  bitterly  op- 
posed to  agrarian  rule  as  were  the  Socialists,  and  they  were 
willing  to  combine  with  the  latter  in  order  to  overthrow  it. 
In  the  election  of  191 2  the  Government  made  frantic  appeals 
to  patriotic  citizens  to  rally  against  the  Socialists,  "the 
party  of  disorder  and  negation,"  but  the  result  was  a  crush- 
ing defeat  for  the  "Blue-Black  Block."  The  Conservatives 
elected  seventy  members,  a  loss  of  thirty-three;  the  Center, 
ninety- three,  a  loss  of  ten ;  the  Social  Democrats,  one  hun- 
dred and  ten,  a  gain  of  fifty-seven;^  and  the  Liberals  and 
Radicals,  ninety,  about  the  same  as  before.  For  the  first 
time  in  the  history  of  the  German  Empire  the  parties  of  the 
Left  had  a  majority  in  the  Reichstag,  and  the  Socialists  were 
the  largest  single  party,  displacing  the  Center  from  that 
position.  In  striking  constrast  was  the  result  of  the  election 
to  the  Prussian  Landtag,  which  took  place  during  the  fol- 
lowing year;  there,  owing  to  the  three-class  system,  the 
Conservative-Center  combination  returned  in  almost  un- 
diminished strength. 

The  lesson  of  the  election  of  1912  was  plain.  The  German 
War  prepa-  people  had  at  last  spoken  most  emphatically.^ 
rations  They  desired  to  see  established  throughout  the 

displace  pro-  ■' ,  .  .  ° 

jected  re-  Empire  a  truly  democratic  regime;  they  were  op- 
°^"^^  posed  to  militaristic  dominance  as  illustrated  at 

Zabern ;  they  were  opposed  to  the  rule  of  Germany  in  the 

^  The  popular  vote  of  the  Socialists  was  enormous,  about  4,250,000,  or 
thirty-five  per  cent  of  the  whole. 

^  The  popular  vote  of  the  Left  was  7,410,000  as  against  3,123,000  of  the 
Block. 


THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE  321 

interests  of  the  agrarians  only.  The  Government  was  not 
at  all  blind  to  the  situation,  and  semi-official  intimations 
were  given  that  a  modification  of  the  autocratic  regime  was 
to  be  expected.  Unfortunately  for  German  democracy,  the 
Morocco  situation  and  the  Balkan  War  suddenly  shifted  the 
issues  to  "nationalism,"  and  Germany  began  to  prepare 
herself  more  assiduously  than  ever  for  the  coming  European 
conflict. 

Deutsche  Kultur 

The  spirit  of  nationalism  which  welled  up  during  the 
period  of  unification  produced  an  intense  patriotism  among 
the  German  people.  Other  nations  had  achieved  intense  pa- 
unity  gradually,  almost  imperceptibly,  through  Jhe  G?r-°^ 
centuries  of  accretion  as  a  result  of  petty  wars  mans 
between  king  and  nobles,  dynastic  marriages,  alliances,  and 
inheritances.  But  Germania  sprang  full-grown  from  the 
brow  of  Mars.  A  conscious  patriotism  took  hold  of  the  Ger- 
man mind ;  every  act,  every  thought,  no  matter  how  simple, 
was  associated  with  the  Fatherland.  The  brilliant  victories 
over  Austria  and  France  inspired  the  Germans  with  an  un- 
bounded confidence  in  their  military  prowess  and  an  over- 
weening pride  in  their  achievements,  and  led  them  to  believe 
that  they  were  indeed  a  superior  race.  A  Teutonic  cult  arose 
which  had  for  its  votaries  influential  writers,  statesmen,  and 
soldiers  who  fervently  believed  that  the  day  of  the  Teuton 
had  at  last  arrived,  and  that  Germany  was  now  to  be  the 
new  model  for  the  peoples  of  the  world.  Other  races,  they 
contended,  had  already  accomplished  their  destiny,  and  were 
now  therefore  decadent;  the  trial  by  battle  had  proved  it 
conclusively  for  them  in  the  case  of  France ;  the  seeming  ab- 
sence of  a  definite  purpose  and  efficient  system  in  the  loosely 
hung  British  Empire  convinced  them  that  the  English  were 
fast  losing  their  grip  upon  the  world.  In  their  view  the 
Russians  were  a  barbaric  horde  without  European  tradi- 
tions or  culture  and  a  constant  danger  to  Western  civiliza- 
tion, which  it  was  now  Germany's  special  mission  to  protect. 

In  a  wonderful  way  Germany  proceeded  to  organize  her- 


322     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

self  as  the  "new  model."  The  development  of  almost  every 
German  phase  of  human  activity,   political,   economic, 

the  "new  and  cultural,  was  minutely  planned  beforehand; 
'"^  ^  nothing  was  left  to  chance.     Difficulties  were 

foreseen  and  provided  for,  and  waste  was  eliminated  through 
a  marvelously  efficient  system  of  organization.  System, 
Efficiency,  Order,  became  the  watchwords  of  the  German 
people,  who  determined  to  conquer  through  them  as  once 
the  French  had  conquered  through  Liberty,  Equality,  and 
Fraternity. 

Although  the  German  State-  is  not  democratic  either  in 
theory  or  in  practice,  it  is  the  object  of  profound  devotion 
Paternal-  on  the  part  of  the  German  people.  This  is 
ism  chiefly  due  to  the  fact  that  for  the  first  time  in 

modem  history  the  State  took  a  paternal  interest  in  all 
classes  of  the  community.  In  the  German  view  society  con- 
sists, not  of  individuals,  but  of  economic  groups  which  are 
constantly  struggling  against  one  another;  left  to  them- 
selves, some  of  these  groups  would  prosper  at  the  expense  of 
others  and  the  nation  as  a  whole  would  consequently  be  the 
loser.  In  order  to  conserve  the  best  interests  of  the  nation, 
Germany  has  developed  an  organic  view  of  society,  namely, 
that  the  various  classes  must  work  in  harmony  in  order 
to  insure  the  well-being  of  the  community.  To  the  State  is 
assigned  the  coordination  of  social  and  economic  activities, 
and  the  welfare  of  all  classes  is  carefully  guarded  by  a 
system  of  enlightened  and  painstaking  legislation.  The 
State  teaches  the  farmer  how  best  to  utilize  the  soil  and 
protects  his  product  by  high  tariffs  and  low  railway  rates ;  it 
aids  the  merchant  and  manufacturer  by  far-seeing  regula- 
tions; It  aids  the  Investing  capitalist  by  a  fine  system  of 
banking  facilities;  it  aids  the  laborer  by  training  him  for 
his  vocation  and  by  protecting  him  through  life  by  the 
system  of  social  Insurance,  already  described. 

Such  is  the  German  view  of  themselves  and  of  their  pow- 
Germany's  ers.  A  propaganda  was  begun  by  influential  ele- 
"mission"  ments  In  the  Fatherland  which  aimed  to  rouse 
among  the  people  a  desire  for  world  dominion.   Germany's 


THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  323 

* '  will  to  power ' '  would  establish  her  Kultur,  a  new  and  higher 
civilization,  and  she  would  therefore  accomplish  her  "mis- 
sion." It  was  to  be  "world  power  or  downfall."  Naturally 
enough  the  doctrine  of  force  was  inculcated,  for  the  State 
was  unmoral  and  everything  that  it  did  for  its  aggrandize- 
ment was  right.  Force  itself  became  an  ideal,  and  men  nor- 
mally kindly  and  honest  could  be  persuaded  to  do  brutal  and 
dishonest  deeds  when  they  were  convinced  that  such  con- 
duct would  be  "in  the  interest  of  the  State." 

Although  she  became  a  nation,  Germany  did  not  assim- 
ilate the  ideal  of  nationality.  To  live  and  let  live  is  the  very 
essence  of  true  nationalism,  and  Germany  has    ^ 

■'  Germany  s 

had  scant  sympathy  for  oppressed  peoples.  Ger-  backward- 
many  has  been  a  "localism,"  narrow,  unimagi- 
native, suspicious,  that  expanded  to  imperial  dimensions 
and  became  a  disturbing  influence  among  the  nations  be- 
cause of  her  arrogant  assertiveness.  If  she  has  had  little 
understanding  of  nationalism,  she  has  had  even  less  un- 
derstanding of  that  other  modern  political  ideal,  democ- 
racy. Every  advance  in  Germany  has  been  made  by  grants' 
from  above,  not,  as  in  democratic  lands,  by  the  people 
themselves  in  defiance  of  those  in  authority.  A  "people" 
comes  into  existence  only  as  a  result  of  successful  revolution 
against  autocracy.  And  the  tragedy  of  Germany  has  been 
that  she  has  not  had  a  successful  revolution,  and  for  that 
reason  she  has  been  an  alien  in  the  modern  world. 

Germany  as  a  sociological  State  has  not  been  a  paradise 
for  the  working  classes.  Wages  are  low;  hours,  long;  and 
conditions,  hard  for  the  mass  of  workingmen.    „  .  , 

Her  social  legislation  has  not  solved  the  problems  the  lower 
of  the  working  class  created  by  the  Industrial 
Revolution.  The  real  beneficiaries  of  the  Empire  were  the 
Junkerswho  filled  the  ofifices  and  the  industrialists  who  gained 
the  profits.  A  few  crumbs  were  thrown  to  the  lower  classes 
in  order  to  cause  them  to  forget  their  condition  of  political 
helotage.  The  mass  of  Germans  are  the  serfs  of  the  State, 
who  is  their  ruthless  master  and  in  whose  name  they  are 
induced  to  surrender  their  liberties  and  their  lives. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN 

1867-1914 
Government  and  Parties 

The  British  system  of  government  is  full  of  anomalies,  for 
it  contains  royal,  aristocratic,  and  democratic  elements.  In 
T,    ,  ..       e  the  days  of  the  Tudors  the  royal  element  was  the 

Evolution  ot  -^  -^ 

British  de-  most  powerful;  after  the  Revolution  of  1689  po- 
mocracy  Htical  power  shifted  to  the  aristocracy  which,  for 
over  a  century,  was  dominant  in  the  State;  and  with  the 
Reform  Bill  of  1832  the  democratic  element  began  to  assert 
itself,  and  a  new  shift  of  political  power  took  place,  this  time 
to  the  middle  classes.  Although  royal  and  aristocratic  in- 
stitutions are  still  maintained  by  the  nation,  universal 
suffrage  and  the  abolition  of  the  veto  power  of  the  House 
of  Lords  ^  have  almost  completed  the  stages  in  the  evolu- 
tion from  autocracy  sanctioned  by  "divine  right"  to  the 
thoroughly  democratic  system  now  established  in  Great 
Britain. 

"The  King  reigns,  but  does  not  rule."  In  theory  the  King 
remains  an  absolute  monarch  by  the  "grace  of  God,"  but  in 
^,    ...  practice  he  never  interferes  with,  and  seldom  in- 

The  King         *1  i  r    i      /^ 

rluences,  the  conduct  of  the  Government.  He  no 
longer  vetoes  bills ;  and  appointments  to  office  are  made  by 
the  Cabinet  in  his  name.  The  King  has  become  a  figurehead 
in  the  English  political  system;  his  sole  prerogatives  are 
"the  right  to  encourage  and  the  right  to  warn."  Neverthe- 
less, he  still  performs  a  useful  political  function  in  being  the 
symbol  of  the  unity  of  the  Empire.  The  monarchy  is  greatly 
respected  by  all  classes  of  the  English  people,  who  regard  it 
as  the  only  non-partisan  element  in  their  Government  and 
therefore  a  truly  patriotic  institution. 

1  See  p.  363. 


DEMOCRACY   IN   GREAT   BRITAIN  525 

The  leading  characteristic  of  the  British  political  system 
is  the  Cabinet.  This  is  a  committee  of  about  twenty  mem- 
bers of   Parliament   chosen   in   theory   by   the  ^.    ^  , . 

TT  r/^  1  '  •        1  ■^'^^  Cabinet 

House  of  Commons,  but  m  practice  by  a  caucus 
of  the  party  in  control  of  the  House.  The  chief  of  the  Cabi- 
net is  known  as  the  Premier,  or  Prime  Minister,  and  he  is 
always  the  leader  of  the  majority  party.  It  is  he  who  has 
most  weight  in  determining  the  appointment  of  his  associ- 
ates and  in  the  formulation  of  policies  to  be  pursued  by  the 
Government.  The  "elEcieat  secret"  of  the  British  cabinet 
system  is  the  "union  of^powers,"  in  contrast  to  the  Ameri- 
can system  of  "separation  of  powers" :  the  Cabinet  exercises 
"executive"  power  by  appointing  officials  and  by  supervis- 
ing the  administration;  and  it  exercises  at  the  same  time 
"legislative  power,"  inasmuch  as  the  Ministers,  being  mem- 
bers of  Parliament  and  the  leaders  of  the  dominant  party, 
introduce  all  the  important  bills.  Should  any  of  these  bills 
fail  to  pass  the  Commons,  or  should  the  latter  pass  a  resolu- 
tion of  "no  confidence,"  the  Cabinet  as  a  whole  must  imme- 
diately resign,  since  it  is  chosen  not  for  a  definite  term  of 
office,  but  on  the  principle  of  "ministerial  responsibility," 
which  means  that  the  Commons  may  at  any  time  termi- 
nate its  political  life.  When  an  adverse  vote  is  passed,  one 
of  two  things  may  follow:  either  the  King  calls  upon  the 
leader  of  the  Opposition  to  form  a  new  Ministry;  ^  or,  what 
is  more  likely  to  be  the  case,  the  House  is  dissolved  and  a 
new  election  is  ordered.  If  the  newly  elected  House  con- 
tains a  majority  in  favor  of  the  Cabinet,  the  latter  contin- 
ues in  office;  otherwise  the  leader  of  the  Opposition  is  called 
upon  by  the  King  to  form  a  new  Cabinet,  which  in  turn 
becomes  "His  Majesty's  Government."  It  is  of  the  great- 
est importance  that  harmony  should  exist  in  all  parts  of 
the  British  Government,  and  the  elastic  method  of  dis- 
solving Parliament  is  used  to  bring  about  such  harmony 
in  case  it  has  ceased  to  exist.    The  British  cabinet  system 

^  The  Cabinet  is  the  core  of  a  larger  group  of  officials,  called  the  Ministry, 
which  consists  of  all  the  important  administrative  officials;  but  the  terms 
"Cabinet"  and  "Ministry"  are  used  synonymously. 


326      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

combines  efficiency  with  democracy,  and  for  this  reason 
it  has  become  the  model  for  the  whole  world. 

Parliament  consists  of  two  houses,  the  Lords  and  the 
Commons,  though  the  term  "Parliament"  generally  refers 
^,    ^     ,        to  the  latter.  The  House  of  Lords  consists  mainly 

Ihe  Lords  .  ,  ,.  i         •'       i  i     • 

of  hereditary  peers,  that  is,  those  who  owe  their 
seats  to  the  fact  that  they  are  the  heads  of  noble  families  in 
England.  The  power  of  the  Lords  has  been  on  the  wane 
since  1832,  and  the  Parliament  Act  of  1911^  has  reduced  the 
once  haughty  House  to  a  position  of  inferiority,  for  the 
utmost  they  can  do  now  in  shaping  legislation  is  to  defer 
action  for  two  years.  Nevertheless,  it  is  still  a  distinction 
to  be  a  peer,  because  of  the  social  prestige  enjoyed  by  the 
English  aristocracy. 

The  House  of  Commons  is  composed  of  six  hundred  and 
seventy  members  chosen  for  a  term  of  five  years,  but  this 
The  Com-  period  may  be  curtailed  if  the  House  is  sooner 
mons  dissolved  by  the  King  on  the  advice  of  his  Minis- 

ters. As  the  King  may  order  a  dissolution  at  any  time  and 
for  any  reason.  Parliament  is  sometimes  dissolved,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  Lloyd  George  Budget  of  1909,^  because  the  Lords 
refuse  to  pass  an  important  bill.  Although  Parliament  is 
elected  by  what  is  practically  universal  manhood  suffrage, 
voting  in  Great  Britain  is  considered  a  property,  not  a 
natural,  right.  There  are  still  property  qualifications  for 
voting,  as  the  expansion  of  the  suffrage  was  brought  about 
by  the  contraction,  and  not  by  the  abolition,  of  the  property 
qualification.  In  order  to  be  permitted  to  vote^  a  man  must 
be  a  landowner,  a  householder,  that  is,  the  head  of  a  family 
occupying  a  house,  or  a  lodger  paying  fifty  dollars  (£10)  a 
year  rent.  Plural  voting  is  permitted,  for  a  man  has  the 
right  to  vote  in  every  constituency  in  which  he  possesses 
landed  property.^  The  supremacy  of  Parliament  is  the  fun- 
damental fact  in  the  English  political  system;  from  the 
humble  position  of  a  mere  advisory  body  to  the  King,  the 
Commons  has  risen  to  dominate  the  entire  Government  by 

1  See  p.  363.  »  See  p.  359. 

'  In  1918  important  changes  were  made  in  the  electoral  system.    See  p.  757. 


DEMOCRACY   IN   GREAT   BRITAIN  327 

absorbing  the  power  of  both  the  King  and  the  Lords.  As 
the  functions  of  ParHament  are  focused  in  the  Cabinet,  the 
part  the  former  plays  is  mainly  that  of  monitor  for  the  na- 
tion :  it  watches  over  the  actions  of  the  Cabinet,  which  must 
conform  its  policies  to  the  will  of  Parliament  or  resign.  In 
the  British  political  system  there  are  no  "checks  and  bal- 
ances" to  hamper  the  free  action  of  Parliament;  no  written 
constitution  to  limit  its  powers,  and  consequently  no  su- 
preme court  to  declare  its  acts  unconstitutional;  and  no 
veto  by  King  or  Lords  to  nullify  its  measures.  Parliament, 
however,  is  heedful  of  the  unwritten  constitution,  or  the 
principles  established  by  Magna  Charta  and  the  Bill  of 
Rights.  Were  it  not  that  English  society  is  aristocratic,  in- 
fluencing the  masses  to  feel  great  respect  for  their  "bet- 
ters," the  exceedingly  democratic  character  of  the  British 
system  of  government  might  easily  lend  itself  to  revolution- 
ary legislation.  As  it  is,  the  conservative  temper  of  the 
English  people  has  been  a  restraining  force  on  radicalism. 

The  two-party  system  which  grew  up  in  England  at  the 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  has  been  so  intimately 
related  to  the  governmental  system  that  it  has  The  Con- 
come  to  be  considered  a  necessary  part  of  it.  servatives 
"His  Majesty's  Government,"  or  the  party  in  power,  is 
always  faced  by  "His  Majesty's  Opposition,"  or  the  party 
out  of  power;  the  former  has  complete  control  of  all  legisla- 
tion and  the  latter  limits  itself  merely  to  criticizing  the  Gov- 
ernment. There  are  two  great  parties,  the  Conser\'atives,  or 
Unionists,  and  the  Liberals;  and  two  small  parties,  the  Irish 
Nationalists  and  the  Laborites.  The  Conservative  Party 
favors  union  with  Ireland,  an  aggressive  foreign  policy,  tariff 
reform  (Protection),  moderate  social  legislation,  and  land 
reform  along  conservative  lines.  Now  that  Parliament  is 
under  democratic  control.  Conservatives  are  beginning  to 
question  the  long-accepted  doctrine  of  the  supremacy  of 
Parliament.  They  advocate  the  referendunij  a  device  by 
which  the  people  themselves  would  be  called  upon  to  vote 
directly  on  an  important  bill  over  which  the  two  Houses 
disagree.   By  this  device  they  hope  to  circumscribe  the  un- 


328      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

checked  freedom  of  action  of  the  Commons.  The  Conserva- 
tive Pa_rty  represents,  in  the  main,  the  landed  interests  and 
receives  the  almost  solid  support  of  the  rural  vote.  When 
Joseph  Chamberlain  deserted  the  Liberals  on  account  of 
Irish  Home  Rule,^  he  took  with  him  into  the  Conservative 
ranks  a  capitalistic  element  which  has  since  made  itself 
sufficiently  powerful  to  dictate  the  policies  of  the  old,  aristo- 
cratic Tories. 

The  Liberals  favor  home  rule  for  Ireland,  radical  social 
reform,  free  trade,  land  reform,  restriction  of  the  liquor 
^     , .,      ,    traffic,  the  abolition  of  plural  voting,  and  the 

The  Liberals  r  t-»     i-  •        i  .       r 

supremacy  of  Parliament  in  the  government  ot 
Great  Britain.  Most  of  the  support  of  the  Liberals  comes 
from  the  middle  and  working  classes  in  the  industrial  regions 
of  the  kingdom.  In  recent  years  a  radical  element  led  by 
Lloyd  George  has  appeared  in  the  Liberal  Party,  which  is 
no  longer  satisfied*  with  the  Gladstonian  tradition  of  slow 
progress  along  the  path  of  political  democracy,  but  wishes 
to  go  much  faster  along  the  new  path  of  social  democracy. 
Although  there  are  now  four  parties  in  Parliament,  the 
essential  character  of  the  English  two-party  system,  the 
The  Na-  Government  and  the  Opposition,  has  not  been 
and  Labor-  seriously  undermined,  because  the  Irish  and 
ites  Labor   parties    are  too  small  to  play  the  part 

that  the  Continental  groups  do  in  forming  cabinets.  They 
have,  however,  profoundly  influenced  the  policies  of  the  two 
leading  parties,  especially  of  the  Liberals,  with  whom  they 
have  been  closely  allied  since  the  election  of  1906. 

Political  History  (1867- 1906) 

During  the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  two  great 
personalities,  Gladstone  and  Disraeli,  dominated  England's 
public  life  to  a  degree  almost  unparalleled  in  her 
history.  Their  ideals  and  characters  made  a 
lasting  impression  upon  their  own  generation  and  greatly  in- 
fluenced the  generation  that  followed  them.  William  Ewart 
Gladstone  (1809-98)  was  born  in  the  city  of  Liverpool.  His 

1  See  p.  394. 


DEMOCRACY   IN   GREAT   BRITAIN  329 

father  was  a  wealthy  merchant  who  gave  his  son  the  best  edu- 
cation possible  in  the  England  of  that  day.  Young  Gladstone 
was  sent  to  Oxford,  where  he  greatly  distinguished  himself 
both  as  a  student  and  as  a  debater.  In  1833  he  was  elected  to 
the  House  of  Commons  as  a  Conservative.  His  eloquence 
and  ability  gained  him  immediate  recognition,  and  he  was 
acclaimed  by  Macaulay,  the  famous  historian,  as  the  "rising 
hope  of  the  stern,  unbending  Tories."  For  some  years  he 
was  the  faithful  follower  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  who  was  a  past- 
master  in  the  art  of  adapting  himself  to  changing  political 
conditions.  An  earnest  study  of  English  political  and  social 
institutions,  a  slowly  dawning  conviction  that  a  democratic 
England  was  inevitable,  and  a  natural  desire  to  be  the  leader 
in  the  new  time,  drew  the  rising  young  statesman  from  the 
Conservative  to  the  Liberal  Party.  For  many  yearsljlad- 
stone  was  the  leading  spokesman  of  progressive  liberalism 
and  the  chief  builder  of  modern  England.  Although  fre- 
quently accused  of  being  a  demagogue,  because  of  his  elo- 
quent defense  of  democratic  principles,  he  was  far  indeed 
from  being  a  revolutionary  radical.  On  the  contrary,  he 
believed  In  liberty  "broadening  down  from  precedent  to 
precedent";  and  to  the  day  of  his  death  he  continued  to 
"grow  visibly."  Gladstone  was  a  man  of  many  abilities.  As 
an  orator  he  was  unsurpassed,  and  received  the  homage  of  a 
generation  that  knew  Bright,  Disraeli,  and  Macaulay.  He 
was  also  a  master  of  national  finance  and  could  make  the 
intricacies  of  a  budget  as  interesting  as  an  exposition  of 
human  rights.  When  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  in  the 
Coalition  Ministry,  he  once  held  the  rapt  attention  of  the 
House  for  five  hours  while  he  was  expounding  the  budget 
for  the  year.  Gladstone's  main  political  interest  was  In  do- 
mestic refojrn.  In  the  Empire  as  a  whole  he  had  but  scant 
Interest;  and  in  foreign  affairs  he  frequently  showed  him- 
self Incapable  of  grasping  the  true  significance  of  great 
events  such  as  the  American  Civil  War  and  the  Franco- 
Prussian  War.  No  man  since  the  Earl  of  Chatham  exercised 
so  wonderful  an  influence  over  his  countrymen  as  did  Glad- 
stone, who  advocated  his  political  principles  with  a  moral 


330     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

fervor  and  religious  earnestness  that  made  him  appear  the 

very  model  of  a  Christian  statesman. 

His  famous  rival  wag_Benjamin  Disraeli  (1804-81),  later 

known  as  the  Earl  of  Beaconsfield.    Disraeli  was  born  in 

^.      ,.  London  of  Jewish  parents,  but  received  Christian 

Disraeh  ,  .  -^  ,  ^    ,     .    '         .  ,        a       i- 

baptism  and  was  admitted   into   the  Anglican 

Church  at  the  age  of  thirteen.  Although  he  was  not  sent  to 
any  of  the  great  English  colleges,  he  was  carefully  educated 
by  his  father,  who  was  a  literary  man  of  some  talent.  From 
his  earliest  youth  Disraeli  was  consumed  with  the  ambition 
to  play  a  prominent  role  in  politics.  In  1837  he  entered  Par- 
liament as  an  independent  radical.  When  he  was  making 
his  maiden  speech,  liis  florid  oratory  and  sensational  mode 
of  dress  produced  such  an  uproar  in  the  House  that  he  was 
compelled  to  sit  down,  shouting  defiantly  at  the  same  time 
that  the  day  would  come  when  they  would  be  glad  to  hear 
him.  He  continued  to  attract  attention  as  a  writer  of^o^ 
litical  novels,  which  are  remarkable,  not  so  much  for  their 
literary  qualities  as  for  their  keen  analysis  of  English  politi- 
cal and  social  conditions.  He  again  entered  Parliament  in 
1 84 1,  this  time  as  a  Conseryatiye.  Before  long  his  political 
abilities  brought  him  recognition  in  spite  of  the  prejudice 
against  him  because  of  his  origin  and  personality.  The  leader 
of  the  Conservative  Party,  Sir  Robert  Peel,  did  not  take 
kindly  to  young  Disraeli.  When  Peel  yielded  to  the  demand 
for  repealing  the  Corn  Laws,^  Disraeli  immediately  came  for- 
ward as  the  champion  of  protection,  and  in  a  speech  vibrant 
with  sarcasm  and  scorn  he  denounced  Peel  as  a  betrayer  of 
the  Conservative  Party  and  as  a  "sublime  mediocrity" 
who,  being  devoid  of  originality,  became  the  "burglar  of 
other  men's  minds."  From  that  day  till  his  death,  Disraeli 
was  absolute  master  of  his  party,  which  followed  him  will- 
ingly or  unwillingly,  because  it  was  recognized  among  the 
landed  gentry  that  he  alone  could  rehabilitate  conservatism 
in  the  new  England  that  had  arisen  since  1832. 

Disraeli  resolved  "to  educate  his  own  party"  in  the  new 
problems  confronting  the  generation  of  his  day.  He  came  ta 

1  See  p.  71. 


DEMOCRACY   IN   GREAT   BRITAIN  331 

the  rather  startling  conclusion  that  an  alliance  between  the 
aristocrats  and  the  working  class  against  the  middle  class, 
the  two  extremes  as  against  the  middle,  was  the  wisest  pol-. 
icy  for  the  Conseryatives.  This  he  called  "Tory  Democ- 
racy," and,  to  attract  the  workingman  to  his  standard,  he 
advocated  the  liberalizing  of  the  Tory  Party  in  novels, 
speeches,  and  pamphlets.  The  Liberals  who  had  exhausted 
their  political  energies  in  promoting  reforms,  he  once  wit- 
tily described  as  "a  row  of  extinct  volcanoes."  Plausible 
as  the  idea  of  "Tory  Democracy"  appeared,  it  failed  of  its 
obiect^chiefly: because  the~Uberal  Party  under  Gladstone's 
leadership  became  more  i)rog.ressive;  it  had  moreover  the 
advantage' oT~being  able  to  claim  to  its  credit  the  first 
great  step  toward  democracy  taken  in  1832.  Disraeli 
urged  another^policy  on  the  Conserv^ative  Party,  imperial- 
ism, w^hich  he  characterized  as  '^tKe  sublime  instinct  of 
an  ancient  people."  The  British  Empire  had  grown  up 
mainly  as  a  result  of  private  enterprise,  and  it  had  often 
been  treated  with  neglect  and  indifference  by  the  Govern- 
ment. It  was  Disraeli's  idea  that  Great  Britain  should  be- 
come conscious  of  her  imperial  duties  and  extend  her  sway 
by  an  aggressive  foreign  policy.  He  made  a  vivid  appeal 
to  the  English  imagination,  and  the  Conserv^ative  Party 
gladly  adopted  the  policy  of  imperialism  which  has  since 
proved  to  be  its  greatest  political  asset. 

Victorian  England  could  boast  of  two  other  distinguished 
figures  that  shed  luster  upon  her  history^  namely,  John  Bright 
and  John  Stuart  Mill.  John  Bright  (181 1-89)  g^.  ^^ 
was  a  typical  representative  of  the  middle  classes 
who  had  come  into  power  with  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832. 
He  was  a  stanch  believer  in  the  doctrine  of  laissez  faire, 
and  for  that  reason  he  opposed  factory  legislation;  but 
he  was  consistently  in  favor  of  political  democracy  and  was 
always  a  valiant  champion  of  the  liberal  movements  of 
his  day.  Bright  effectively  aided  Cobden  in  his  anti-Corn 
Law  agitation  and  Gladstone  in  his  efforts  to  extend  the 
franchise.    As  we  have  already  seen,^  he  was  an  enemy  of 

1  See  p.  74. 


332     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

slavery  and  espoused  the  cause  of  the  North  during  the 
Civil  War.  Bright's  abilities  as  an  orator  were  of  the  very 
highest ;  by  some  of  his  contemporaries  he  was  rated  as  the 
ablest  orator  of  the  day. 

John  Stuart  Mill  (1806-73),  political  philosopher  and 
economist,  was  one  of  the  great  intellectual  influences  of  his 
generation.  As  a  disciple  of  Jeremy  Bentham, 
Mill  championed  the  ideals  of  the  Utilitarian 
School  of  philosophy,  whose  fundamental  doctrine  was  "to 
do  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number" ;  by  this  they 
meant  that  government  and  society  ought  to  be  so  organized 
as  to  bring  comfort  and  happiness  to  the  mass  of  the  people. 
In  economics  Mill  espoused  the  ideas  of  the  Manchester 
School,  which  he  made  popular  by  his  books  on  political 
economy.  He  had  an  extraordinary  gift  for  lucid  statement, 
and  his  writings  are  crystal  clear  in  their  exposition  of 
varied  and  complex  phenomena.  He  was  conspicuous  for 
open-mindedness  and  intellectual  honesty  and  ahead  of  his 
generation  in  many  of  his  ideas.  He  warmly  espoused  the 
cause  of  woman  suffrage  and  advocated  the  reorganization 
of  the  electoral  system  on  the  basis  of  proportional  repre- 
sentation.^ 

The  Reform  Bill  of  1867,  like  that  of  1832,  was  followed 
by  an  era  of  reform.  Now  that  the  working  classes,  were 
The  Educa-  enfranchised,  the  general  sentiment  was  that  an 
tion  Act  educated  democracy  was  less  dangerous  than  an 
ignorant  one.  "We  must  educate  our  masters,"  said  the 
Conservative,  Robert  Lowe.  Gladstone's  first  Ministry 
(1868-74)  put  through  the  Forster  Education  Act  (1870) 
establishing  for  the  first  time  a  national  system  of  popular 
education.  The  declared  aim  of  this  law  was  "  to  complete 
the  voluntary  system  and  fill  up  the  gaps."  Great  Britain 
was  divided  into  school  districts,  and  new  schools  were  built 
where  there  was  not  a  sufficient  number  already  established. 
These  new  schools,  known  as  "Board  Schools,"  were  sup- 
ported mainly  by  local  taxation  and  were  placed  under  the 
control  of  popularly  elected  boards.    Illiteracy,  which  at 

^  See  p.  492. 


s 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  333 

one  time  had  been  very  high  in  Great  Britain,^  began  to 
fall  rapidly.  To-day,  with  education  both  free  and  com- 
pulsory, it  is  practically  non-existent. 

When  Gladstone  took  office  he  announced  that  his  first 
mission  was  to  pacify  Ireland.  The  Irish  Question,  there- 
fore, occupied  a  prominent^lace  in  the  program  Gladstone' 
of  his  Ministry,  A  law  disestablishing  the  Angli-  first  Minis- 
can  Church  in  Ireland  was  passed  in  1869;  and  ^^ 
during  the  following  year  the  first  of  the  famous  Irish  Land 
Acts  was  enacted.-  The  most  notable  act  of  the  Gladstone 
Ministry  in  the  realm  of  foreign  affairs  was  the  settlement  in 
1 871  of  the  Alabama  Claims.  These  grew  out  of  the  claims 
of  the  United  States  against  England  for  giving  assistance 
to  the  Alabama  and  other  Southern  privateers  in  their  dep- 
redations on  Northern  commerce.  After  much  negotiation 
the  matter  was  settled  by  a  board  of  arbitrators,  who 
awarded  the  United  States  the  sum  of  fifteen  and  a  half 
million  dollars. 

Disraeli's  Ministry  (1874-80)  was^as  notable  in  foreign 
affairs  as  Gladstone's  had  been  in  domestic  affairs.  It  was 
the  aim  of  the  new  Premier  to  have  his  country  Disraeli's 
play  a  great  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  world  by  Ministry 
pursuing  a  vigorous  foreign  policy  and  by  extending  the 
boundaries  of  the  Empire.  Egypt  made  her  entry  into  the 
British  Empire  in  1875  through  England's  purchase  of  the 
Suez  Canal  shares  held  by  the  Khedive.^  Disraeli  em- 
phasized his  imperalism  in  a  highly  dramatic  manner  in 
1877  by  having  Queen  Victoria  crowned  with  great  cere- 
mony as  Empress  of  India.  The  Bulgarian' atrocities,  which 
precipitated  the  Near  Eastern  crisis  of  1877,^  aroused  such 
great  indignation  in  England  that  a  demand,  voiced  by 
Gladstone,  arose  that  the  Turk  be  dfiven  out  of  Europe. 
But  the  Disraeli  Ministry,  following  the  traditional  policy 
of  England  in  the  Near  East,  backed  Turkey  against  Russia 
during^the  Russo-Turkish  War  of  1877.    At  the  Congress  of 

'  In  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  about  thirty  per  cent  of  the  men 
and  about  fifty  per  cent  of  the  women  were  illiterate. 
*  See  p.  390.  »  See  p.  404.  *  See  p.  632. 


334      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Berlin,  Disraeli  played  a  prominent  if  not  a  great  part, 
and  he  left  the  Congress  bringing,  as  he  said,  "peace  with 
honor."  ^  The  Government  was  denounced  by  Gladstone  in  a 
series  of  stirring  speeches  to  his  constituents  in  Midlothian 
for  its  support  of  the  Sultan  and  for  its  neglect  of  domestic 
reforms  to  such  good  effect  that  in  the  election  of  1880  the 
Liberals  were  overwhelmingly  successful;  and  Gladstone 
returned  to  power. 

Gladstone's  second  Ministry  (1880-85)  was  even  more 
notable  than  his  first.  Once  more  domestic  reform  became 
Gladstone's  ^^^  leading  question  in  English  politics.  A  strin- 
second  Min-  gent  Corrupt  Practices  Act  was  passed  in  1883 
'^  ^^  which  forbade,  under  severe  penalties,  the  brib- 

ery of  voters,  directly  or  indirectly.  This  law,  together  with 
the  introduction  of  the  Australian,  or  secret,  ballot  (1872), 
did  much  to  purify  the  English  electoral  system.  As  the 
extension  of  the  suffrage  had  been  the  main  principle  of 
the  Liberals,  they  had  been  for  a  time  discouraged  when  the 
Conservatives  "stole  their  clothes"  by  passing  the  Reform 
Bill  of  1867.  The  Conservatives  hoped  that  out  of  grati- 
tude the  newly  enfranchised  would  support  them;  but  in 
this  they  were  doomed  to  disappointment,  for  most  of 
the  workingmen  supported  the  Liberal  Party,  which,  under 
Gladstone's  leadership,  became  the  champion  of  complete 
democracy.  The  Reform  Bill  of  1867  did  not  by  any  means 
establish  universal  suffrage,  for,  as  we  have  seen,^  it  was  so 
drawn  as  to  exclude  the  agricultural  laborers  from  voting^. 
In  1884  Gladstone,  ably  seconded  by  John  Bright,  carried 
through  Parliament  the  third  great  Reform  Bill  against  the 
vigorous  opposition  of  the  Conservatives.  The  new  law 
placed  the  county  franchise  on  the  same  footing  as  that  of 
the  borough  by  giving  the  vote  in  the  counties  to  all  house- 
holders and  to  those  who  paid  at  least  fifty  dollars  (£10)  a 
year  for  lodgings.  It  is  estimated  that  the  Reform  Bill  of 
1884  increased  the  electorate  from  about  three  to  about  five 
million.  Universal  manhood  suffrage  was  now  virtually^ 
established  in  Great  Britain,  as  the  number  of  those  still 

*  For  further  details  see  p.  635.  2  See  p.  76. 


DEMOCRACY   IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  335 

excluded  from  voting,  sons  living  with  their  parents  and 
servants  living  with  their  employers,  was  comparatively 
small.  However,  a  new  suffrage  question  arose,  Woman 
Suffrage,  which  will  be  described  In  another  chapter.^  In 
1885  Parliament  passed  the  Redlscrlbution  Act,  which  re- 
apportioned the  country  Into  constituencies  more  or  less 
equal  in  size.  Unfortunately,  provision  was  not  made  for  a 
periodic  redistribution  of  seats,  as  Is  the  case  In  America, 
where,  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  a  reapportionment 
is  made  every  ten  years.  Failure  to  provide  this  safeguard 
has  permitted  the  growth  of  a  new  "rotten-borough"  sys- 
tem, as  the  party  In  power  Is  naturally  reluctant  to  change 
the  constituencies  lest  It  suffer  thereby. 

Gladstone's  temperamental  dislike  of  an  aggressive  policy 
in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  greatly  dissatisfied  the 
country.  When  he  yielded  to  the  Boers  after  the  Overthrow 
British  defeat  at  Majuba  Hill  In  1881,^  the  Con-  stone^Minis- 
servatlves  denounced  the  Government's  action  ^^y 
as  a  humiliation  of  the  British  Empire.  His  hesitation  in 
sending  a  relief  expedition  to  General  Gordon  when  the  lat- 
ter was  besieged  by  the  followers  of  the  Mahdl  at  Khartum,^ 
and  the  subsequent  death  of  the  General,  whom  the  coun- 
try regarded  as  a  martyr,  made  the  Ministry  so  unpopular 
that,  in  July,  1885,  It  was  overthrown. 

The  new  Prime  Minister  was  Lord  Salisbury,  who  had 
succeeded  Disraeli  as  the  leader  of  the  Conservative  Party. 
Salisbury  was  a  member  of  the    Cecil  family,   Salisbury's 
distinguished  In  English  history  since  the  days  first  Minis- 
of  Queen  Elizabeth.  He  was  a  disciple  of  Disraeli, 
and,  like  his  master,  was  noted  for  his  caustic  wit;  but,  un- 
like him,  he  was  a  man  of  a  narrow,  aristocratic  outlook  and 
therefore  lacking  In  sympathy  with  the  progressive  Ideas 
of  his  time.    Salisbury  was  In  office  but  a  short  time,  for 
the  Liberals  won  in  the  general  election  in  December,  1885. 
Gladstone's  third   Ministry  was  a  short  one   (February- 
August,  1886),  but  It  was  made  notable  by  the  Introduction 
of  the  first  Irish  Home  Rule  Bill.'^    Gladstone  was  bitterly 

*  See  pp.  607  ff,  2  See  p.  414.  '  See  p.  406.  ■•  See  p.  393. 


336      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

denounced  for  his  championship  of  the  Irish  both  by  Liber- 
Gladstone's  ^^^  ^^^  ^y  Conservatives.  John  Bright,  Joseph 
third  Min-  Chamberlain,  and  Lord  Randolph  Churchill  led 
'^  *^^  a  secession  movement  from  the  Liberal  Party 

to  vote  against  it.  "An  intolerable,  an  imbecile,  an  accursed 
bill,"  was  Lord  Salisbury's  opinion  of  the  measure;  the  solu- 
tion of  the  Irish  Question,  he  declared,  was  not  in  conces- 
sion, but  in  coercion.  The  bill  was  defeated  by  a  combina- 
tion of  Conservatives  and  Liberals. 

A  Conservative  Government  was  again  organized  under 
Lord  Salisbury.  His  second  Ministry  (1886-92)  was  chiefly 
c  ,.  u     .       occupied  with  the  Irish  problem.     Many  out- 

Salisbury  s  ^  ,  ^  -^ 

second  Min-  rages  were  committed  by  the  Irish  tenants 
^^^^^  against  the  landlords,  and  the  Land  League  was 

accused  of  secretly  encouraging  the  turbulent  Irish.  Arthur 
Balfour,  Salisbury's  nephew,  was  appointed  Chief  Secre- 
tary for  Ireland,  and  he  determined  to  suppress  ruthlessly 
the  lawless  agitation  of  the  Irish.  A  drastic  Crimes  Act  was 
passed,  and  it  was  vigorously  enforced.  The  Conservatives, 
however,  decided  to  quiet  Irish  discontent  by  land  legisla- 
tion favorable  to  the  peasants,  and  so  they  passed  the  Land 
Purchase  Act  of  1891.^  An  important  measure  of  political 
reform  was  accomplished  by  the  Salisbury  Ministry  through 
the  passing  of  the  County  Councils  Acjt  of  1888.  This 
measure  did  for  the  rural  disfncts  what  the  Municipal  Re- 
form Act  of  1835  had  done  for  the  cities:  political  control 
was  taken  away  from  the  local  aristocracy  and  given  to 
popularly  elected  bodies. 

Gladstone's  fourth  Ministry  (1892-94),  like  his  third, 
was  occupied  mainly  with  the  Irish  Question.  In  1893  he 
^,  , ,     ,      introduced  the  second  Home  Rule  Bill.^    This 

Gladstones  ,        y^       ~~- 

fourth  Min-  time  it  passed  the  Commons,  but  it  was  de- 
*^*^^  feated  by  the  Lords.    Shortly  afterwards  Glad- 

stone retired  from  public  life  and  was  succeeded  as  Premier 
by  Lord  Rosebery.  The  latter,  having  no  sympathy  with 
Irish  Home  Rule,  made  no  effort  to  agitate  the  question  any 
further.    The  Rosebery  Ministry  (1894-95)  was  responsi- 

*  See  p.  391.  2  See  p.  394. 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  337 

ble  for  an  Important  tax  law  fathered  by  Sir  William  Har- 
court  which  laid  heavy  "death  duties,"  or  taxes  on  inheri- 
tances. 

In  the  general  elections  of  1895,  the  Conservatives  were 
overwhelmingly  successful,  and  they  ruled  England  for 
an  entire  decade.  From  1895  to  1902  Lord  Salisbury's 
Salisbury  was  Prime  Minister  and  from  1902  ^stry;  chLm- 
to  1905  Balfour  was  at  the  helm.  This  decade  berlain 
is  a  crucial  period  in  the  history  of  the  British  Empire, 
as  once  more  imperial  questions  came  to  the  fore  in  Eng- 
lish politics.  An  important  figure  in  the  Conservative  Min- 
istry was  Joseph  Chamberlain,  the  Colonial  Secretary. 
Chamberlain  began  his  politicaL  life  as  a  radical  Liberal, 
and  he  attracted  considerable  attention  by  reforming  the 
government  of  Birmingham,  his  home  city,  where  for  many 
years  afterwards  he  dominated  political  life.  Although  a 
manufacturer  and  the  representative  of  an  industrial  sec- 
tion, he  yet  was  sufficiently  far-sighted  to  favor  social 
legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the  working  classes.  As  we  have 
already  seen,  he  left  the  Liberal  Party  on  the  Home  Rule 
issue,  and  joined  the  Conservatives  with  a  group  of  ex- 
Liberals  calling  themselves  "Unionists."  Chamberlain  de- 
voted the  latter  part  of  his  political  life  to  a  vigorous 
agitation  for  protection  and  imperial  preference ;  ^  he  be- 
lieved that  only  by  the  adoption  of  these  policies  could  the 
British  Empire  be  maintained  under  modern  conditions. 
On  the  question  of  protection  the  Conservatives  became 
divided  into  two  camps,  for  many  had  become  adherents 
of  free  trade;  Chamberlain,  finding  himself  In  a  minority, 
resigned  his  office  in  1903. 

Arthur  James  Balfour  was  another  prominent  figure  of 
this  period.  He  is  an  excellent  example  of  the  English 
intellectual  in  politics,  his  speeches  being  dis- 
tinguished by  literary  and  philosophic  qualities 
of  a  high  order.  Although  an  aristocrat  and  a  Conserva- 
tive, Balfour's  fine  personal  character  and  tolerant  open- 
mindedness  brought  him  respect  even  from  the  extreme 

1  See  p.  421. 


338     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

radicals  in  Parliament.  His  equivocal  attitude  regarding 
protection  aroused  a  formidable  opposition  to  him  among 
the  tariff  reformers,  or  protectionists,  in  his  own  party;  in 
19 1 2  he  was  deposed  as  leader  of  the  Conservatives  and  was 
succeeded  by  a  stanch  protectionist,  Andrew  Bonar-Law. 

The  Boer  War^  was  fought  during  the  Salisbury  Minis- 
try. The  war  was  opposed  by  the  Liberals  but  it  was  en- 
Foreign  thusiastically  supported  by  the  overwhelming 
affairs  majority  of  the  English  people,  and  in  the  gen- 
eral elections  of  1900  the  Conservatives  were  returned  to 
power  on  the  war  issue  with  a  majority  of  134.  A  dispute 
with  Venezuela,  in  1895,  over  the  boundary  line  between 
that  country  and  British  Guiana  almost  led  to  a  war 
with  the  United  States  on  account  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine; but  the  matter  was  amicably  settled  by  arbitration, 
resulting  in  a  marked  improvement  in  the  relations  between 
England  and  America,  which  had  been  strained  since  the 
Civil  War. 

Irish  discontent  continued  to  engage  public  attention, 
and  the  Conservatives  endeavored  to  quiet  the  country  by 
Domestic  passing  the  Local  Government  Act  (1898)  and 
legislation  ^j^e  Land  Purchase  Act  (i903).2  In  1902  they 
passed  an  Education  Act^  favorable  to  the  schools  of  the 
Established  Church,  which  aroused  great  opposition,  par- 
ticularly among  Nonconformists.  The  Conservatives  had 
been  in  office  for  a  long  time,  and  a  general  reaction  was 
now  setting  in  against  them.  They  aroused  popular  fury 
by  permitting  the  mine-owners  in  South  Africa  to  import 
Chinese  coolies  to  work  under  conditions  of  semi-slavery. 
As  a  consequence  they  suffered  a  great  defeat  in  the  elec- 
tions of  1906,  which  returned  about  380  Liberals  and  only 
about  160  Conservatives. 

Religious  and  Educational  Reforms 

A  State  Church  is  an  inheritance  from  the  Protestant 
Revolution,  which  split  up  the  international  Catholic 
Church  into  national  fragments.    For  several  centuries  after 

1  See  p.  416.  2  See  p.  391.  ^  See  p.  342. 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  339 

the  Protestant  Revolution,  a  common  belief  prevailed  that 
it  was  as  much  the  duty  of  the  State  to  protect  Church  and 
souls  from  heresy  as  it  was  to  protect  persons  ^^^^^ 
in  their  lives  and  property.  Until  the  Revolution  of 
1689,  the  English  law  presumed  every  subject  to  be  a  mem- 
ber of  the  national  Anglican  Church;  later  only  those 
possessing  the  political  privileges  of  voting  and  holding 
office  were  presumed  to  be  Anglicans.  Even  after  the 
removal  of  the  disabilities  of  Dissenters,  Catholics,  and 
Jews,  the  Anglican  Establishment  remained  the  favored 
Church  of  the  nation.  The  King  was  its  head ;  and  its  bish- 
ops, appointed  by  the  Government,  had  seats  in  the  House 
of  Lords.  It  was  supported  mainly  from  the  "endowments," 
large  properties  given  to  the  Church  in  times  past  by  the 
State;  and  the  income  from  this  source  was  supplemented 
by  donations  from  its  adherents  and  further  augmented  by 
local  taxes  known  as  "church  rates"  and  "tithes,"  levied 
on  citizens  irrespective  of  their  beliefs.  The  nation  directly 
contributed  to  the  support  of  the  Establishment  from  a 
special  fund  called  Queen  Anne's  Bounty. 

With  the  passing  of  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832  there  began 
a  movement  for  religious  equality  which  enlisted  the  hearty 
support  of  the  new  voters,  mainly  Dissenters,  g^g  ^q. 
who  objected  vigorously  to  supporting  a  Church  ward  religious 
in  whose  doctrines  they  did  not  believe.  In 
1868  Parliament  abolished  compulsory  church  rates  by  for- 
l)idding  the  prosecution  of  those  who  refused  to  pay  them. 
As  we  have  already  seen,^  a  step  was  taken  in  the  direction 
of  religious  equality  by  the  disestablishment  of  the  Episco- 
pal Church  in  Ireland.  The  requirement  that  only  Anglicans 
should  be  granted  degrees  at  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and 
Cambridge  was  repealed  in  1871  by  an  act  of  Parliament. 
The  Burials  Act  of  1880  permitted  Nonconformist  burial 
services  in  the  parish  churchyards.  Each  of  these  laws  was  a 
step  toward  the  equalization  of  all  religious  denominations. 

The  right  to  be  a  member  of  Parliament  had  been  granted 
to  all  Christians  and  Jews.    Could  the  right  be  withheld 

1  See  p.  388. 


340     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

from  an  atheist,  or  one  who  was  opposed  to  all  religions 
The  Brad-  and  disbelieved  in  the  existence  of  God?  Charles 
laugh  case  Bradlaugh,  a  well-known  atheist  agitator,  was 
elected  to.  Parliament  in  1880.  Instead  of  taking  the  cus- 
tomary oath,  in  which  the  words  "so  help  me  God"  oc- 
curred, he  wished  to  make  merely  an  affirmation  of  his 
allegiance  to  the  British  Crown.  This  privilege  being 
denied  to  him,  he  offered  to  take  the  oath ;  but  he  was  then 
told  that  it  could  have  no  meaning  for  an  atheist,  and  his 
election  was  declared  null  and  void.  A  heated  controversy 
arose  over  the  question  whether  belief  in  God  ought  to 
be  a  test  for  membership  in  Parliament.  The  matter  was 
definitely  settled  in  1888  by  an  act  which  legalized  an  affir- 
mation of  loyalty  as  a  substitute  for  the  customary  oath. 
Bradlaugh  thereupon  made  the  affirmation,  and  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  House.  Now  that  an  atheist  was  permitted 
to  sit  in  Parliament,  the  last  religious  test  for  holding  pub- 
lic office  disappeared. 

Another  sign  of  the  growth  of  religious  tolerance  was 
the  change  made  in  the  King's  oath  on  the  accession  of 
The  King's  George  V  in  1910  to  the  throne.  The  statute  of 
oath  1688,  in  order  to  assure  the  country  of  the  Prot- 

estantism of  the  King,  required  him,  in  the  coronation  oath^ 
to  denounce  the  Catholic  religion  as  "superstitious  and 
idolatrous."  In  1910  Parliament  established  a  new  oath 
which  required  the  King  merely  to  swear  that  he  would 
maintain  the  laws  governing  the  Protestant  succession. 

The  next  step  taken  toward  religious  equality  was  the 
disestablishment  of  the  Anglican  Church  in  Wales.  For 
Disestablish-  many  years  it  had  been  the  national  grievance 
We?sh°^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  Welsh  people,  about  seventy  per  cent  of 
Church  whom   Were    Nonconformists,    that    they   were 

compelled  to  support  an  "alien  church."  Lloyd  George, 
himself  a  Welshman  and  one  of  the  most  influential  men 
in  Parliament,  stood  forth  as  the  ardent  champion  of  dis- 
establishment. The  proposal  was  bitterly  attacked  by  the 
Conservatives,  who  feared  that  disestablishment  in  Wales 
would  become  a  precedent  for  a  similar  policy  in  England. 


DEMOCRACY  IN   GREAT   BRITAIN  341 

A  bill  disestablishing  the  Anglican  Church  in  Wales  passed 
the  Commons,  but  it  was  thrown  out  by  the  Lords.  After 
a  delay  of  two  years  it  became  law  in  19 14  under  the  Par- 
liament Act  of  1 9 1 1 .  ^  The  four  Welsh  bishops  lost  their  seats 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  the  Church  in  Wales  was  "dis- 
endowed" of  much  of  its  property,  the  income  from  which 
was  hereafter  to  be  devoted  to  educational  and  charitable 
purposes;  but  a  large  fund  was  set  aside  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  Welsh  clergy.  The  sudden  outbreak  of  the  World 
War  led  to  the  passage  of  an  amendment  which  suspended 
the  operation  of  the  Welsh  Disestablishment  Act  until  the 
close  of  the  war. 

The  advance  of  popular  education  in  England  has  been 
greatly  retarded  by  the  powerful  opposition  of  aristocratic 
and  religious  influences.  It  was  feared  by  con-  Conservative 
servative  people  that,  if  the  common  man  were  to  popular 
given  an  education,  he  would  become  discon-  education 
tented,  rebellious,  and  atheistic;  ignorance,  or,  at  best, 
education  under  religious  influences,  was  considered  a  safe- 
guard against  revolutionary  ideas. 

As  we  have  already  seen,^  a  system  of  national  secular 
education,  the  Board  Schools,  had  been  established  in  1870. 
But  many  children  continued  to  attend  the  Vol-  -phe  Board 
untary  Schools,  which  were  under  sectarian  con-  and  Volun- 

,  ,  1111  •      j_  tary  Schools 

-trol  and  were  supported  largely  by  private  con- 
tributions. In  these  schools  direct  religious  instruction  was 
given  along  sectarian  lines,  but  the  children  whose  parents 
objected  to  such  teaching  were  permitted  to  absent  them- 
selves from  the  periods  devoted  to  religious  instruction.  In 
the  Board  Schools  the  law  required  only  simple  Bible  in- 
struction and  forbade  the  teaching  of  any  "catechism  or 
religious  formulary  which  is  distinctive  of  any  denomina- 
tion." 

The  two  school  systems  were  in  constant  and  bitter  riv- 

_alry.  Support  by  local  taxation  gave  "the  Board  Schools  the 
advantage  of  ample  funds,  and  the  superior  equipment, which 
they  were  therefore  enabled  to  secure,  attracted  to  them 

1  See  p.  363.  *  See  p.  332. 


342     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

an  attendance  larger  than  that  of  the  Voluntary  Schools. 
The  Educa-  ^^^  latter,  which  were  mainly  under  Anglican 
tion  Act  of  auspices,  inaugurated  a  campaign  for  greater 
financial  assistance  from  the  Government.  The 
Conservatives,  always  friendly  to  the  Established  Church, 
passed  a  new  education  law  in  1902  which  considerably 
modified  the  act  of  1870.  The  local  school  boards  were  abol- 
ished, and  the  control  of  the  Board  Schools  was  vested  in 
a  committee  of  the  county  or  borough  council;  but  the 
Voluntary  Schools  were  to  continue  under  sectarian  control. 
Provision  was  also  made  for  the  support  of  both  systems 
by  local  taxation. 

This  law  caused  widespread  indignation,  particularly 
among  the  Nonconformists,  who  were  strongly  opposed 
O  sition  ^°  public  support  of  the  Anglican  schools. 
oftheNon-  Many  resolved  on  a  policy  of  "passive  reslst- 
con  ormis  s  g^j^^^g  "  Pqj-  refusing  to  pay  the  local  school  tax 
some  were  imprisoned  and  others  had  their  property  seized 
by  the  Government.  The  Liberals,  who  were  friendly  to 
the  Nonconformists,  promised  to  repeal  the  Education  Act  of 
1902 ;  and  when  a  Liberal  Ministry  came  into  power  in  1906, 
it  introduced  a  bill  in  Parliament  which  embodied  the  fol- 
lowing principles:  that  no  school  was  to  be  considered  a 
part  of  the  national  system  unless  it  was  under  public  con- 
trol ;  that  religious  instruction  was  to  be  given  only  to  those 
who  desired  it  and  by  persons  not  connected  with  the 
schools;  and  that  there  should  be  no  religious  test  in  the 
appointment  of  teachers.  The  bill  passed  the  Commons  but 
was  defeated  by  the  Lords,  who,  because  of  their  Anglican 
sympathies,  were  determined  to  block  every  effort  of  the 
Liberals  to  deal  with  the  education  question. 

Advance  of  Trade  Unionism 

If  the  introduction  of  machinery  had  the  effect  of  sep- 
arating into  two  camps  the  capitalists  and  the  laborers, 
Concentra-  it  also  resulted  in  bringing  numerous  workers 
tion  of  labor  nearer  together.  Massed  in  one  place,  doing  the 
same  or  similar  work,  getting  the  same  wages,  living  in  the 


DEMOCRACY   IN   GREAT  BRITAIN  343 

same  barrack-like  homes,  the  factory  laborers  naturally  got 
to  feel  a  sense  of  sojidarity  and  of  common  interest. 

The  conditions  of  employment  —  dirty  factories,  low 
wages,__and_JorigL_hoursjrr-  imposed  by  tHe^minufacturers 
during  the  Industrial  Revolution  made  the  work-  Origin  of 
ing  class  realize  that  they  would  sink  into  a  con-  ^^^^^  unions 
dition  of  abject  slavery  unless  they  found  some  means  of 
protecting  their  interests  as  against  those  of  the  mill-owners. 
The  refusal  of  one  or  of  several  workers  to  accept  the  terms 
of  their  employer  would  not  seriously  disconcert  the  latter, 
as  he  could  easily  get  plenty  of  others  to  fill  the  vacant 
places.  Out  of  these  conditions  a  new  institution  shortly 
developed,  the  "  trade"  or  "  labor  union,''  which  is  a  con- 
tinuous association  of  wage-earners  in  the  same  trade  for 
the  purpose  of  maintaining  or  improving  the  conditions  of 
their  employment  through  common  action.  The  labor 
unions  asserted  the  principle  of  "  collective  bargaining," 
by  which  they  meant  that  the  entire  group  employed  at  a 
trade  or  in  a  factory  should  demand  better  terms  as  a  union; 
in  case  of  refusal  the  entire  group  should  then  "strike,"  or 
cease  working.  As  it  was  difficult  to  replace  a  large  group 
of  strikers,  this  would  probably  lead  to  a  shutting-down  of 
the  factory;  and,  if  the  strike  were  prolonged,  to  the  financial 
ruin  of  the  employers.  Many  strikes  accompanied  by  vio- 
lence took  place.  This  so  frightened  employers  and  the  well- 
to-do  classes  generally  that,  in  1799  and  1800,  Parliament 
passed  a  series  of  acts,  known  as  the  "Combination  Laws," 
which  forbade  any  combination  of  workingmen  for  the  pur- 
pose of  increasing  wages  or  of  shortening  the  hours  of  labor, 
on  the  ground  that  such  associations  were  in  restraint  of 
trade.  Trade  unions  were_declared  illegal,  and  strikes 
were  classed  with  conspiracies  againsF  the  State.  "The 
power  of  making  laws,"  wrote  Arnold  Toynbee  in  his 
famous  book.  Lectures  on  the  Industrial  Revolution,  "was 
concentrated  in  the  hands  of  landowners,  the  great  mer- 
chant princes,  and  a  small  knot  of  capitalist  manufacturers, 
who  wielded  that  power  in  the  interest  of  their  class  rather 
than  for  the  good  of  the  people."     Workingmen  were  fre- 


344     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

quently  convicted  of  the  crime  of  combining  to  raise  the 
price  of  their  labor,  and  they  consequently  formed  secret 
unions  that  resorted  to  violent  methods. 

The  trade  unions  were  under  the  ban  of  both  law  and  pub- 
lic opinion.  Employers  naturally  opposed  them  because 
Opposition  they  were  continually  demanding  better  wages; 
to  trade  aristocrats  feared  them  as  expressions  of  that 

radical  democracy  which  had  brought  on  the 
French  Revolution;  the  clergy  denounced  them  as  breeders 
of  discontent  among  the  working  classes,  whose  lot  in  life 
had  been  fixed  by  Providence ;  and  many  people,  otherwise 
sympathetic  with  the  poor,  feared  that,  if  trade  unions  got 
control,  British  industry  would  be  driven  from  the  markets 
of  the  world  by  foreign  competition. 

In  spite  of  poverty,  ignorance,  and  insufficient  organiza- 
tion, the  working  classes  did  manage  to  impress  the  general 
Progress  of  Public  with  the  essential  justice  of  the  aims  of 
trade  the  trade  unions.    The  growth  of  these  associa- 

tions, despite  hostile  laws,  was  very  rapid,  ow- 
ing to  the  remarkable  development  of  English  industry.  It 
was  Francis  Place,  the  London  tailor,  who  became  the 
leader  of  a  movement  to  repeal  the  Combination  Laws.  In 
a  quiet  but  effective  way  he  brought  pressure  to  bear  on 
Parliament;  and  in  1824  the  Combination  Laws  against 
trade  unions  were  repealed  to  the  extent  of  allowing  unions 
to  make  wage  agreements  with  employers.  But  an  outbreak 
of  violent  strikes  caused  Parliament  to  withdraw  most  of 
the  concessions  made  by  the  law  of  1824.  Under  the 
inspiration  of  Robert  Owen,  the  social  reformer,  a  Grand 
Consolidated  Trades  Union  was  formed  in  1834,  consisting 
of  about  half  a  million  men  in  all  kinds  of  trades,  whose 
object  was  to  usher  in  a  new  social  system  by  means  of  a 
general  strike  of  all  labor.  The  scheme  failed  miserably, 
and  the  Grand  Consolidated  soon  broke  up  into  small 
craft  unions.  Because  of  the  rise  of  Chartism,  the  unions 
were  for  a  time  under  the  ban  of  public  opinion ;  but  a  reac- 
tion in  their  favor  soon  followed.  In  1859  Parliament  gave 
partial  recognition  to  the  unions  by  permitting  a  person 


DEMOCRACY   IN   GREAT  BRITAIN  345 

peaceably  "to  persuade  others  to  cease  or  abstain  from 
work,  in  order  to  obtain  the  rate  of  wages  or  the  altered 
hours  of  labor  agreed  to  by  him  and  others."  However, 
the  unions  were  not  yet  fully  free  to  pursue  their  activities; 
they  were  still  held  by  law  to  be  "in  restraint  of  trade," 
and  the  criminal  code  continued  to  regard  strikes  as  con- 
spiracies. 

The  Reform  Bill  of  1867,  which  enfranchised  the  work- 
ing classes  in  the  towns,  was  bound  to  lead  to  efforts  by 
the  new  voters  to  ameliorate  their  condition.  Legal  rec- 
Duringthe  years  1867-69  there  was  widespread  tfetrade^^ 
labor  unrest ;  strikes,  accompanied  by  violence,  unions 
were  matters  of  everyday  occurrence.  In  order  fully  to  un- 
derstand the  questions  In  dispute  between  capital  and  labor, 
a  royal  commission  was  appointed  to  Investigate  all  aspects 
of  the  differences  between  them.  The  report  of  this  com- 
mission was  very  notable,  for  its  recommendations  were 
embodied  In  the  great  act  of  1871,  which  constitutes  the 
' ' charter  of  liberties"  of  English  trade  unionism.  The  Com- 
bination Laws  were  repealed,  and  workingmen  were  hence- 
forth permitted  to  perform  those  acts  in  combination  that 
they  could  legally  do  as  individuals.  The  unions  were  j^ut 
on  a  legal  basis,  and  the  old  theory  of  "restraint  of  trade," 
under  which  they  had  been  prosecuted,  was  repudiated; 
hence  a  unionist  could  no  longer  be  charged  with  conspir- 
acy. Strikes  were  made  legal,  and  the  principle  of  "col- 
lective bargaining  was  clearly  recognized.  This  law  was 
passed  against~the  bitter  opposition  of  the  manufacturers, 
who  stoutly  contended  that  they  alone  had  the  right  to 
determine  the  conditions  of  Industry,  and  that  any  attempt 
to  limit  this  right,  either  by  the  union  or  by  the  State,  was 
a  violation  of  the  fundamental  rights  of  liberty  and  prop- 
erty. Once  social  stigma  and  legal  barriers  were  removed 
from  the  trade  unions,  membership  in  these  societies  began 
to  grow  rapidly.  The  English  labor  organizations  became 
models  for  workingmen  throughout  the  world ;  their  disci- 
pline was  excellent,  their  treasuries  well  filled,  and  their 
morale  admirable.   They  showed  such  moderation  that  even 


346     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  conservative  classes  became  finally  convinced  of  the 
utility  of  labor  unions  under  modern  conditions. 

Those  who  had  won  the  fight  for  recognition  were  mainly 
skilled  workers.  Among  the  unskilled  laborers,  both  in 
The  strike  ^^^  town  and  in  the  country,  there  was  much 
of  the  dock-  discontent;  but  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  or- 
ganizing poorly  paid,  overworked,  and  scattered 
workingmen  were  very  great.  In  1889  occurred  the  famous 
strike  of  the  dockers,  who  were  rapidly  organized  by  John 
Burns,  a  resourceful  and  heroic  leader.  It  was  a  remark- 
able demonstration  by  many  thousands  of  unskilled  labor- 
ers, whose  wages  were  low,  hours  long,  and  employment  un- 
certain. The  strike  was  free  from  violence,  and  it  aroused 
the  greatest  sympathy  among  prominent  men  in  all  walks 
of  life,  who  warmly  supported  the  dockers  in  their  demand 
for  better  conditions.  The  strikers  won,  and  the  victory 
helped  to  spread  the  idea  of  unionism  among  the  unskilled. 
Even  the  agricultural  laborers  organized;  they  formed  a 
union  of  thousands  of  men  throughout  the  country  under 
another  famous  labor  leader,  Joseph  Arch.  But  the  agri- 
cultural laborers'  union  was  short-lived,  for  it  encountered 
the  powerful  opposition  of  lords,  farmers,  and  clergy,  all  of 
whom  combined  to  destroy  it. 

A  new  epoch  in  British  trade  unionism  began  with  the 
Taff  Vale  decision  of  1901.  During  a  strike  of  the  railway 
The  Taff  ^^^  against  the  Taff  Vale  Railway  in  Wales, 
Vale  deci-  eff^orts  were  made  by  the  strikers  to  prevent 
the  company  from  bringing  in  "black-legs,"  or 
non-union  laborers,  by  picketing  the  railway  stations.  The 
union  was  sued  by  the  railway  company,  and  it  was  found 
guilty  by  the  House  of  Lords,  acting  as  a  supreme  court  of 
justice,  of  conspiring  to  intimidate  workingmen  to  break 
their  contract  and  aiding  and  abetting  acts  of  violence 
against  the  property  of  the  company;  as  a  punishment,  the 
union  was  ordered  to  pay  heavy  damages. 

This  decision  alarmed  the  many  trade  unionists  through- 
out Great  Britain,  as  their  funds  were  hereafter  to  be  placed 
in  jeopardy  in  case  of  a  strike.    It  was  strongly  denounced 


DEMOCRACY   IN   GREAT   BRITAIN  347 

by  a  national  conference  representing  labor  unions,  Socialist 
organizations,  and  radical  societies,  which  deter-  jj^^  Trades 
mined  to  form  a  new  party  to   represent   the  Disputes 
interests  of  organized   labor   and  of  the  lower 
classes  generally.    In  this^  way  was  born  the  Labor  Party^ 
which,  at  its  first  venture  in  the  elections  of  1906,  succeeded 
in  winning  twenty-nine  seats  in  Parliament.  This  group, 
cooperating  with  the  radical  element  among  the  Liberals, 
induced    Parliament    to    pass    the    Trades  _E)iaputes    Act 
(1906),  which  nuJlified_jh^T3ff. Vale  de  by  legalizing 

peaceful  picketing  and  by  prohibiting  legal  action  against 
trade  unions  for  damages  on  account  of  breaches  of  con- 
tractT  Ihls  law  placed  the  trade  union  in  the  privileged 
position  of  a  corporation  against  which  no  civil  suit  could 
be  entertained. 

Organized  labor  now  had  two  weapons,  the  trade  union 
and  a  political  party,  and  it  was  not  slow  to  use  either  or 
both,  as  the  occasion  arose,  to  advance  its  in-  The  Labor 
terests.  The  entrance  of  a  third  party  in  British  ^^'^^y 
politics  had  an  important  bearing  on  party  government. 
At  every  succeeding  election  the  Laborites  consolidated  and 
increased  their  forces  until  they  formed,  in  19 14,  a  compact 
group  of  about  forty  members  of  Parliament,  representing 
chiefly  the  trade  unions,  but  also  the  Independent  Labor 
Party,  the  most  important  socialist  organization  in  Great 
Britain.  Although  independent  as  an  organization,  the 
Labor  Party  has  generally  acted  with  the  Liberals,  because 
the  latter  are  more  sympathetic  with  democratic  and  social 
reforms  than  are  the  Conservatives;  and,  although  many  of 
the  Laborites  are  believers  in  socialism,  the  party  has  not 
been  active  in  propagating  its  doctrines.  It  is  largely  in- 
terested in  advocating  specific  labor  demands,  such  as  a  uni- 
versal eight-hour  law  and  a  minimum  wage  for  all  workers.^ 
The  Labor  Party  has  had  an  influence  in  quickening  the 
pace  of  British  radicalism;  during  the  reform  era,  from  1906 
to  1914,  the  Liberals  found  the  support  of  this  party  in- 
dispensable.   J.  Ramsay  IMacDonald,  a  moderate  socialist 

1  See  p.  594. 


348     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

of  unusual  ability,  and  Keir  Hardie,  a  radical  socialist  and 
popular  trade  unionist,  were  the  founders  and  leaders  of  the 
Labor  Party. 

In  order  to  pay  the  campaign  expenses  of  its  candidates 
and  the  salaries  of  its  representatives  in  Parliament,  the 
The"Os-  Labor  Party  was  forced  to  draw  upon  trade- 
bourne     ^^     union  funds.    But  the  House  of  Lords,  in  1909, 

gmen  rendered  a  decision,  known  as  the  "Osbourne 
Judgment,"  which  prohibited  the  use  of  trade-union  funds 
for  political  purposes.  This  was  a  severe  blow  to  the  party, 
for  it  had  no  other  financial  resources.  As  a  result  of  this 
decision  an  item  providing  for  the  payment  of  salaries 
of  two  thousand  dollars  (£400)  a  year  to  all  members  of 
Parliament  was  included  in  the  budget  of  1911.^  Later,  a 
law  was  passed  allowing  the  funds  of  a  union  to  be  used  for 
political  action  if  the  majority  of  the  members  should 
so  decide,  but  the  minority  were  to  be  exempt  from  contrib- 
uting for  this  purpose. 

In  recent  years  unrest  among  the  British  laboring  classes 
has  been  increasing.  At  first  socialism,  and  then  syndi- 
Unrest  calism,^  made  headway  among  the  hitherto  stolid 

working  ^  ^^^  Conservative  masses.  Perhaps  a  more  po- 
classes  tent  cause  for  discontent  than  radical  agitation 

has  been  the  increase  In  the  cost  of  living.  Prices  of  food 
and  rent  have  been  advancing  in  Great  Britain  during  the 
first  decade  of  the  twentieth  century  in  spite  of  free  trade. 
Wages,  it  is  true,  have  also  risen,  but  not  so  rapidly  as  prices; 
hence  what  are  termed  "real  wages,"  or  the  purchasing 
power  of  wages,  have  actually  fallen. 

During  the  years  1911-14  a  series  of  general  strikes  took 
place  that  greatly  alarmed  both  the  Government  and  the 
An  era  of  public.  A  strike  of  the  seamen  and  firemen  be- 
strikes  longing  to  the  Transport  Workers'  Union  took 

place  In  191 1,  which  won  for  Its  members  an  Increase  in 
wages.  It  was  followed  by  a  strike  of  the  railway  em- 
ployees, numbering  about  a  million  men,  who  succeeded  in 

^  A  similar  provision  has  been  inserted  in  the  annual  budget  ever  since. 
2  See  pp.  599  ff. 


DEMOCRACY   IN   GREAT  BRITAIN  349 

tying  up  the  transportation  of  the  whole  country;  but  only 
a  partial  victory  was  won  by  the  union  because  of  the  vigor- 
ous action  taken  by  the  Government.  In  19 12  came  a 
strike  of  the  miners,  which  proved  so  serious  a  menace  to  the 
industrial  life  of  the  nation  that  Parliament  enacted  a  mini- 
mum wage  law,  according  to  which  the  wages  of  the  miners 
were  to  be  fixed,  not  by  the  employers  solely,  as  formerly, 
but  by  wage  boards  representing  the  employers,  the  la- 
borers, and  the  Government.  A  second  strike  of  the  trans- 
port workers  proved  a  failure.  In  1913  a  general  strike  of 
the  Irish  transport  workers  broke  out  in  Dublin  which  was 
extremely  bitter,  many  clashes  taking  place  between  the 
strikers  and  the  police.  James  Larkin,  the  leader  of  the 
strikers,  was  arrested  for  preaching  sedition  and  riot;  but, 
owing  to  his  popularity  and  to  the  general  sympathy  for 
the  underpaid  Irish  workers,  he  was  almost  immediately 
released.  The  strike  collapsed,  but  it  led  to  the  organiza- 
tion of  an  Irish  Labor  Party  to  represent  the  cause  of  the 
workingmen  in  the  proposed  Dublrn  Parliament.  In  19 14 
the  public  employees  of  Woolwich  Arsenal  went  on  strike. 
This,  and  the  fact  that  the  postal  employees  were  forming 
a  union,  raised  the  question  whether  public  employees  had 
the  right  to  organize  and  to  strike  against  the  Government 
which  represented,  not  a  group  of  capitalists,  but  the 
whole  people.  The  general  strike  fever  infected  even  the 
agricultural  laborers,  who  once  more  began  to  form  unions 
and  to  demand  better  conditions. 

A  marked  transformation  was  taking  place  in  British  trade 
unionism.     The  craft  unions,  composed  of  small  groups  of 
laborers  engaged   in  special  occupations,   were  Growth  of 
giving  place  more  and  more  to  large  industrial  big  indus- 

,       P      ,,      ,  ,  i-  trial  unions 

unions,  composed  01  all  the  workers  01  a  par- 
ticular industry.   Trade-union  membership  was  continually 
increasing,^  but  the  number  of  unions  was  decreasing.    In 
1914  the  Miners'  Federation,  the  National  Union  of  Rail- 
waymen,  and  the  Transport  Workers'  Federation  formed  a 

'  From  1895  to  1914  there  was  an  increase  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-three 
per  cent  in  the  membership  of  the  trade  unions. 


350      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

triple  alliance  which,  in  case  of  a  general  strike,  would  re- 
sult in  the  calling  out  of  over  a  million  and  a  half  men. 

The  Land  Question 

So  deeply  have  the  English  people  been  absorbed  in  the 
development  of  their  commerce  and  industry  that  only  in 
c    ^       c       recent  years  has  any  serious  attention  been  de- 

System  of  -^  / 

l^nd  voted  to  the  pressing  problem  of  landlordism, 

monopoy  ^^  ^^  have  already  seen,^  the  enclosure  move- 
ment at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  resulted  in  the 
disappearance  of  the  yeomanry  and  in  the  establishment  of 
vast  estates  owned  by  a  small  group  of  titled  aristocrats. 
Two  thirds  of  all  the  land  in  England  and  Wales  is  owned 
by  about  ten  thousand  persons,  and  nine  tenths  of  all 
Scotland  by  about  seventeen  hundred  persons;  fully  one 
tenth  of  all  of  Great  Britain  is  the  property  of  twenty-seven 
dukes.  Many  of  these  large  estates  are  "entailed,"  that 
is,  they  cannot  be  legally  sold,  mortgaged,  or  divided.  The 
rural  population  consists  of  three  general  classes,  the  lords, 
or  the  owners  of  the  land,  the  tenant  farmers,  or  those  who 
rent  their  farms  for  a  definite  period  of  years  from  the  lords, 
and  the  agricultural  laborers,  or  those  who  are  employed 
by  the  farmers  and  the  lords. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  improvement  in  the  methods 
of  cultivation,  the  amount  of  food  produced  in  England 
Decline  of  during  the  nineteenth  century  was  not  sufficient 
agriculture  ^^  supply  the  needs  of  the  rapidly  growing  indus- 
trial population.  The  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  seriously 
injured  British  agriculture,  which  could  not  stand  the 
competition  of  the  immense  wheat-fields  of  North  and 
South  America.  Cattle-raising,  too,  began  to  decline  when 
the  importation  of  beef  and  mutton  became  possible  with 
the  introduction  of  cold-storage  methods  of  preserving  meats 
in  transit. 

In  recent  years  Englishmen  have  been  deeply  concerned 
over  their  agricultural  backwardness.  Many  have  ques- 
tioned the  wisdom  of  sacrificing  agriculture  for  the  sake  of 

^  See  p.  55. 


DEMOCRACY   IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  351 

industrial  supremacy.    A  country  like  Great  Britain,  which 
is  dependent  almost  entirely  for  its  food  supply  Revival  of 
upon  foreign  imports,  is  in  a  dangerous  posi-  interest  in 

r       .  r  till  ^    agriculture 

tion  m  case  or  war;  should  her  supremacy  at 
sea  be  destroyed  and  her  shores  be  effectively  blockaded, 
the  inhabitants  might  be  brought  to  the  point  of  starva- 
tion in  a  short  time.  Moreover,  the  decline  of  agriculture 
means  the  decline  of  the  rural  population,  the  most  healthy 
element  in  the  life  of  a  nation.  "We  wish  to  develop  our 
undeveloped  estates,"  once  declared  Sir  Henry  Campbell- 
Bannerman,  the  Liberal  Prime  Minister,  "  and  to  colonize 
our  own  country.  The  health  and  stamina  of  the  nation 
are  bound  up  with  the  maintenance  of  a  large  class  of 
workers  on  the  soil.  The  town  population  redundant,  the 
country  population  decimated,  is  a  subversion  of  healthy 
national  life." 

Land  has  peculiar  attractions  for  certain  classes  of  Eng- 
lishmen, because  it   brings  social,  political,  and  economic 
privileges  and    advantages  to  the  owner.    The  Exemption 
highest  social  rank  is  accorded  to  the  owner  of  ?f  t^e  lords 

.  1         1    •         •  r    1''°"^  the 

an  estate,  who  is  generally  the  local  justice  of  payment  of 
the  peace,  controls  the  "living,"  or  the  appoint-  ^^^^^ 
ment  of  the  Episcopal  minister  of  the  parish  church,  and 
takes  precedence  in  all  matters  of  consequence  in  his  vicin- 
ity. Should  the  "squire,"  as  he  is  called,  desire  to  enter 
political  life,  he  finds  a  ready-made  constituency  in  his  ten- 
ants. Landowners  in  England  still  possess  great  economic 
privileges,  for  they  are  to  a  considerable  degree  exempt  from 
paying  taxes  on  their  estates.  In  general,  it  may  be  said 
that  the  English  principle  of  land  taxation  is  that  the 
occupier  pays  the  rates;  hence  the  lord  pays  on  that  small 
portion  only  which  he  himself  occupies;  and  he  escapes  pay- 
ment on  all  the  rest,  which  is  borne  by  his  tenants.^  Un- 
til the  budget  of  1909  the  unoccupied  parts  of  the  estate — 
game  preserves,  parks,  lawns,  gardens  —  entirely  escaped 

^  The  amount  of  rent  paid  by  the  tenants  Is  to  some  extent,  however,  regu- 
lated by  the  fact  that  they  pay  the  rates;  were  the  lord  required  to  pay  them  he 
might  demand  higher  rents. 


352     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

taxation.  Considerable  comment  was  aroused  when  the 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Lloyd  George,  in  a  speech  on 
the  budget  of  1909,  instanced  the  case  of  a  tailor  in  Cardiff, 
Wales,  who  owned  eight  hundred  square  yards  of  land  and 
was  assessed  £947,  while  his  neighbor,  the  Marquis  of  Bute, 
who  owned  half  a  million  square  yards,  was  assessed  only 
£921.  It  is  with  good  reason,  therefore,  that  Britain  has 
been  called  "the  landlord's  paradise." 

The  social  and  political  advantages  of  landownership  in 
Great  Britain  are  so  great  that  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  it- 
Evils  of  the  self  is  a  matter  of  secondary  importance.  Large 
land  system  tracts  of  land  are  given  over  to  sport,  and  fre- 
quently the  lord  spends  more  on  the  game  preserves  than  he 
does  for  purely  agricultural  purposes;  and  so  widespread  is 
this  practice  that  there  has  come  into  existence  a  "sporting 
tenant,"  who  pays  handsomely  for  the  privilege  of  hunting 
on  the  estate.  Severe  punishment  is  meted  out  to  those 
who  poach  on  the  game  preserves  of  the  lord.  Land  is  con- 
stantly being  withdrawn  from  cultivation  and  given  over 
to  sport.  It  has  been  computed  that  the  arable  land  under 
cultivation  shrank  one  and  one  half  million  acres  during 
the  two  decades  preceding  the  budget  of  1909.^  The  tenant 
farmers  are  slow  to  cultivate  the  soil  to  the  best  advantage 
for  the  reason  that  they  hold  their  farms  on  short  leases.  The 
improvements  that  they  make  belong  to  the  owner  of  the 
land  at  the  expiration  of  the  lease,  the  law  holding  that 
he  who  owns  the  surface  of  the  land  owns  also  everything 
above  and  below  it.  Compensation  for  improvements  and 
for  damages  done  to  the  crops  by  the  game  is  allowed,  but 
it  is  small  in  amount  and  generally  hard  to  collect.  Rents 
are  constantly  rising,  for  the  lord  demands  more  from  the 
tenant  at  every  opportunity;  and  the  insecurity  of  tenure 
due  to  short  leases  forces  the  farmer  to  pay  the  increase 
rather  than  give  up  the  holding  upon  which  he  has  ex- 
pended labor  and  money. 

Far  worse  than  the  lot  of  the  tenants  is  the  lot  of  the 

^  During  the  World  War  much  of  this  waste  land  was  put  under  cultivation 
in  order  to  increase  the  food  supply. 


DEMOCRACY   IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  353 

agricultural  laborers.  They  work  long  hours,  receive  low 
wages,  and  are  forced  to  live  in  "  tied  "  cottages,^  -pj^^  agricul- 
the  rent  of  which  is  computed  in  their  wages,  tural  la- 
Strange  as  it  may  seem,  there  is  a  serious  prob- 
lem of  congestion  in  the  English  countryside.  The  cottageS; 
although  picturesque  in  appearance,  are  often  overcrowded 
and  unsanitary,  as  the  owners  refuse  to  improve  them  01 
to  build  new  ones  because  they  are  not  rented  on  a  commer- 
cial basis.  The  agricultural  laborers,  unlike  the  factory 
workers,  have  not  been  able  to  form  powerful  unions  be- 
cause they  are  so  scattered  throughout  the  country  that  it 
is  difficult  to  organize  them.  All  attempts  to  form  unions 
have  been  frustrated  by  the  lords  and  farmers,  who  have 
been  able  to  inflict  a  double  punishment  upon  the  recalci- 
trants —  loss  of  employment  and  eviction  from  their  homes. 
In  order  to  escape  from  the  grip  of  the  employers,  thousands 
of  rural  laborers  have  crowded  into  the  cities  or  have  emi- 
grated to  the  colonies,  so  that  England,  although  it  is  stud- 
ded here  and  there  with  teeming  cities,  has  large  areas  that 
are  thinly  populated.^ 

A  parliamentary  commission  was  appointed  to  investigate 
the  whole  subject  of  the  land;  and  its  reports,  issued  in  1913- 
14,  are  of  supreme  Importance  In  a  study  of  the  Report  of 
question.    It  made  the  following  recommenda-  *^^  parha- 

\  ^  °  .    ,  mentary 

tlons:  (i)  that  Parliament  enact  a  minimum  commission 
wage  law  for  agricultural  laborers;  (2)  that  rural  °"  ^" 
housing  conditions  be  reformed  by  the  suppression  of  the 
"  tied  "  cottages  and  by  the  building  of  new  cottages  at  public 
expense;  (3)  that  full  compensation  be  paid  to  the  tenant 
farmer  for  all  improvements  made  by  him  and  for  damages 
done  to  his  crops  by  game;  (4)  that  the  "sporting  tenant" 
be  abolished  and  the  game  laws  be  drastically  altered ;  (5) 
that  security  of  tenure  be  established  by  state  regulation  of 
leases  and  by  a  wider  extension  of  the  Small  Holdings  Acts;^ 

1  By  a  "tied"  cottage  is  meant  one  that  is  a  part  of  the  estate. 

2  In  1914  only  twenty-two  per  cent  of  the  population  of  Great  Britain  lived 
in  the  country. 

3  In  1892  and  in  1907  Parliament  passed  laws  empowering  the  local  county 
councils  to  purchase  estates  and  to  divide  them  into  lots  of  less  than  fifty  acres 


354     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

and  (6)  that  a  Land  Court  be  established  with  power  to 
regulate  the  relations  between  landlords  and  tenants,  to 
promote  the  well-being  of  the  laborers,  and  to  encourage 
the  development  of  agriculture.  The  Liberal  Party,  under 
whose  auspices  the  commission  was  appointed,  favored  this 
program. 

Faced  with  a  growing  sentiment  against  land  monopoly, 
many  Conservatives,  although  belonging  to  the  party  of 
The  Con-  ^^^  landed  aristocracy,  favored  some  system  of 
servative        peasant  proprietorship  which  would,  at  the  same 

solution  .  11  r  1  •  r     1 

time,  allow  lor  the  existence  ot  large  estates. 
They  hoped  that  In  this  way  a  still  more  powerful  landed 
interest  would  be  established  consisting  of  numerous  small 
proprietors  who,  led  by  the  lords,  would  give  added  strength 
to  the  Conservative  Party.  They  also  favored  a  protective 
tariff  on  foodstuffs  which,  they  claimed,  would  result  in  a 
revival  of  English  agriculture. 

Although  England  is  the  most  highly  industrialized  nation 
in  the  world,  the  power  of  her  landed  aristocracy  has  only 
Favorable  been  shaken,  not  broken.  With  the  passage  of  the 
the  EngHsh  Reform  Bill  of  1832  it  was  shorn  of  half  of  Its 
aristocracy  political  power;  with  the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws 
it  was  deprived  of  special  protection  of  its  economic  inter- 
ests ;  with  the  enfranchisement  of  the  lower  classes  it  lost  the 
prestige  of  being  a  political  caste.  But  so  long  as  land  is  a 
privileged  form  of  property,  its  Influence  upon  English  life 
remains  unbroken.  The  nobility  still  gives  the  social  tone 
to  the  English  people,  fills  the  high  offices  In  the  State,  con- 
trols the  House  of  Lords,  and  has,  as  we  have  just  seen, 
special  privileges  In  matters  of  taxation.  This  is  due  partly 
to  the  high  regard  for  caste  felt  by  all  classes  of  Englishmen, 
who  have  never  democratized  themselves  socially  as  they 
have  politically;  and  partly  to  the  good  sense  of  the  aristo- 
crats themselves.  A  striking  characteristic  of  the  English 
aristocracy  is  that  it  is  conservative,  not  reactionary.    It 

each,  to  be  let  to  tenants  on  liberal  terms.  These  Small  Holdings  Acts  were 
passed  with  the  purpose  of  encouraging  the  agricultural  laborers  to  remain  on 
the  land  by  becoming  tenants,  not  of  a  private  but  of  a  public  landlord. 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  355 

will  fight  progressive  measures  stubbornly  and  bitterly;  but, 
once  these  have  been  established,  it  will  not  seek  to  undo 
them.  The  English  aristocracy  may,  therefore,  be  trusted  to 
maintain  the  status  quo,  whatsoever  that  may  be.  This  atti- 
tude has  satisfied  both  liberal  and  conservative  elements 
of  the  nation,  the  former  because  it  knew  that  sufhcient 
pressure  would  bring  concessions,  and  the  latter  because  it 
knew  that  revolutionary  changes  would  be  impossible.  And 
so  the  English  aristocracy  has  been  able  to  survive  in  the 
hostile  environment  of  modern  democracy. 

Social  England 

The  French  Revolution  gave  the  momentum  to  modern 
political  democracy.  Through  agitation  and  reform  in  Eng- 
land, and  through  agitation  and  revolution  on  Political  de- 
the  Continent,  the  equality  before  the  law  of  all  J^e^'prCblem'i 
classes,  of  all  faiths,  and  of  all  opinions  was  to  a  it  solved 
large  degree  firmly  established.  Universal  manhood  suffrage 
was  likewise  granted,  and  the  control  of  the  State  passed 
from  autocratic  and  aristocratic  hands  to  the  masses  of  the 
people.  But  the  problems  that  political  democracy  had 
solved  were  mainly  those  which  affected  the  middle  classes, 
for  the  Industrial  Revolution,  by  establishing  an  entirely 
new  environment  for  the  millions  of  workingmen  who  came 
into  being  with  the  factory  system,  created  far  more  prob- 
lems than  political  democracy  had  solved. 

England,  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  Industrial  Revolu- 
tion, had  forged  ahead  of  all  other  nations.   Her  manufac- 
turers, merchants,  capitalists,  and  shipbuilders  Unequal 
reaped  immense  wealth,  but  the  great  mass  of  distribution 
her  workingmen  shared  only  slightly  in  this  pros- 
perity.    Few  as  were  the  benefits  derived  by  the  working 
classes,  they,  on  the  other  hand,  suffered  in  full  measure 
from  all  the  evils  of  the  new  system:  unemployment,  low 
wages,  long  hours,  child  labor,   industrial  accidents,  and 
industrial  diseases.  Great  wealth  and  dire  poverty  are  strik- 
ingly evident  in  modern  England.    According  to  the  most 
authoritative  writers,  three  per  cent  of  the  population  of 


356     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  United  Kingdom  is  classified  as  rich,  nine  per  cent 
as  comfortable,  and  eighty-eight  per  cent  as  poor.^  About 
one  half  of  the  entire  income  of  the  nation  is  enjoyed  by 
twelve  per  cent  of  the  population  and  one  third  by  three 
per  cent.  Millions  live  on  the  verge  of  starvation.  In 
London  this  is  true  of  as  much  as  thirty  per  cent  of  the  in- 
habitants. Poverty,  like  wealth,  descends  from  one  gener- 
ation to  another  of  the  English  poor,  frequently  resulting 
in  physical  and  moral  retrogression. 

Many  Englishmen  became  deeply  concerned  about  the 
condition  of  the  masses,  for  they  feared  that  the  stamina  of 
Agitation  *^^  English  race  would  be  undermined,  which 
for  social  might  possibly  lead  to  national  ruin  in  case  of  a 
conflict  with  a  powerful  enemy. ^  It  was  clearly 
realized  that  charity,  whether  private  or  public,  could  do 
but  little  to  solve  the  problem  of  poverty.  There  was  only 
one  power,  the  State,  reaching  into  every  corner  of  the  land 
and  controlling  every  individual  in  the  nation,  that  was 
sufficiently  powerful  to  cope  with  the  situation.  A  new 
school  of  writers,  notably  Sidney  and  Beatrice  Webb, 
George  Bernard  Shaw,  and  L.  G.  Chiozza- Money,  appeared, 
who  forcefully  advocated  that  the  State  itself  should  be- 
come active  in  bettering  social  conditions  in  order  to  help 
those  that  were  handicapped  in  the  struggle  for  existence. 

The  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  witnessed  a  strik- 
ing change  in  the  social  and  political  structure  of  Great  Bri- 
Abandon-  tain.  The  liberal  England  of  Gladstone,  with  her 
ment  of  concern  for  political  freedom,  religious  toleration, 

laissezfaire  i    •     i-    •  i       i    i-i       ^  ,  r  i  • 

and  mdividual  liberty,  was  transformed  mto  a 
radical  England  that  was  far  more  deeply  concerned  about 
the  social  and  economic  welfare  of  her  people.  Radical  and 
even  revolutionary  forces,  socialism  and  syndicalism,  that 
had  long  been  active  among  the  lower  classes,  now  rose  to 
the  surface  of  English  society,  and  challenged  the  existing 
middle-class  order,  just  as  a  century  before  the  forces  of 

^  Charles  Booth,  Life  and  Labor  of  the  People  in  London  ;  L.  G.  Chiozza- 
Money,  Riches  and  Poverty  ;  and  H.  S.  Rowntree,  Poverty. 

2  During  the  Boer  War  the  physical  requirements  for  the  army  had  to  be 
lowered  in  order  to  get  sufficient  recruits. 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT   BRITAIN  357 

democracy  had  challenged  those  of  aristocracy.  As  a  con- 
sequence, the  historic  EngHsh  poHcy  of  laissez  faire  was 
completely  abandoned,  and  the  State  became  actively  inter- 
ested in  labor,  bringing  the  weight  of  its  authority  to  bear 
on  the  solution  of  this  problem  in  the  interest  of  all  classes 
in  general  and  in  that  of  the  working  classes  in  particular. 
The  entrance  of  the  State  in  the  new  r61e  of  social  benefac- 
tor marked  a  revolution  in  British  politics. 

When  the  Liberals  came  back  into  power,  in  1906,  they 
found  an  accumulation  of  domestic  problems.  During  the 
decade  of  Conservative  rule,  imperial  matters  The  Liberal 
had  taken  precedence  over  domestic;  and  the  Ministry 
enormous  Liberal  majority  was  partly  due  to  the  general 
discontent  with  the  Salisbury  and  Balfour  Ministries  be- 
cause of  their  sterility  in  the  matter  of  social  and  political 
reform.  Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman  became  Prime 
Minister  in  1906;  two  years  later  he  was  succeeded  by  Her- 
bert Henry  Asquith,  who  remained  at  the  head  of  the  Gov- 
ernment till  191 6.  With  them  were  associated  a  remarkable 
group  of  statesmen:  John  Morley,  the  venerable  historian 
and  philosopher;  John  Burns,  the  former  labor  leader,  now 
a  Cabinet  Minister;  Winston  Churchill,  an  aristocrat  by 
birth,  but  a  radical  in  his  views;  Sir  Edward  Grey,  a  Foreign 
Minister  who  was  destined  to  play  a  great  part  in  the  drama 
of  1914;  and  David  Lloyd  George.  The  transformation  of 
England  into  a  social  state  was  the  work  of  this  Liberal 
Ministry,  effectively  aided  by  the  Labor  Party  with  which 
it  was  closely  allied. 

Chief  among  the  architects  of  social  England  was  Lloyd 
George  (1863-  ),  whose  rise  to  power  in  British  politics  has 
been  most  phenomenal.  The  child  of  a  poor  Lloyd 
Welsh  schoolmaster,  Lloyd  George  had  none  of  George 
the  advantages  of  wealth,  education,  or  social  position  to 
aid  him;  he  therefore  had  to  depend  upon  his  own  hard 
work  and  native  intelligence  to  make  his  career.  He  be- 
came a  lawyer  in  his  little  home  town  and  was  elected  to 
Parliament  as  a  Liberal,  where  he  identified  himself  with  the 
radicals  who  were  urging  the  party  of  Gladstone  to  embark 


358     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

on  the  new  path  of  social  reform.  During  the  Boer  War 
Lloyd  George  was  prominent  as  a  bitter  opponent  of  the 
Conservative  Government,  which  he  fiercely  denounced  for 
waging  war  against  a  simple,  peaceful  people  in  the  interest 
of  the  capitalist  exploiters  of  South  Africa.  He  exhibited 
extraordinary  powers  as  a  popular  orator,  and  became  so 
influential  in  his  party  that,  when  the  Liberal  Ministry  was 
formed,  he  was  made  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  as  President 
of  the  Board  of  Trade.  In  1908  he  was  appointed  to  the 
position  of  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  second  in  impor- 
tance only  to  that  of  the  Premier.  Thereafter  he  was  the 
leading  figure  in  British  politics,  as  nearly  all  the  great  laws 
passed  during  the  Asquith  Ministry  were  inspired  or  fash- 
ioned by  him.  Few  men  in  English  politics  were  so  enthusi- 
astically acclaimed  and  so  bitterly  denounced  as  this  ' '  little 
Welsh  attorney,"  as  Lloyd  George  was  called  by  his  oppo- 
nents. He  became  the  voice  and  the  arm  of  the  new  radical 
England  that  was  bent  upon  a  reconstruction  of  the  social 
system  in  favor  of  the  poor  and  the  unfortunate.  By  the 
Conservatives  he  was  regarded  as  the  uncompromising 
enemy  of  their  interests,  and  they  consequently  hated  him 
most  cordially.  Gifted  with  a  keen  intelligence,  a  winning 
personality,  burning  eloquence,  and,  above  all  with  a  social 
imagination,  Lloyd  George  became  the  popular  idol  of  his 
countrymen,  who  turned  to  him,  as  they  had  once  turned  to 
Gladstone,  to  lead  them  in  the  battle  for  reform. 

Premier  Herbert  Henry  Asquith  (1852-  ),  a  disciple  of 
Gladstone,  has  been  for  many  years  active  in  Liberal  poli- 
.      .  .  tics.  He  is  a  clear,  forceful  speaker  and  a  man  of 

Asquith  ,  11 

much  weight  in  English  public  life  because  of 
his  experience  and  moderation.    But  as  Premier  his  abili- 
ties lay  rather  in  harmonizing  the  radical  and  conservative 
elements  in  the  Liberal  Party  than  in  initiating  new  policies. 
'     The  large  increase  in  the  military  and  naval  expenditures, 

Financial        ^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^  funds  to  pay  the  old-age 
problem  of      pensions  established  in   1908,^   created    a   seri- 
ous financial  problem  for  the  Asquith  Ministry. 
The  solution  put  forward  by  the  Conservatives  was  a  protec- 

1  See  p.  365. 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT   BRITAIN  359 

tlve  tariff  which,  they  declared,  would  produce  sufficient 
money;  but  the  Liberals,  being  free-traders,  had  to  find 
another  way.  Lloyd  George's  solution  was  to  "  lay  the  heav- 
iest burden  on  the  broadest  back,"  or  to  raise  money  by 
taxing  the  rich ;  and  he  openly  declared  that  the  tax  collec- 
tor would  in  the  future  ask  not  only,  "How  much  have 
you?"  but,  "  How  did  you  get  it?" 

With  this  in  view  he  introduced  the  famous  budget  of 
1909.  The  main  provisions  of  this  measure  were:  (i)  an 
"unearned  increment"  duty  of  twenty  per  cent  The  budget 
on  the  increase  in  the  value  of  land  when  due  to  °^  ^^09 
site  and  not  to  improvement  by  the  owner,  on  the  ground 
that  the  public  should  get  some  return  for  the  values  which 
it  creates  —  "luck  sharing,"  the  Chancellor  called  this 
provision;  (2)  a  "reversion"  duty  of  ten  per  cent  on  the 
increase  in  the  value  of  land  leased  for  over  twenty-one 
years,  to  be  paid  by  the  lessor  on  the  expiration  of  the 
lease;  (3)  an  undeveloped-land  duty  of  two  per  cent  on  idle 
land,  and  particularly  on  game  preserves;  and  (4)  a  mineral- 
rights  duty  of  five  per  cent  on  mining  royalties.  Land  used 
for  agricultural  purposes  was  to  be  exempt  from  the  new 
taxes.  These  taxes,  although  quite  moderate,  were  impor- 
tant in  that  they  constituted  an  attack  on  the  economic 
privileges  of  the  landed  aristocracy.  This  was  a  "  war  bud- 
get," declared  the  Chancellor,  the  object  of  which  was  to 
wage  warfare  against  poverty,  which  he  hoped  would  some 
day  be  "  as  remote  to  the  people  of  this  country  as  the  wolves 
which  once  infested  its  forests." 

The  budget  and  its  author  were  assailed  by  the  aristo- 
crats with  a  bitterness  unparalleled  in  English  history  since 
the  Reform  Bill  of  1832.  It  was  denounced  in  The  struggle 
the  House  of  Lords  as  a  social  and  political  rev-  over  the 
olution  without  a  mandate  from  the  people,  as 
a  subversion  of  the  English  Constitution,  and  as  a  demagogic 
attempt  to  confiscate  private  property  in  land.  Feeling 
ran  high  on  both  sides.  Lloyd  George,  as  the  chief  pro- 
tagonist of  the  "People's  Budget,"  delivered  eloquent 
speeches,  both  inside  and   outside   of  Parliament,  which 


36o     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

aroused  the  wildest  enthusiasm  among  the  middle  and  lower 
classes,  who  hailed  him  as  their  champion  against  the  aristoc- 
racy. In  one  of  his  speeches  the  Chancellor  threateningly 
asked  these  questions:  "Who  ordained  that  a  few  should 
have  the  land  of  Great  Britain  as  a  perquisite?  Who  made 
ten  thousand  people  owners  of  the  soil  and  the  rest  of  us 
trespassers  in  the  land  of  our  birth?  .  .  .  Where  did  the 
table  of  the  law  come  from?  Whose  finger  inscribed  it?" 
The  budget  passed  the  Commons  by  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority, but  it  was  thrown  out  by  the  Lords.  In  defeating 
the  measure  the  Lords  had  violated  the  historic  precedent 
that  required  the  enactment  of  money  bills  passed  by  the 
lower  House.  Immediately  the  following  resolution  was 
passed  by  the  Commons:  "The  action  of  the  House  of  Lords 
in  refusing  to  pass  into  law  the  financial  provision  made 
by  the  House  for  the  service  of  the  year  is  a  breach  of  the 
constitution  and  a  usurpation  of  the  rights  of  the  Com- 
mons." Premier  Asquith  declared  that  the  "power  of  the 
purse,"  once  used  against  the  Crown,  would  now  be  used 
against  the  Lords.  Parliament  was  then  dissolved  and  an 
election  followed  in  January,  1910,  with  the  budget  as  the 
issue  beween  the  parties. , 

The  result  was  a  disappointment  to  both,  as  274  Liberals, 
273  Conservatives,  82  Irish  Nationalists,  and  41  Laborites 
The  Liberal-  Were  elected.  Liberals  and  Conservatives  being 
Labor-Irish  evenly  balanced,  a  coalition  was  formed  of  Lib- 
erals, Irish  Nationalists,  and  Laborites,  which 
re-passed  the  budget  in  the  Commons.  True  to  the  precedent 
of  1832^  the  Lords  now  also  passed  it.  Unfortunately  for  the 
latter,  however,  the  Liberal  Ministry  was  dependent  for  its 
existence  on  the  support  of  the  Nationalists  and  Laborites, 
two  uncompromising  enemies  of  the  aristocracy,  who  were 
determined  to  undermine  its  influence,  the  Irish  because  the 
Lords  would  oppose  a  Home  Rule  Bill,  and  the  Laborites 
because  the  Lords  would  oppose  their  radical  program. 

During  the  campaign  the  Lords  were  almost  as  much  of 
an  issue  as  the  budget  itself.    Their  action  in  throwing  out 

*  See  p.  61. 


J 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  361 

the  budget  was  denounced  by  the  Liberals,  not  only  as  un- 
constitutional, but  also  as  selfish  and  unpatriotic,  j^^  ^^^^_ 
since  they  refused  to  share  in  the  financial  bur-  tion  of  the 
dens  of  the  nation.  The  question  of  the  rela- 
tion between  the  two  Houses  now  came  prominently  before 
the  public.  In  spite  of  the  precedent  established  by  the 
Reform  Bill  of  1832,  the  Lords  continued  to  exercise  almost 
as  much  legislative  power  as  the  Commons.  Though  it  is 
true  that  the  former  could  not  oust  a  Ministry,  yet  it  could 
foil  the  plans  of  the  popular  chamber  by  opposing  its  bills. 
Theoretically  the  representatives  of  the  people  in  its  more 
sober  mood,  "the  nation's  second  thought,"  the  Lords  in 
reality  represented  the  economic  interests  of  the  landed 
aristocracy  and  the  political  interests  of  the  Conservative 
Party,  as  at  all  times  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the 
upper  House  was  of  this  class  and  party.  When  the  Con- 
servatives were  in  the  majority  in  the  House,  the  Lords 
would  pass  all  bills  sent  up  by  the  Commons.  Many  fre- 
quently absented  themselves  from  the  sessions,  knowing  that 
they  had  nothing  to  fear  from  a  Conservative  Government. 
But  when  the  Liberals  were  in  power,  the  Lords  attended 
assiduously  to  their  duties.  They  would  scrutinize  bills 
closely,  frequently  make  drastic  modifications,  and  some- 
times defeat  important  measures.  Hence  the  Conservative 
Party,  when  out  of  power,  always  relied  on  the  Lords  to 
obstruct  the  legislation  of  its  opponents.  This  so  exasper- 
ated the  Liberals  that  they  often  threatened  "to  mend  or 
end  "  the  Lords.  But  no  decisive  action  was  taken  for  a  long 
time,  because  it  was  felt  that,  should  a  great  issue  arise  such 
as  arose  in  1832,  the  aristocracy  would  yield  to  the  will  of 
the  people. 

When  the  Liberals  returned  to  power  in  1906  they  intro- 
duced three  important  measures  to  which  they  were  pledged: 
(i)  the  abolition  of  plural  voting;  (2)  the  regu-  The  Camp- 
lation  of  the  liquor  traffic;  and  (3)  the  repeal  of  ^an^ResoTu- 
the  Education  Act  of  1902.^  These  measures  were  tion 
all  passed  by  the  Commons,  but  were  thrown  out  by  the 

^  See  p.  342. 


362     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Lords.  The  anger  of  the  Liberals  now  rose  to  a  high  pitch, 
and  on  June  24,  1907,  Parhament  passed  the  following  res- 
olution introduced  by  Premier  Campbell-Bannerman: 
"That  in  order  to  give  effect  to  the  will  of  the  people  as 
expressed  by  elected  representatives,  it  is  necessary  that 
the  power  of  the  other  House  to  alter  or  reject  bills  passed 
by  this  House  shall  be  so  restricted  by  law  as  to  secure  that, 
within  the  limit  of  a  single  Parliament,  the  final  decision  of 
the  Commons  shall  prevail." 

When  the  budget  of  1909  came  before  the  Lords,  its  most 
distinguished  member.  Lord  Rosebery,  although  strongly  op- 
The  Liberal  P^^cd  to  the  measure,  advised  the  body  to  pass  it 
and  Conser-  on  the  ground  that  its  rejection  would  be  fol- 
tions  of  the  lowcd  by  a  determined  effort  to  reduce  the  powers 
Lords  ques-  of  the  Upper  House.  In  a  speech  to  his  colleagues 
he  made  the  following  significant  statement: 
"The  menaces  which  were  addressed  to  this  House  in  the 
old  days  were  addressed  by  statesmen  who  had  at  heart 
the  balance  of  the  constitutional  forces  in  this  country. 
The  menaces  addressed  to  you  now  come  from  a  wholly 
different  school  of  opinion,  who  wish  for  a  single  chamber 
and  who  set  no  value  on  the  controlling  and  revising  forces 
of  a  Second  Chamber  —  a  school  of  opinion  which,  if  you 
like  it  and  do  not  dread  the  word,  is  eminently  revolution- 
ary in  essence,  if  not  in  fact."  After  the  rejection  of  the 
budget,  the  Liberals  and  their  allies,  the  Irish  and  the  La- 
borites,  re-passed  the  resolution  of  1907.  The  Lords  now  be- 
came alarmed,  and  they  in  turn  adopted  a  resolution,  in- 
troduced by  the  Earl  of  Rosebery,  which  declared  that  the 
existence  of  a  strong  and  efficient  Second  Chamber  was  an 
essential  part  of  the  British  system  of  government,  but  that 
the  possession  of  a  peerage  should  no  longer  of  itself  entitle 
the  holder  to  a  seat  in  the  Lords.  The  Conservative  Party, 
as  spokesman  for  the  Lords,  proposed  the  following  plan  of 
reform:  (i)  that  in  case  of  a  disagreement  between  the 
two  Houses,  the  matter  in  dispute  should  be  submitted  to 
the  people  themselves  in  the  form  of  a  referendum;  (2)  that 
the  upper  House  should  consist  of  peers  elected  by  the  entire 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  363 

peerage,  of  high  administrative  officials,  and  of  appointees 
of  the  Government;  and  (3)  that  the  Lords  should  forego 
their  constitutional  right  to  reject  or  amend  money  bills. 
The  Liberal  solution  of  the  House  of  Lords  question  was  to 
reduce  the  powers  of  the  House  materially,  but  to  make  no 
change  in  the  character  of  its  membership;  the  Conserva- 
tive solution,  on  the  contrary,  was  to  maintain  the  powers 
of  the  body  unaltered,  but  to  change  its  membership  so  as 
to  admit  of  the  possibility  of  a  Liberal  majority. 

In  December,  1910,  Parliament  was  again  dissolved  and 
an  exciting  election  followed  on  the  issue  of  "the  Peers  versus 
the  People."  The  result  of  this  election  was  j^^  Parlia- 
almost  the  same  as  the  preceding  one  in  January  ment  Act  of 
of  the  same  year,  and  the  Asquith  Ministry  con- 
tinued in  office.  Almost  immediately  the  famous  Parlia- 
ment Act  was  introduced  in  the  Commons.  It  provided: 
(i)  that  any  bill  specified  by  the  Speaker  of  the  Commons  as 
a  money  bill  which  passes  the  lower  House  must  also  pass 
the  Lords  within  one  month ;  otherwise  it  becomes  law  with- 
out their  consent;  (2)  that  all  other  bills,  if  passed  in  three 
successive  sessions  of  the  Commons,  whether  by  the  same 
House  or  not,  become  law  with  or  without  the  consent  of  the 
Lords,  provided  two  years  have  elapsed  between  the  first  con- 
sideration of  such  a  bill  and  its  final  enactment ;  and  (3)  that 
the  duration  of  a  Parliament  shall  henceforth  be  limited  to  five 
instead  of  to  seven  years.  The  Commons  passed  the  measure, 
but  it  was  thrown  out  by  the  Lords.  Once  more,  as  in  1832, 
arose  the  problem  of  passing  a  bill  In  the  face  of  the  opposition 
of  the  Lords,  and  once  more  It  was  solved  in  a  similar  manner. 
Premier  Asquith  appealed  to  KIngGeorge  Vand  received  guar- 
antees from  the  Crown  that  peers  pledged  in  support  of  the 
bill  would  be  created  in  sufficient  numbers  to  Insure  its  passage. 
The  Lords,  confronted  with  the  prospect  of  being ' '  swamped, ' ' 
yielded,  and  the  bill  became  law  on  August  18,  191 1. 

As  great  a  change  in  the  British  system  of  government 
was  wrought  by  the  Parliament  Act  as  by  the    importance 
Reform  Bill  of  1832.   It  fixed  anew  the  relation    °^  ^^^  ^^^ 
between  the  two  Houses  by  giving  almost  unchecked  power 


364     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

to  the  Commons  and  merely  a  suspensive  veto  to  the 
Lords;  in  effect,  it  estabHshed  a  single-chamber  government 
for  England.  Instead  of  following  the  French  policy  of 
abolishing  institutions  opposed  to  democratic  ideas,  the 
English  have  endeavored  to  preserve  the  continuity  of  their 
national  life  by  keeping  ancient  institutions  intact,  but  de- 
priving them  of  all  real  power.  The  House  of  Lords,  like 
the  Crown,  is  now  an  honored  appendage,  not  an  integral 
part  of  the  British  system. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  twentieth  century  England 
began  a  series  of  bold  experiments  in  the  field  of  social  legis- 
The  Factory  l^tion  which  was  to  have  far-reaching  effects 
and  Mine       on  the  life  and  character  of  her  people.    The 

i  factory  legislation  was  unified  in  a  single  code, 

issued  in  1902,  which  embodied  the  chief  factory  reforms 
gained  during  the  nineteenth  century,  and  added  new  and 
more  drastic  provisions  in  order  to  remedy  some  of  the 
worst  evils  of  the  industrial  system.  The  employment  of 
children  under  twelve  in  a  factory  was  forbidden ;  the  labor 
of  those  between  the  ages  of  twelve  and  eighteen  was 
strictly  regulated  as  to  hours,  holidays,  overtime,  and  meals; 
in  the  textile  industry  a  ten-hour  day  was  established  for  all 
labor;  and  factory  sanitation  was  carefully  regulated.  In 
1906  Parliament  adopted  a  Mine  Code,  which  regulated 
conditions  in  the  mines  as  the  Factory  Code  did  in  the  fac- 
tories. The  employment  of  women  and  children  was  for- 
bidden ;  conditions  in  the  mines  were  minutely  regulated ; 
and  severe  penalties  were  provided  for  infractions  of  the 
rules.  Two  years  later  (1908)  Parliament  established  an 
eight-hour  day  for  all  labor  in  the  mines. 

To  better  the  conditions  of  employment  in  factory  and 
mine  was  to  go  but  a  slight  distance  toward  the  solution  of 
Insecurity  ^^^  social  problems.  Poverty  due  to  low  wages 
of  the  work-  was  a  great  evil,  but  a  still  greater  evil  was  the 
'"^  insecurity  felt  by  millions  of  workingmen,  whc 

might  at  any  time  find  themselves  utterly  destitute,  not 
because  of  their  fault  or  of  that  of  their  employers,  but 
because  of  accidents,  illness,  un^mploymeat,  and  old  age. 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  365 

"The  root  trouble  of  our  social  system  is  the  precariousness 
of  living,"  declared  Lloyd  George.  Something  had  to  be 
done  by  the  community  as  represented  by  the  State  "to  fill 
up  the  gaps  in  the  life  of  the  industrial  classes,"  by  giving 
a  sense  of  security  to  the  millions  who  were  at  the  mercy  of 
modern  industrialism. 

In   1906  a  Workmen's   Compensation  Act  was   passed 
which  compels  employers  to  compensate  their  workingmen 
for  injury  or  disease  sustained  in  the  course  of  Workmen's 
employment  without  appeal  by  the  latter  to  the  Compensa- 
courts  of  law.    Compensation  is  graded  accord- 
ing to  the  seriousness  of  the  injury;  in  case  of  the  death 
of  an  employee  his  wages  are  paid  to  his  dependents  for  three 
years.  This  law  recognizes  the  principle  that  a  workingman 
is  a  part  of  the  industrial  machine;  hence  the  responsibility 
for  his  well-being  is  placed  on  the  employer. 

To  remedy  the  evil  of  poverty  in  old  age,  Parliament,  in 
1908,  passed  the  Old- Age  Pensions  Act.   This  law  provides 
for  pensions  averaging  about  a  dollar  a  week  oid-Age 
to  be  paid  by  the  Government  to  laborers  who  Pensions 
reach  the  age  of  seventy,   no  previous  contri- 
bution being  required  from  them.  The  arguments  advanced 
in  favor  of  this  law  were  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  State  to 
care  for  the  veterans  of  industry,  and  that  the  pension, 
although  not  large  enough  to  support  a  man,  may  yet  save 
him  from  the  disgrace  of  going  to  the  poorhouse.    The  law 
was  opposed  by  the   Conservatives   because   it  was   non- 
contributory.    They  argued  that  it  would  tend  to  weaken 
the  spirit  of  self-reliance  of  the  laborer,  and  that  it  would 
prove  a  great  burden  on  the  taxpayers. 

The   year    1909  was  very   fruitful   in   social  legislation. 
Parliament   passed   the  Labor  Exchanges  Act,  T^e  Labor 
establishing  a  national  system  of  employment  Exchanges, 
bureaus  to   remedy  the  evil  of  unemployment.   Boards,  and 
It  also  passed  the  Trade  Boards  Act,  providing  J^ji^d^Town 
for  the  establishment   of   wage   boards   in   the  Planning 
"sweated"     trades,    which    employ    men    and 
women  at  low  wages  and  for  long  hours.  The  wage  boards, 


%66     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

representing  the  workers,  employers,  and  the  Government, 
have  power  to  regulate  wages  and  conditions  in  those  trades. 
Another  law  was  the  Housing  and  Town  Planning  Act,  the 
purpose  of  which  was  to  reduce  congestion  in  the  large  cities 
by  permitting  the  local  authorities  to  build  houses  for  the 
working  class. 

By  far  the  most  radical  example  of  English  social  legis- 
lation was  the  National  Insurance  Act  of  191 1,  fathered  by 
Social  in-  Lloyd  George.  Its  essential  feature  is  that  in- 
surance; the    suj-ance  against  sickness  and  unemployment  on 

arguments  ^  ^  ^  r     j     ^ 

pro  and  con  the  part  of  the  workingmen  is  made  contributory 
and  compulsory.  The  act  was  modeled  to  a  considerable 
degree  on  the  sickness  insurance  law  of  Germany ;  but  Eng- 
land extended  the  system  by  including  insurance  against 
unemployment.  When  the  plan  for  national  insurance  was 
introduced  in  Parliament,  it  encountered  the  bitter  oppo- 
sition of  the  Conservatives,  both  in  principle  and  in  de- 
tail. They  declared  that,  by  making  insurance  compul- 
sory, the  act  violated  the  English  ideal  of  individual 
freedom  and  established  a  principle  foreign  to  Englishmen, 
namely,  the  control  of  the  individual  by  the  State;  they 
favored,  on  the  contrary,  a  system  of  insurance  based  on 
the  voluntary  principle.  In  reply  the  Liberals,  led  by  Lloyd 
George,  asserted  that  sufficient  provision  had  been  made 
for  voluntary  insurance  for  the  better-to-do  workingmen, 
but  for  the  very  poor,  who  were  either  unable  or  unwilling 
to  insure  themselves,  compulsion  coupled  with  state  aid 
was  necessary,  otherwise  they  would  continue  to  suffer  the 
miserable  lot  created  for  them  by  modern  industry. 

The  act  finally  passed  after  a  prolonged  struggle  in  Par- 
liament. It  is  divided  into  two  parts:  (i)  insurance  against 
The  Na-  sickness  and  invalidity,  and  (2)  insurance  against 
tional  In-  unemployment.  All  employed  persons  between 
the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty-five  earning  less 
than  eight  hundred  dollars  a  year  must  insure  against  sick- 
ness and  invalidity.  The  fund  is  made  up  of  contributions 
from  the  employers,  workers,  and  the  State,  on  the  ground 
that  it  is  to  the  interest  of  all  three  to  have  a  healthy,  con- 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  367 

tented  body  of  laborers.  Various  kinds  of  benefits  are  given: 
(i)  a  sickness  benefit  of  two  and  a  half  dollars  a  week  for 
twenty-six  weeks;  (2)  an  Invalidity  benefit,  In  case  of  serious 
Injury,  of  a  dollar  and  a  quarter  a  week  to  the  age  of  seventy, 
when  the  old-age  pensions  begin;  (3)  free  medical  attendance 
by  physicians  appointed  by  the  State;  and  (4)  a  maternity 
benefit  of  seven  and  a  half  dollars  to  wives  of  Insured  men 
at  the  birth  of  a  child.  Against  unemployment  there  is  a 
separate  system  of  Insurance.  Like  that  against  sickness,  It 
Is  compulsory  and  applies  to  employed  persons  earning  less 
than  eight  hundred  dollars  a  year;  only  certain  trades,  how- 
ever, those  In  which  there  Is  a  high  degree  of  unemployment, 
come  within  the  scope  of  this  law.  The  fund  Is  made  up  of 
contributions  from  the  employers,  employed,  and  the  State; 
and  the  benefit  Is  a  dollar  and  three  quarters  a  week  for  fif- 
teen weeks.  At  the  age  of  sixty,  the  laborer  receives  back  his 
contributions  with  interest,  minus  the  sum  he  had  received 
as  benefit.  The  principle  underlying  this  form  of  insurance 
is  that  society  as  a  whole,  and  not  the  laborer  alone,  should 
bear  the  burden  of  unemployment,  which  Is  now  recognized 
as  a  maladjustment  created  by  industrial  conditions. 

This  important  social  legislation  of  the  Asquith  Ministry 
did  much  to  ameliorate  the  lot  of  the  working  classes  and 
constitutes  Its  chief  title  to  fame.    The  effects  of  Results  of 
this  legislation  were  made  visible  in  the  new  at-  ?ocial  leg- 
titude  toward  the  State  assumed  by  the  lower 
classes,  who  now  felt  more  strongly  than  ever  that  England 
was  their  country   as  well  as  that   of   the  upper  classes. 
When  the  World  War  broke  out  In  1914,  and  Great  Britain 
found  herself  face  to  face  with  her  great  enemy,  Germany, 
all  classes,  without  distinction,  rallied  with  patriotic  fervor 
to  the  defense  of  the  flag. 

Economic  Progress 

Although  British  commerce  and  industry  have  been  coii" 
tinually  advancing  since  1870  and  England  has  The  cotton 
grown  In  wealth  and  prosperity,  some  industries  '"^ustry 
have   advanced   but   slowly,  others    have   remained   sta- 


368     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

tionary,  and  a  few  have  actually  declined.  Cotton  manu- 
facturing, constituting  about  one  quarter  of  the  entire  Brit- 
ish export  trade,  continues  to  maintain  its  supremacy.  This 
industry  is  concentrated  in  Lancashire  where  Manches- 
ter, the  cotton  metropolis  of  the  world,  is  located.  Directly 
and  indirectly  about  three  million  persons  gain  their  liveli- 
hood in  the  English  cotton  industry,  which  depends  for  its 
raw  material  mainly  on  America.  Recently  America,  Ger- 
many, and  Russian  Poland  have  become  large  producers  of 
cotton  cloth,  which  is  protected  from  English  competition 
by  high  tariffs ;  consequently  Lancashire  has  been  compelled 
to  specialize  in  the  production  of  the  finest  grades  of  this 
cloth,  in  which,  because  of  the  skill  of  her  operators,  she  is 
able  to  defy  all  competition. 

British  shipping  has  advanced  remarkably  in  spite  of  the 
rivalry  of  Germany.^  Not  only  do  the  British  shipyards 
„, .    .  build  vessels  for  other  nations,  but  about  two 

bnipping 

thirds  of  all  the  world's  shipping  is  carried  in 
British  bottoms  that  earn  handsome  profits  for  their  owners. 
The  three  great  ship-building  centers  of  the  world  are 
Glasgow  on  the  Clyde,  Newcastle  on  the  Tyne,  and  Belfast 
Harbor  in  Ireland. 

During  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  England 
was  the  chief  producer  of  coal  and  iron.  Although  England's 
Coal  and  output  of  coal  kept  increasing,  she  Was  outdis- 
*''°"  tanced  by  the  United  States  in  the  production  of 

this  commodity.^  In  her  iron  production  England  showed 
an  actual  decline  both  positively  and  relatively,  and  she  fell 
far  behind  the  United  States  and  Germany  as  an  iron  and 
steel  producing  country.* 

Great  alarm  has  been  felt  in  England  because  of  the  un- 

^  Between  1870  and  1910  the  British  merchant  marine  more  than  doubled 
in  tonnage;  in  1910-11  Great  Britain  produced  forty-six  per  cent  of  the  total 
increase  in  the  tonnage  of  the  world,  and  in  191 3  more  than  fifty  per  cent  of  the 
total  increase.  In  1870  the  British  tonnage  was  5,691,000,  which  rose  to 
11,895,000  in  1912. 

2  In  1880  Great  Britain  produced  147,000,000  tons  of  coal,  which  rose  in  1910 
to  264,500,000  tons.  In  1875  Great  Britain  produced  forty-eight  per  cent  of 
the  coal  of  the  world,  which  sank  to  forty  per  cent  in  1885,  to  thirty-three  per 
cent  in  1895,  to  twenty-five  percent  in  1905,  and  to  twenty-four  per  cent  in  191 1. 

^  In  1880  England  produced  18,000,000  tons  of  iron  ore,  which  fell  in  1910 
to  15,226,000  tons. 


DEMOCRACY  IN   GREAT   BRITAIN  369 

favorable  balance  of  trade  caused  by  the  growing  excess  of 
imports  over  exports.^  It  is  feared  by  some  that  Foreign 
if  England  continues  to  produce  so  much  less  ^^^^^ 
than  she  consumes,  she  will,  in  time,  cease  to  be  the  "work- 
shop of  the  world,"  as  her  exports  are  almost  entirely  of 
manufactured  goods.  The  unfavorable  balance  of  trade  is 
partly  to  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  amounts  earned 
by  British  shipowners  in  carrying  the  goods  of  other  nations 
constitute  "invisible  exports,"  and  partly  by  the  fact  that 
the  income  from  foreign  investments  of  British  capitalists  is 
often  paid  in  kind  and  not  in  cash;  hence  these  amounts 
figure  as  imports.  The  growth  of  England  as  an  investing 
nation  has  been  truly  remarkable.  It  is  estimated  that  in 
1913  over  seventeen  billion  dollars  of  British  capital  was 
invested  in  colonial  and  foreign  enterprises.  The  national 
economy  of  England  is  therefore  to  some  extent  dependent 
upon  shipping  and  foreign  investments  to  earn  sufficient 
to  pay  for  her  excess  imports. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  Great 
Britain's  industrial  leadership  was  challenged  by  a  new 
competitor,  Germany.  The  latter's  inroads  into  English  and 
British  markets  caused  much  uneasiness,  and  bus/ness 
Parliament  passed  a  law  compelling  German  methods 
goods  in  England  to  bear  the  label  "Made  in  Germany,"  in 
order  to  distinguish  th&m  from  the  domestic  product.  Much 
to  the  chagrin  of  the  English,  however,  the  label  had  the 
effect  of  widely  advertising  the  German  goods.  The  foreign 
trade  of  both  nations  was  increasing,  but  that  of  Germany 
at  a  much  faster  pace,^  which  greatly  alarmed  British  manu- 
facturers, for  the  reason  that  England,  being  a  free-trade 

1  In  1910  the  imports  exceeded  the  exports  by  about  $1,245,000,000. 

2  The  total  foreign  trade  of  England  in  1872  was  about  $3,000,000,000, 
which,  in  1913,  rose  to  about  $6,500,000,000,  an  increase  of  220  per  cent;  that 
of  Germany  in  1872  was  about  $1,500,000,000,  which,  in  1913,  rose  to  about 
$5,100,000,000,  an  increase  of  340  per  cent.  In  the  matter  of  exports  the  rivalry 
between  England  and  Germany  in  recent  times  has  been  very  keen.  During 
the  decade  1903-13  the  exports  of  England  rose  from  about  $1,450,000,000  to 
about  $2,630,000,000;  those  of  Germany  from  about  $1,232,000,000  to  $2,520,- 
000,000.  Germany's  exports  more  than  doubled,  while  those  of  England  less 
than  doubled;  moreover,  the  addition  to  Germany's  exports  during  this  decade 
was  actually  larger  than  that  of  England. 


370     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

country,  depends  mainly  upon  her  foreign  markets  for  her 
industrial  prosperity.  There  are  several  causes  for  this  rela- 
tive decline  of  England's  leadership.  In  the  first  place,  her 
business  men  have  held  the  industrial  field  for  so  long  a  time 
that  they  rely  more  upon  prestige  than  upon  initiative; 
hence  they  have  been  exceedingly  slow  in  introducing  the 
new  scientific  methods  of  manufacture.  They  hesitate  to 
"scrap"  old  plants  and  to  depart  from  time-honored  meth- 
ods. The  German  business  men,  on  the  contrary,  have 
shown  greater  enterprise  in  building  new  factories,  in  instal- 
ling new  machinery,  and  in  applying  scientific  methods  to 
the  process  of  manufacture  and  to  management  in  spite  of 
heavy  initial  costs.  ^  Technical  education  in  England,  until 
quite  recently,  has  been  very  backward,  and  her  industries 
have  not  had  the  advantage  of  being  run,  like  those  in  Ger- 
many, by  highly  trained  experts.  Secondly,  there  have  been 
serious  weaknesses  in  the  English  methods  of  marketing. 
English  exporters  put  up  goods  in  form,  design,  and  color,  to 
suit  the  English  taste,  with  the  result  that  many  foreigners 
prefer  to  buy  from  the  Germans,  who  cater  to  their  tastes. 
The  German  exporters  are  also  willing  to  grant  the  demand 
of  many  foreign  merchants,  particularly  those  in  South 
America,  for  small  sales  and  long  credits,  and  have  therefore 
been  able  to  oust  the  English,  who  are  less  willing  to  do  this. 
Thirdly,  the  German  manufacturers,  sheltered  behind  their 
high  protective  tariffs,  have  been  able  to  "dump"  their  sur- 
plus goods  in  free-trade  Britain.  By  "dumping"  is  meant 
the  practice  of  selling  goods  in  a  foreign  country  even  below 
cost  in  order  to  destroy  the  competition  of  the  native  pro- 
duct; that  once  accomplished,  the  price  of  the  foreign  article 
is  raised  to  a  profitable  point. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  a  powerful 
movement  known  as  "  tariff  reform  "  appeared  in  England 
Tariflf  re-  which  aimed  to  substitute  a  system  of  protec- 
form  |-jyg  tariffs  for  that  of  free  trade.  It  was  initiated 

by  Joseph  Chamberlain  in  a  widely  quoted  speech  delivered 
byhimin  1903.  Chamberlain  "  viewed  with  alarm  "  the  grow- 

1  See  p.  303. 


DEMOCRACY   IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  371 

ing  excess  of  Imports  over  exports;  In  his  opinion  the  size 
of  the  latter  was  the  test  of  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 
"Agriculture  has  been  practically  destroyed,"  he  declared, 
"sugar  has  gone,  silk  has  gone,  iron  is  threatened,  cotton 
will  go."  He  advocated  a  scheme  of  imperial  preference,  or 
the  economic  union  of  Great  Britain  w4th  her  colonies,  on 
the  basis  of  free  trade  among  themselves  and  a  tariff  on 
foreign  goods.  This  system,  he  declared,  would  Insure  to 
the  British  a  market  for  their  manufactures  and  to  the  col- 
onies a  market  for  their  raw  material.  Chamberlain  further- 
more stated  that  imperial  preference  would  have  the  effect 
of  drawing  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country  into  a  closer 
union ;  otherwise,  according  to  him,  they  would  Inevitably 
drift  apart.  ^ 

A  Tariff  Reform  League  was  organized  for  the  purpose  of 
conducting  an  agitation  to  convert  the  British  people  to 
protection.  The  tariff  reformers  declared  that  p^.^^  ^^.^^^ 
the  policy  of  free  trade  was  adopted  by  England  versus  pro- 
wlth  the  idea  that  the  other  nations  would  soon 
follow  her  example;  but  instead  they  adopted  the  system 
of  high  protective  tariffs.  The  British  manufacturer  was, 
therefore,  doubly  at  the  mercy  of  his  foreign  competitor, 
who  kept  out  British  goods  by  hostile  tariffs  and  "dumped " 
his  surplus  goods  Into  England  unhindered.  High  tariffs  on 
both  Industrial  and  agricultural  products  to  protect  the 
British  manufacturers  and  farmers  was  the  plan  advocated 
by  the  tariff  reformers,  who  finally  succeeded  In  committing 
the  Conservative  Party  to  this  policy.  The  Liberals  opposed 
protection  on  the  ground  that  It  would  destroy  the  great 
foreign  trade  on  which  England's  prosperity  depended  and 
increase  the  cost  of  living  by  keeping  out  cheap  foreign 
food.  Opposition  to  the  "dear  loaf"  proved  so  effective 
that  the  Conservatives  were  compelled  to  hedge  on  the 
question  of  a  tariff  on  food,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  landed 
Interests.  Unfortunately  for  the  protectionists,  England's 
trade  In  recent  years  has  been  exceedingly  prosperous, 
which  has  had  the  effect  of  keeping  her  loyal  to  free  trade. 

1  See  p.  421. 


372     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Literature 

The  second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  saw  the  Vic- 
torian Age  at  its  very  highest.  Although  lacking  a  supreme 
^  master  like  Shakespeare,  it  surpassed  all  other 

Tennyson  •     i        r  t-      i-  i     ,•  .1  ,  r 

periods  01  Jbnglish  literature  m  the  number  of 

writers  of  the  first  rank  that  it  produced.  Alfred,  Lord  Ten- 
nyson (1809-92),  was  the  poetic  voice  of  Victorian  England, 
for  no  other  writer  of  this  period  expressed  its  moods  and 
ideals  as  faithfully  as  did  he.  The  spirit  of  Tennyson's  work 
is  a  calm  and  serene  acceptance  of  the  order  established  in 
state,  church,  and  society;  he  nowhere  exhibits  either  the 
revolutionary  outbursts  of  Byron  and  Shelley  or  the  mild 
humanitarianism  of  Wordsworth.  Tennyson  is,  above  all 
else,  a  great  artist,  a  master  of  color,  form,  and  music,  who 
"jeweled  and  polished"  his  verse  into  haunting  meters  that 
won  him  extraordinary  popularity  throughout  the  English- 
speaking  world.  His  almost  flawless  poetic  art  enables 
him  to  invest  conventional  ideals  with  an  enchanting  at- 
mosphere, which  transforms  them  into  very  models  of 
purity  and  goodness.  In  his  great  elegy.  In  Memoriam, 
Tennyson  becomes  philosophical  and  discourses  upon  hu- 
man destiny  and  the  immortality  of  human  love  with  the 
hopeful  assurance  that  there  is 

"One  God,  one  law,  one  element, 
And  one  far-off  divine  event. 
To  which  the  whole  creation  moves." 

Robert  Browning  (1812-89),  with  whom  Tennyson  has 
often  been  contrasted,  is  the  supreme  philosophic  poet 
of  English  literature.  Browning's  verse,  unlike 
that  of  Tennyson,  is  not  musical  and  nowing; 
frequently  his  meters  are  ragged  and  his  meaning  obscure. 
But  what  he  lacks  in  melody  he  makes  up  in  vigor,  original- 
ity, and  depth.  Browning's  chief  interest  is  to  stress  "the 
incidents  in  the  development  of  a  soul";  little  else  he  con- 
sidered worthy  of  study.  To  seek  the  individual  soul,  to 
analyze  its  reactions  upon  the  problems  of  life,  and  to  find 
the  moral  sources  of  action  is  his  favorite  method.    He  ex- 


J 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  373 

eels  in  subtle  —  sometimes  too  subtle  —  analysis  of  ethical 
problems  and  in  the  portrayal  of  characters  faced  by  moral 
crises.  Browning  was  a  true  Victorian  in  that  he  believed  that 
man  was  essentially  a  moral  being  living  in  a  universe  gov- 
erned by  moral  laws.  He  therefore  had  a  robust  faith  in  the 
eventual  triumph  of  the  good  and  the  true  over  the  evil  and 
the  false.   He  describes  himself  as 

"One  who  never  turned  his  back  but  marched  breast  forward, 
Never  doubted  clouds  would  break, 
Never  dreamed,  tho'  right  were  worsted,  wrong  would  triumph, 
Held  we  fall  to  rise,  are  baffled  to  fight  better. 
Sleep  to  wake." 

Browning  was  a  prophet,  and  like  all  prophets  he  had  a 
tendency  to  be  obscure,  which,  for  a  long  time,  prejudiced 
the  reading  public  against  him.  But  some  of  his  poems,  es- 
pecially the  shorter  ones,  give  evidence  of  simplicity  and 
melody  worthy  of  comparison  with  the  best  of  Tennyson's. 
His  masterpiece  is  The  Ring  a?td  the  Book,  a  long  poem  in 
which  a  murder  is  described  by  different  characters,  each 
telling  the  same  tale  from  his  own  viewpoint  and  in  doing 
so  revealing  unconsciously  his  own  character.  The  poem 
is  a  remarkable  study  of  the  moral  psychology  of  different 
temperaments. 

Matthew  Arnold  (1822-88),  essayist,  critic,  and  poet, 
was  one  of  the  great  intellectual  influences  of  his  generation. 
There  could  be  no  greater  contrast  than  that 
between  Carlyle  and  Arnold  as  to  temperament, 
method,  and  aim,  although  both  were  censors  of  the  men 
and  morals  of  their  age.  Carlyle  thundered  against  vices 
and  shams  and  stridently  preached  his  gospel  of  the  "Ever- 
lasting Yea"  and  the  "Everlasting  Nay."  But  the  "elegant 
Jeremiah,"  Arnold,  in  a  spirit  of  "sweet  reasonableness" 
and  in  a  manner  refined  and  urbane,  reproached  his  fellow 
countrymen  for  their  bad  taste,  provincialism,  and  lack  of 
interest  in  ideas.  The  "Philistines,"  as  he  called  the  nar- 
row-minded, self-satisfied  people  of  the  middle  classes,  the 
strong,  dogged,  unenlightened  opponents  of  the  chosen  people, 
of  the  children  of  the  light,"  were  his  especial  abhorrence 


374     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

The  supreme  aim  of  life,  in  his  view,  ought  to  be  "culture," 
or  intellectual  and  moral  perfection.  This  "apostle  of  cul- 
ture," as  Arnold  was  called,  was  temperamentally  opposed 
to  all  partisanships  and  dogmatisms,  and  was  tolerant  to- 
ward all  ideas,  and  especially  to  those  that  were  new  or  for- 
eign. Like  Erasmus  he  firmly  believed  that  true  and  lasting 
progress  can  only  be  made  by  allowing  the  intellect  to  play 
freely  on  the  problems  of  life;  "sweetness  and  light"  would 
then  be  the  outcome,  and  mankind  would  become  mellow, 
kindly,  and  tolerant. 

As  a  critic  Arnold  resembled  the  Frenchman,  Sainte- 
Beuve.^  Like  the  latter  he  believed  that  the  chief  duty  of  a 
critic  was  to  "exhibit"  the  author  in  every  possible  way  in 
order  to  stimulate  the  readers  to  think  for  themselves.  Lit- 
erature Arnold  defined  as  "the  best  which  has  been  thought 
and  said  in  the  world" ;  and  the  first  requisite  of  a  critic  was 
"disinterestedness,"  or  detachment  from  schools,  dogmas, 
and  systems.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  Victorian 
Age  was  notable  for  its  scientific  advance,  and  the  writings 
of  Darwin  and  Huxley  profoundly  affected  the  literary  men 
of  the  day.  Influenced  by  the  scientific  spirit,  Arnold  came 
to  doubt  the  truths  of  revealed  religion,  though  he  never 
entirely  broke  away  from  Christianity;  he  sought  rather  to 
give  it  new  interpretations  and  new  values.  Religion  he 
defined  as  "morality  touched  with  emotion";  God,  as  a 
"stream  of  tendency  not  ourselves  making  for  righteous- 
ness." He  regarded  the  Bible  as  a  great  work  of  "litera- 
ture," describing  the  history  and  experiences  of  the  ancient 
Hebrew  people.  Arnold's  best-known  works  are  Culture  and 
Anarchy,  Essays  in  Criticism,  and  Literature  ajid  Dogma. 

An  inspiring  figure  during  the  latter  part  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  was  John  Ruskin  (i8 19-1900),  art  critic, 
social  reformer,  and  ethical  teacher.  Possessed 
of  a  vivid  sense  for  natural  beauty  and  of  a  mas- 
terly descriptive  power,  Ruskin  created  a  sensation  in  Eng- 
land on  the  publication  of  his  art  criticisms.  In  his  opinion 
art,  being  the  highest  form  of  truth,  has  of  necessity  a  moral 
basis,  and  is  the  exponent  of  the  strength  and  weakness  of 

1  See  p.  165 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  375 

the  people  who  produce  it.  His  overflowing  enthusiasm  for 
art  led  him  to  become  the  "apostle  of  beauty"  to  his  coun- 
trymen; and  he  began  a  propaganda  to  spread  a  love  of 
beauty  among  all  classes. 

Ruskin's  generous  nature  was  shocked  at  the  degradation 
and  poverty  of  the  lower  classes.  He  saw  nothing  but  ugli- 
ness, waste,  and  misery  in  the  modern  industrial  system,  and 
he  therefore  became  a  most  ardent  social  reformer.  The  po- 
litical economy  of  the  Manchester  School,  with  its  emphasis 
on  the  "economic  man"  bent  on  profits,  he  regarded  as  false 
and  mischievous.  "There  is  no  wealth  but  life.  .  .  .  That 
country  is  the  richest  which  nourishes  the  greatest  num- 
ber of  noble  and  happy  human  beings,"  he  declared.  The 
laborer,  according  to  Ruskin,  was  only  incidentally  a  profit 
producer,  but  essentially  a  soldier  of  industry,  working  for 
the  welfare  of  the  whole  community;  he  should  therefore  be 
trained,  honored,  and  pensioned  like  a  soldier  in  the  army. 
Believing  that  culture  should  be  diffused  among  all  the  peo- 
ple, he  went  among  the  London  poor  lecturing  to  them  on 
art  and  life  and  founding  educational  societies  to  spread  his 
ideals.  Ruskin's  influence  was  widespread,  and  he  may  be 
considered  as  the  spiritual  forerunner  of  the  great  social  re- 
form movement  that  took  place  in  England  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  twentieth  century.  His  chief  works  are  Modern 
Painters,  Sesame  and  Lilies,  and  Unto  this  Last. 

The  Victorian  Age  ended  gloriously  with  a  galaxy  of  bril- 
liant and  original  writers.  George  Meredith  (i  828-1 909) 
might  fitly  be  described  as  a  novelist's  novelist,   ,^ 

,  .     ,       ,  1-1  .    1      ,         1  .    .     Meredith 

as  his  books  are  admired  mamly  by  those  mi- 
tiated  in  the  craft.  Meredith's  extraordinary  gift  for  analyz- 
ing human  character  and  motives  suggests  Browning;  but, 
unlike  the  latter,  he  possessed  a  subtle  irony  and  a  sharp 
wit  that  he  used  like  fine  instruments  with  which  to  probe 
human  problems.  The  Comic  Spirit,  with  its  "silvery  laugh- 
ter of  the  mind"  hovers  over  his  pages,  darting  here  and 
there  to  expose  egoism,  hypocrisy,  and  selfishness.  Mere- 
dith's most  Important  books  are  The  Egoist,  Diana  of  the 
Crossways,  and  Beauchamp' s  Career. 


376     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Another  master  of  fiction  Is  Thomas  Hardy  (1840-  ),  the 
greatest  reaHst  among  the  Victorians.  Hardy's  descriptions 
of  nature  are  so  extraordinary  that  sometimes 
his  characters  sink  into  the  landscape  which  Itself 
then  becomes  the  hero  of  the  book.  He  took  Wessex  and  its 
rural  inhabitants  for  his  literary  province  and  succeeded  in 
making  that  region  famous  in  English  literature.  Hardy  is 
a  pessimist.  He  generally  depicts  the  Individual  pitted  In 
an  uneven  struggle  with  nature  and  society,  with  a  sardonic 
God  looking  on  pitilessly.  Failure  or  death  is  frequently  the 
outcome  of  the  struggles  of  his  heroes  and  heroines.  Accord- 
ing to  Hardy,  man  is  a  feeble  creature  in  the  hands  of  Inex- 
orable fate  and  therefore  cannot  be  saved  either  through 
God's  grace  or  through  his  own  works.  He  Is  therefore 
pagan  rather  than  Christian  In  spirit,  hence  not  a  true  Vic- 
torian. Hardy's  most  important  books  are  The  Return  of  the 
Native,  Tess  of  the  D'Urbervilles,  and  Jude  the  Obscure. 

Far  different  from  Hardy  In  outlook  was  Robert  Louis 
Stevenson  (1850-94).  A  lifelong  Invalid,  Stevenson  was 
c,  nevertheless  a  brave  and  cheery  spirit,  whose 

btevenson  .     ,  ... 

buoyant  optimism  and  boyish  romanticism 
gained  him  wide  popularity.  He  possessed  a  literary  style 
of  such  rare  charm  and  simplicity  that  It  captivated  his 
readers,  particularly  the  young.  Stevenson's  most  Import- 
ant books  are  Treasure  Island,  Dr.  Jekyll  and  Mr.  Hyde,  and 
Virginihus  Puerisque,  the  last  being  a  series  of  essays  ad- 
dressed to  girls  and  boys. 

Samuel  Butler  (i 835-1 902),  a  satirist  of  extraordinary 
power,  died  wholly  unrecognized  by  his  contemporaries.  In 
g    .  recent  years,  however,  his  writings  have  come 

prominently  to  the  front  and  reveal  him  as  a  fore- 
runner of  George  Bernard  Shaw.  Butler  Is  the  sworn  foe  of 
tyranny  In  all  forms,  particularly  that  which  thrives  on 
mental  stupor  and  social  convention  in  church,  school,  and 
family.  His  book,  The  Way  of  All  Flesh,  Is  a  satirical  novel 
describing  the  havoc  caused  In  the  life  of  a  young  man  by 
his  conscientious  father  and  devoted  mother  because  of 
their  determination  to  bring  him  up  according  to  their 


DEMOCRACY  IN   GREAT  BRITAIN  377 

conventional  ideas.  His  other  famous  book,  Erewhon,  is  a 
Utopia  wherein  the  author  mercilessly  satirizes  the  institu- 
tions of  his  day.  Moral  delinquencies  are  there  considered 
physical  ailments  and  are  treated  as  such  by  physicians; 
and,  on  the  contrary,  physical  ailments  are  considered 
moral  delinquencies  and  are  sternly  punished. 

During  the  last  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  a  new 
era  began  in  English  literature  which  was  in  marked  con- 
trast to  the  Victorian  Age.    England  was  out-  -phe  New 
growing  the  liberalism  of  the  middle  classes  who.   Spirit,  im- 
for  two  generations,  had  fashioned  her  ideals.   ^^'^^  *^™ 
New  forces  came  to  the  fore,  imperialism  and  socialism, 
which,  though  utterly  dissimilar  in  spirit  and  aim,  were 
nevertheless  united  in  protest  against  the  narrowness  and 
contentment  of  Victorian  England.   Imperialism  was,  in  one 
sense,  a  challenge  to  the  insularity  of  the  English  people, 
who  then  cared  little  for  affairs  beyond  their  island  shores, 
even  for  those  of  their  Empire;  and  Kipling's  voice,  speak- 
ing for  the  Greater  Britain  beyond  the  seas,  stimulated  the 
imagination  of  the  English  and  made  them  conscious  of 
their  vast  influence  in  the  world. 

Victorian  England  exhibited  its  narrowness  in  the  lack  of 
interest  shown  by  the  triumphant  middle  classes  in  the  fate 
of  the  submerged  masses  of  the  people.  This 
spirit  of  class  Insularity  is  reflected  In  the  writ- 
ings of  the  Victorian  novelists  who  seldom,  if  ever,  treated 
of  the  problems  of  the  working  class  or  introduced  any  but 
"gentlemen"  as  heroes.  In  the  works  of  the  writers  of  the 
new  era,  the  gentleman  of  leisure,  long  the  undisputed  hero 
In  the  play  or  novel,  is  retired  to  the  background  or  even 
shown  as  the  villain  of  the  piece;  into  his  place  steps  the 
toiler  by  brain  or  by  hand,  the  man  from  statecraft,  from 
the  professions,  from  business,  from  the  plow,  from  the  ma- 
chine. Social  reform,  socialism,  efficient  government,  femin- 
ism, trade  unionism,  these  are  the  absorbing  themes  of  the 
writings  of  the  new  time.  One  must  go  back  to  the  days  of 
Milton  to  find  a  similar  identification  of  literature  with  life. 
Conviction  of  original  sin  and  the  need  for  grace  did  not 


378     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

determine  the  law  and  the  prophets  of  old  more  imperiously 
than  did  the  conviction  of  preventable  human  waste  and  the 
need  for  social  readjustment  determine  the  laws  and  proph- 
ets of  twentieth-century  Britain.  These  newer  writers  are 
not  mere  social  revivalists  in  the  manner  of  Carlyle  and 
Ruskin ;  they  focus  and  direct  public  opinion  in  the  manner 
of  Wells  and  Shaw.  In  short  they  are  active  publicists  and 
propagandists  as  well  as  artists,  and  their  writings  might 
be  described  as  sociology  clothed  —  sometimes  thinly  —  in 
the  garb  of  fiction. 

No  modern  English  writer  has  enjoyed  such  prodigious 
popularity  as  Rudyard  Kipling  (1865-  ),  story-writer  and 

^,.  ,.  poet.  The  revival  of  imperialism  which  began  in 

Kiphng  fl,      ,       ,  ,  1      r    1         •  1 

England  at  the  end  of  the  nmeteenth  century 

found  in  Kipling  its  supreme  literary  spokesman.  Born  in 
India,  widely  traveled,  and  knowing  every  part  of  the  Brit- 
ish dominions,  he  was  well  qualified  to  be  the  "Poet  Lau- 
reate of  the  Empire."  Moreover,  Kipling  intensely  believes 
that  the  "Sons  of  the  Blood,"  as  he  called  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
are  the  best  fitted  of  all  Europeans  to  rule  the  "lesser 
breeds,"  and  he  has  constantly  exhorted  his  fellow  country- 
men to  take  up  "the  white  man's  burden"  and  bring 
Western  civilization  to  the  colored  peoples  of  Asia  and 
Africa. 

Kipling's  literary  power  lies  in  his  mastery  of  a  racy,  col- 
loquial style  which  is  vigorous  to  the  point  of  audacity;  as  a 
writer  of  short  stories  of  adventure  he  is  unsurpassed.  His 
favorite  characters  are  soldiers  and  adventurers,  and  he  has 
immortalized  "Tommy  Atkins,"  whose  praises  he  sings  in 
prose  and  in  verse.  Violent  action,  vividly  felt  and  vividly 
described,  is  Kipling's  forte.  Seldom  does  he  show  the  power 
of  subtle  analysis  of  problems,  or  of  unraveling  the  tangled 
skein  of  human  motives;  hence  his  characters  merely  live; 
they  do  not  grow.  Of  the  social  problems  which  dominated 
the  writings  of  his  contemporaries,  Kipling  betrays  neither 
knowledge  nor  interest  in  the  slightest  degree. 

Kipling  first  attracted  considerable  attention  with  his 
book,  Plain  Tales,  a  series  of  short  stories  dealing  with  life  in 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  379 

India.  The  introduction  of  this  novel  field  in  English  liter- 
ature played  an  important  part  in  enhancing  his  popular- 
ity. His  volume  of  poems,  Barrack-Room  Ballads,  has  the 
vigor  and  directness  of  his  tales  and  deals  with  the  character 
and  adventures  of  English  soldiers  in  India.  Curiously 
enough,  this  literary  imperialist  occasionally  exhibits  an- 
other side,  a  dreamy  mysticism.  In  Kim  he  describes  sym- 
pathetically the  gentle  spiritual  life  of  the  native  Hindus. 
In  his  fascinating  animal  tales  for  children,  The  Jungle  Book 
and  The  Just  So  Stories,  Kipling  shows  rare  power  in  trans- 
forming the  jungle  into  an  animal  fairyland. 

The  drama  as  a  vehicle  of  radical  agitation  reached  un- 
usual influence  and  power  in  the  hands  of  George  Bernard 
Shaw  (1856-  ).   The  essential  fact  about  Shaw  ^, 

.  Shaw 

is  that  he  is  a  socialist.  Even  before  he  be- 
came famous  as  a  writer  of  plays,  he  had  become  well  known 
as  a  trenchant  writer  and  expounder  of  socialistic  ideas. 
Shaw,  therefore,  entirely  repudiates  the  present  social  and 
economic  system;  there  is  hardly  a  modern  social  problem 
which  has  not  engaged  his  busy  pen.  As  he  himself  once  de- 
clared, "I  am  up  to  the  chin  in  the  life  of  my  times."  Shaw 
is  even  more  revolutionary  in  the  sphere  of  morals;  and  he 
has  criticized  severely  the  established  standards  of  conduct 
in  the  earnest  desire  to  effect  a  radical  change  in  the  moral 
code,  in  order  to  give  people  a  justification  for  their  newly 
born  desires.  His  method  is  satire,  which  he  employs  with 
such  daring,  brilliance,  and  wit  that  cherished  institutions 
and  ideals  emerge  from  his  hands  ragged  and  ridiculous. 
Family,  church,  state,  property,  and  educational  systems 
are  judged  as  being  founded  on  class  interests  and  prejudices 
compounded  with  stupidity.  Philistine  morality,  according 
to  Shaw,  has  for  its  chief  virtue  Duty,  which  is  not  "the 
Stern  Daughter  of  the  Voice  of  God,"  but  a  means  of  enslav- 
ing the  souls  of  the  people  that  they  may  accept  willingly 
an  outrageous  system  of  society.  Hence  the  first  step  of 
those  who  would  be  free  is  to  emancipate  themselves  from 
"duties,"  the  workingman  from  those  to  his  employer,  the 
citizen  from  those  to  the  State,  the  communicant  from  those 


38o  MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

to  the  Church,  and  the  married  from  those  to  the  family. 
The  highest  duty  is  to  one's  self.  Shaw  also  inveighs  against 
sentimental  romanticism.  He  believes  firmly  in  a  cool, 
common-sense  view  of  all  relations  in  life,  and  considers 
romanticism  as  very  harmful  because  it  creates  illusions  by 
covering  reality  with  a  golden  haze. 

A  Shaw  play  is  not  a  drama  in  the  ordinary  sense,  with  a 
plot  involving  the  fate  of  the  leading  characters.  There  is  no 
plot,  hero,  heroine,  or  villain  in  a  Shaw  play;  instead,  there  is 
brilliant  and  witty  conversation  concerning  a  grave  social 
problem,  which  the  various  characters  discuss  according  to 
their  temperament  and  ideals.  The  problem  itself  is  the 
plot,  hero,  heroine,  and  villain.  Shaw  has  performed  a  re- 
markable feat  in  the  dramatic  field,  for  he  holds  the  rapt 
attention  of  his  audiences  through  sheer  intellectual  power. 
His  best  known  plays  are  Widowers'  Houses,  satirizing  in- 
come-holders; Arms  and  the  Man,  romantic  idolators  of 
war;  Man  and  Superman,  conventional  love;  Getting  Mar- 
ried, marriage;  Candida,  egoistical  social  reformers;  Major 
Barbara,  hereditary  abilities  and  virtues;  Pygmalion,  con- 
ventional good  breeding;  Fanny's  First  Play,  the  good  in- 
fluence of  a  good  home;  and  Androcles  and  the  Lion,  the 
early  Christians. 

Herbert  George  Wells  (1866-)  has  shared  with  Shaw  the 
literary  hegemony  of  the  new  age.  Although  a  socialist  like 
^  ..  Shaw,  Wells's  views  are  the  expression  of  a  tem- 

perament quite  different  from  that  of  his  bril- 
liant contemporary.  Shaw  is  clear,  cool,  unemotional,  and 
unromantic  in  his  expositions,  but  quite  dogmatic  in  his 
solutions.  Wells,  on  the  contrary,  is  temperamentally  a 
"dweller  in  the  innermost."  He  anal^^zes  social  problems 
in  quite  a  spiritual-romantic  manner,  sometimes  wondering 
at  the  stupidity  of  mankind  in  not  solving  them,  some- 
times wondering  whether  they  can  be  solved  at  all.  He 
is  essentially  a  sociologist  touched  with  emotion.  Although 
a  superb  story-writer,  his  best  work  has  been  done  in  a  field 
partly  created  by  himself,  the  sociological  novel,  in  which 
the  heroes  and  heroines  struggle  to  escape  from  the  evil 


DEMOCRACY  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  381 

effects  of  bad  education,  outworn  ideals,  and  cramping  in- 
stitutions instead  of  tlie  evil  machinations  of  their  enemies. 

Wells  calls  himself  a  socialist,  but  he  would  scarcely  be 
classified  as  such  by  the  strict  adherents  of  socialism.  In  his 
view  present  society  is  in  a  sad  state  of  "muddle";  ineffi- 
ciency, planlessness,  and  stupidity  have  done  their  very 
worst  to  make  life  unbearable  for  the  major  portion  of  hu- 
manity. He  therefore  desires  to  see  an  educational  process 
generated,  which  he  calls  "love  and  fine  thinking,"  that 
will  set  people  to  reorganize  their  institutions  on  a  more 
humane  and  intelligent  plan.  This  must  be  done  without 
class  hatred  and  without  rancor  of  any  kind ;  those  who  pro- 
fit from  the  present  evil  system  must  be  made  to  see  that 
they  could  lead  a  larger  and  richer  life  in  a  world  from  which 
poverty  and  its  attendant  evils  are  banished.  Few  writers 
of  the  day  are  as  suggestive  as  Wells.  His  novels  and  es- 
says are  likely  to  set  the  reader  to  thinking  of  social  prob- 
lems in  a  new  way  and,  what  is  more,  to  make  him  see 
his  own  relation  to  these  problems.  Wells  is  also  endowed 
with  abundant  humor,  not  the  sparkling  wit  of  Shaw's 
repartee,  but  the  humor  that  is  woven  into  the  construction 
of  a  character  or  a  situation  that  exposes  incongruities  and 
absurdities. 

Wells's  great  search  is  the  future.  His  test  of  a  moral  act 
is  its  consequences  for  individual  and  social  welfare,  not  its 
relation  to  a  code  of  morals;  of  an  idea,  its  bearing  upon 
a  new  view  of  life,  not  of  its  truth  or  falsehood ;  of  an  in- 
stitution, its  value  to  a  new  society,  not  to  an  old  one.  He 
never  tires  of  reiterating  the  sentiment  that  the  chief  busi- 
ness of  mankind  ought  to  be  to  prepare  itself,  its  ideals,  and 
its  institutions  for  the  great  future  that  is  soon  to  dawn 
upon  us.  On  this  theme  he  has  written  many  books,  the 
most  notable  of  which  are  Anticipations,  New  Worlds  for  Old, 
A  Modern  Utopia,  The  Great  State,  and  The  World  Set  Free 
and  a  remarkable  essay.  The  Discovery  of  the  Future.  His 
most  famous  novels  are  The  New  Machiavelli,  Ann  Veronica, 
The  History  of  Mr.  Polly,  and  Mr.  Britling  Sees  It  Through. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE  IRISH  QUESTION 
Introduction 

The  history  of  Ireland  is  a  sad  record  of  misery,  oppres- 
sion, and  wrong.  For  centuries  Ireland  has  been  a  prob- 
Causesof  ^^^  ^°  England;  and,  although  their  histories 
Irish  dis-  have  been  closely  intertwined,  a  deep  and  bitter 
hatred  on  the  part  of  the  Irish  for  England  has 
persisted  for  many  generations.  For  this  there  are  several 
explanations.  In  the  first  place,  the  Irish  are  a  conquered 
people  who,  for  centuries,  have  been  governed  by  their 
masters,  the  English.  The  hatred  that  would  naturally 
arise  between  conquered  and  conqueror  is  aggravated  by 
racial  and  religious  antagonisms;  the  Irish  are  largely  of  the 
Celtic  race  and  devoted  adherents  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
whereas  the  English  are  mainly  of  Saxon  stock  and  strongly 
Protestant  in  faith.  But  what  has  intensified  the  antagonism 
between  the  two  peoples  is  that  the  soil  of  Ireland,  once  the 
property  of  the  natives,  was  appropriated  by  the  English 
invaders  and  the  Irish  reduced  to  destitution  in  their  own 
household. 

The  English  conquest  began  in  1169  when  a  company  of 
adventurous  Norman  knights  invaded  Ireland.  This  ex- 
Conquest  of  pedition  was  in  the  nature  of  a  private  enter- 
Ireland  prise;  and  three  years  later  an  official  over- 
lordship  was  established  over  Ireland  by  King  Henry  II 
of  England.  The  English  settled  in  the  region  around 
Dublin,  which  became  known  as  the  "Pale."  Throughout 
the  Middle  Ages  Ireland,  in  theory,  was  under  English  rule; 
in  fact,  however,  almost  the  entire  island  was  under  the 
control  of  native  chieftains  who  ruled  the  various  clans.  It 
was  only  in  the  "Pale"  that  English  law  was  recognized; 
between   the   "Pale"   and   the   rest   of   the   island   there 


THE  IRISH  QUESTION  383 

was  continuous  warfare  characterized  by  almost  inhuman 
cruelty  and  ferocity. 

With  the  accession  of  the  Tudor  dynasty  to  the  English 
throne,  in  1485,  there  began  a  movement  to  consolidate  the 
power  of  the  monarchy.  The  Tudors  wished  to  jreiand  un- 
be  masters  in  Ireland  as  well  as  in  England;  con-  der  the 
sequently  the  famous  Poynings  Act  was  passed 
in  1494  giving  the  English  Parliament  the  right  to  veto 
the  laws  passed  by  the  Irish  Parliament  which  had  been 
established  in  the  "Pale."  Efforts  were  also  made  to 
Anglicize  the  Irish  by  introducing  among  them  English 
customs,  language,  and  law;  and  special  efforts  were  made 
to  force  them  into  the  Anglican  Church,  a  branch  of  which 
was  established  in  Ireland  by  King  Henry  VIII.  The  Irish 
bitterly  resented  these  attempts  to  Anglicize  them,  and  rose 
in  rebellion  at  every  favorable  opportunity,  but  they  were 
suppressed  each  time  with  savage  cruelty.  In  this  way 
was  Ireland  continually  being  "pacified." 

During  the  rule  of  the  Stuarts  a  new  policy  toward  Ire- 
land was  adopted,  which  did  more  than  anything  else  to 
create  the  Irish  problem,  the  solution  of  which  jreiand  un- 
has  been  so  difficult  a  task  for  British  states-  der  the 
manship.  The  English  decided  to  "plant"  a  Pro- 
testant population  in  Ireland  in  order  to  secure  native  sup- 
port for  their  side.  A  rebellion  in  the  northern  province  of 
Ulster  gave  the  Government  the  needed  opportunity.  The 
land  of  the  rebels  was  confiscated  and  the  title  deeds  of  many 
others  were  declared  invalid  according  to  English  law.  In 
this  way  about  three  quarters  of  a  million  acres  were  taken 
from  the  native  Irish,  who  were  driven  out  of  the  province. 
Scottish  settlers,  mainly  Presbyterians  in  religion,  were  sent 
over  by  the  English  Government  to  establish  themselves 
on  the  lands  of  the  dispossessed  natives.  This  Plantation 
of  Ulster  took  place  in  1608.  In  1652  a  second  great  confisca- 
tion, known  as  the  Cromwellian  Settlement,  was  consum- 
mated as  a  punishment  for  the  Irish  support  of  Charles  I 
as  against  Parliament.  Large  sections  of  the  provinces  of 
Leinster  and  Munster  were  confiscated  and  given  to  Eng- 


384     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

lishmen.  The  third  great  confiscation  followed  the  victory 
of  King  William  III  over  the  Irish  at  the  Battle  of  the  Boyne 
in  1690,  when  large  tracts  of  land  were  given  to  the  favor- 
ites of  the  King.  By  these  methods  many  of  the  Irish  peo- 
ple became  refugees  and  outlaws  in  their  own  country,  or 
tenants  on  the  land  which  had  previously  been  theirs. 

A  system  of  legislation  was  devised  by  the  English  Gov- 
ernment which  had  for  its  object  the  degradation,  if  not 
Anti-Irish  the  destruction,  of  the  Irish  people.  No  Irish 
legislation  Catholic  could  inherit  or  buy  land  from  a  Prot- 
estant or  lease  it  for  a  period  longer  than  thirty-one  years. 
If  the  eldest  son  of  a  Catholic  became  a  Protestant,  he  could 
oust  his  father  from  his  property ;  if  a  relative  of  a  deceased 
Catholic  landowner  turned  Protestant,  he  inherited  all  the 
property  to  the  exclusion  of  the  rightful  heirs.  A  special 
tax  was  laid  on  all  Catholics  engaged  in  industry,  and  they 
were  forbidden  to  employ  more  than  two  workingmen. 
As  no  Catholic  could  vote  or  hold  office,  the  Dublin  Parlia- 
ment was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Protestant  minority. 
All  education  had  to  be  under  Protestant  auspices,  and 
Catholics  were  not  permitted  to  enter  any  liberal  profes- 
sion except  that  of  medicine.  Worship  according  to  the 
Catholic  religion  was  greatly  hampered;  monks  and  the 
higher  clergy,  like  bishops,  were  banished  on  pain  of 
death ;  secular  priests  had  to  be  registered  and  their  number 
was  limited  by  law;  high  rewards  having  been  offered  to 
informers,  priest-hunting  became  a  lucrative  profession. 
In  the  words  of  Edmund  Burke,  these  laws  constituted 
"a  complete  system  ...  as  well  fitted  for  the  oppression, 
impoverishment,  and  degradation  of  a  people  and  the  de- 
basement in  them  of  human  nature  itself  as  ever  proceeded 
from  the  ingenuity  of  man."  Driven  from  the  land,  the 
Irish  turned  to  cattle-raising,  for  which  the  country  is  ex- 
ceptionally well  fitted;  but  the  English  Government  put 
a  high  export  duty  on  cattle  and  so  destroyed  that  indus- 
try. The  Irish  then  began  to  build  up  a  prosperous  trade  in 
wool,  but  the  English  put  a  high  export  duty  on  wool,  and 
this  industry,  too,  was  ruined.    "The  law  does  not  suppose 


THE   IRISH  QUESTION  385 

any  such  person  to  exist  as  an  Irish  Roman  Catholic,"  once 
declared  an  English  Lord  Chancellor. 

Had  the  anti-Catholic  legislation  been  rigidly  enforced, 
the  Irish  race  would  undoubtedly  have  bfeen  destroyed  or 
reduced  to  a  state  of  hopeless  degradation.  But  impossibility 
it  was  impossible  for  the  small  Protestant  mi-  the^And-"^ 
nority  to  carry  out  the  harsh  code,  even  though  Irish  laws 
it  had  the  support  of  the  military  power  of  England.  More- 
over, the  natural  kindness  inherent  in  human  nature  pre- 
vented many  Protestants  in  Ireland  from  taking  full  ad- 
vantage of  these  laws;  therefore  much  of  this  anti-Irish 
legislation  became  a  dead  letter. 

It  was  the  American  Revolution  that  first  roused  the 
Irish  to  organized  discontent.  Secret  societies  like  the 
"Whiteboys,"  the  "Hearts  of  Oak,"  and  the  Act  of 
"United  Irishmen"  started  a  vigorous  agita-  Union  (1800) 
tion  against  English  rule.  "England's  difficulties  are  Ire- 
land's opportunities!"  was  the  cry.  Discontent  was  so  rife 
all  over  the  island,  in  Protestant  Ulster  as  well  as  in  the 
Catholic  section,  that  the  Government  was  forced  to  repeal 
many  of  the  harsh  laws  against  the  Catholics.  Those  of  the 
latter  who  had  the  property  qualifications  were  given  the 
franchise,  but  they  were  not  permitted  to  hold  office.  In 
1782  the  Poynings  Act  was  repealed,  and  the  Dublin  Parlia- 
ment became  independent  of  the  one  in  London.  Although 
it  was  composed  exclusively  of  Protestants,  the  Dublin 
Parliament,  under  the  leadership  of  the  famous  orator  and 
statesman,  Henry  Grattan,  enacted  legislation  for  the  ben- 
efit of  the  whole  Irish  people.  Stimulated  to  further  dis- 
content by  the  French  Revolution,  the  Irish,  in  1798,  once 
more  rose  in  revolt  against  the  English  Government,  only 
to  be  speedily  suppressed.  William  Pitt,  then  Prime  Min- 
ister, resolved  on  the  abolition  of  the  Irish  legislature.  By 
resorting  to  the  most  flagrant  corruption,  he  succeeded  in 
having  the  Act  of  Union  (1800)  adopted  by  the  Dublin 
Parliament.  By  this  act  the  latter  was  abolished,  and  Ire- 
land was  given  representation  in  the  British  Parliament, 
where  an  overwhelming  anti- Irish  majority  could  always 
be  relied  upon  to  continue  the  repressive  policies. 


386     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

During  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth  centuries  Ireland 
made  many  attempts  to  free  herself  from  the  evils  inher- 
The  chief  ^^^^  from  past  ages.  Ireland  has  faced  three 
problems  of  great  general  problems :  the  economic,  to  restore 
the  land  to  its  original  owners ;  the  religious,  to 
establish  equality  between  Protestants  and  Catholics;  and 
the  political,  to  repeal  the  Act  of  Union  and  reestablish 
the  Irish  Parliament. 

Among  the  Irish  people  two  parties  appeared  that  pro- 
posed to  solve  these  problems  in  two  entirely  different  ways. 
The  consti-  One  may  be  described  as  moderate  and  constitu- 
revoiution"  tional,  as  it  desired  to  conduct  a  peaceful  agita- 
ary  parties  tion  to  induce  the  English  Government  to  repeal 
the  anti-Catholic  laws,  to  buy  out  the  landlords,  and  to 
establish  Home  Rule,  or  self-government,  in  Ireland  under 
the  British  Crown.  The  other  party  was  revolutionary  in 
character.  It  cared  nothing  about  Home  Rule,  but  cherished 
the  hope  of  national  independence,  and  wished  to  confiscate, 
not  to  buy,  the  estates  of  the  English  landlords.  This  rev- 
olutionary element  strongly  believed  in  the  doctrine  of 
"physical  force,"  namely,  that  only  by  terrorism  and  re- 
volt could  England  be  compelled  to  do  justice  to  Ireland. 
Unfortunately,  the  attitude  of  indifference  on  the  part  of 
the  English  people  to  the  wrongs  of  Ireland  and  their  lack 
of  sympathy  with  the  Irish  people  aggravated  the  situa- 
tion, and  so  gave  a  color  of  truth  to  the  claims  of  the 
"physical  force"  party.  Ireland  has  been  called  the  one 
conspicuous  failure  of  British  statesmanship. 

The  population  of  the  island  consists  of  three  groups. 
First  come  the  descendants  of  the  original  inhabitants, 
The  racial  largely  Celtic  in  race  and  Catholic  in  religion, 
elements  ^,j^q  constitute  about  seventy-five  per  cent  of 
all  the  people,  most  of  whom  are  peasants  or  industrial 
laborers.  The  second  group,  known  as  the  "Ascendancy" 
or  the  "Garrison,"  are  of  English  origin  and  members  of 
the  Anglican  Church.  To  this  element  belong  the  land- 
lords, civil  and  military  officials,  and  the  middle  classes  of 
the  towns.   In  Ulster  there  exists  a  third  and  distinct  group, 


THE   IRISH  QUESTION  387 

the  descendants  of  the  Scottish  settlers  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  nearly  all  of  whom  are  Presbyterians  in  religion 
and  strongly  hostile  to  the  Catholics.  Between  the  Ulster- 
ites  and  the  Catholic  Irish  bitter  feuds  have  raged  down 
to  this  day.  The  anniversary  of  the  Battle  of  the  Boyne  has 
been  celebrated  in  Ireland  by  street  fighting  between  the 
"Orange"  and  the  "Green."  ^  Ulster,  once  a  purely  farm- 
ing region,  has  since  become  a  thriving  industrial  center, 
devoted  to  shipbuilding  and  to  the  development  of  the 
linen  industry. 

Catholic  Emancipation 

The  first  problem  actually  to  be  solved  was  the  religious 
one.  We  have  already  seen  how  the  "Liberator,"  Daniel 
O'Connell,^  who  was  a  believer  in  "agitation  xhe  Irish 
within  the  law,"  succeeded  in  bringing  about  Episcopal 
Catholic  Emancipation.  Nevertheless,  religious 
inequality  still  continued  because  the  Established  Church 
remained  entitled  by  law  to  public  support.  She  was  splen- 
didly endowed,  having  large  revenues  and  giving  princely 
incomes  to  her  bishops.  The  law  required  that  every 
one,  irrespective  of  his  religion,  who  held  land  either  as 
tenant  or  as  owner  was  to  pay  a  special  tax  called  the 
"tithe"  for  the  support  of  the  English  Church.  Out  of 
about  eight  million  inhabitants,  only  about  one  half  million 
were  Anglicans,  and  they  were  almost  exclusively  Eng- 
lish or  of  English  descent.  "On  an  Irish  Sabbath  morn- 
ing," once  wrote  Sydney  Smith,  the  English  humorist,  "  the 
bell  of  a  neat  Parish  Church  often  summons  to  worship 
only  the  parson  and  an  occasional  conforming  clerk,  while 
two  hundred  yards  off  a  thousand  Catholics  are  huddled 
together  in  a  hovel,  and  pelted  by  the  storms  of  Heaven." 

The  poor  Irish  peasant,  already  burdened  by  his  volun- 
tary support  of  the  Catholic  Church,  often  refused  to  pay 

1  The  Orangemen  are  so  called  in  memory  of  William  of  Orange  (King 
William  III)  who  won  the  Battle  of  the  Boyne.  The  Orange  Society,  which  is 
a  powerful  secret  organization  opposed  to  the  Irish  Catholics,  was  organized 

in  1795- 

2  See  p.  79. 


388     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

the  tithe  to  a  church  which  he  hated  as  ahen.  Whenever 
The  "tithe  the  AngUcan  clergyman,  accompanied  by  a 
^^''  poHce  officer,  attempted  to  take  away  the  peas- 

ant's cow  or  pig  for  non-payment  of  this  tax,  a  riot  fol- 
lowed. In  1831  a  "tithe  war,"  or  general  riot,  occurred 
throughout  Ireland.  It  became  so  difficult  to  collect  the  tithe 
that,  in  1838,  it  was  converted  into  a  land  tax  to  be  paid  by 
the  landlord ;  but  the  latter  dodged  the  burden  by  promptly 
increasing  the  rents  of  his  tenants. 

The  working  classes  who  were  enfranchised  in  1867, 
being  mainly  Dissenters,  were  naturally  hostile  to  the  Es- 
Disestab-  tablished  Church.  In  the  election  of  1868  the 
theTrish  °  Liberals,  to  which  party  the  newly  enfranchised 
Church  had  flocked,    were    overwhelmingly   successful. 

Under  the  leadership  of  Gladstone  a  law  disestablishing  and 
disendowing  the  Episcopal  Church  in  Ireland  was  passed 
by  Parliament  in  1869,  not  however  without  a  bitter  strug- 
gle. All  taxes  for  the  support  of  the  Church  were  abolished, 
and  its  landed  property  was  taken  by  the  Government; 
partial  compensation,  however,  was  made  by  the  creation 
of  a  special  fund  for  the  support  of  some  of  the  Episcopal 
clergy  in  Ireland. 

The  Agrarian  Question  and  its  Solution 

Ireland  always  has  been,  and  still  is,  essentially  an  agri- 
cultural country,  her  people  depending  mainly  upon  the  land 
Ireland  an  ^^^  their  sustenance.  Her  industrial  development 
agricultural  has  been  slow  because  there  is  very  little  coal 
and  iron  to  be  found  on  the  island.  To  secure 
prosperity  and  contentment  among  an  agricultural  people, 
it  is  essential  that  the  system  of  landholding  be  liberal 
and  the  methods  of  farming  progressive;  otherwise  the 
people,  having  no  industries  to  fall  back  upon,  must  sink 
into  hopeless  poverty.  Up  to  recent  times  the  Irish  system 
of  landholding  was  exceedingly  bad,  for  it  contained  many 
vicious  features  with  scarcely  any  redeeming  ones. 

As  has  been  described  above,  the  ownership  of  the  soil 
was  vested,  not  in  those  who  tilled  it,  but  in  those  whose 


THE   IRISH  QUESTION  389 

ancestors  had  profited  from  the  confiscations  in  former 
years.  These  Irish  landlords,  mainly  of  English  Absentee 
origin,  regarded  their  estates  merely  as  sources  of  landlordism 
revenue  and  cared  little  about  the  condition  of  the  tenants, 
whom  they  greatly  despised.  Many  of  them  were  "ab- 
sentee landlords"  living  in  England;  their  properties  were 
managed  by  agents,  who,  in  order  to  please  their  employers, 
would  raise  the  rents  of  the  tenants  on  every  possible  pre- 
text. 

Improvements  on  the  farm  had  to  be  made  by  the  peas- 
ant. If  he  drained  a  marsh,  built  a  fence,  or  improved 
his  cottage,  his  rent  was  immediately  raised  by  Evils  of  the 
the  landlord;  if  he  refused  to  pay  it,  he  was  land  system 
promptly  evicted  and  the  improvements,  as  well  as  the 
farm,  became  the  landlord's  property  without  compensation 
to  the  tenant.  From  1849  to  1882  no  fewer  than  363,000 
peasant  families  were  evicted  from  their  homes.  Often  the 
fear  of  losing  the  money  invested  in  the  improvements 
compelled  the  peasant  to  suffer  the  greatest  privations  in 
order  to  satisfy  the  greed  of  the  landlord.  In  this  way  the 
latter  used  as  a  means  of  coercion  the  very  values  created 
by  the  peasant.  Owners  refused  to  improve  their  prop- 
erties, and  the  tenants  were  naturally  slow  to  invest  labor 
and  money  for  the  benefit  of  the  former;  hence  the  land  was 
wretchedly  cultivated.  This  system  of  "rack-renting,"  as 
it  was  called,  became  notorious  the  world  over  and  excited 
the  greatest  sympathy  for  the  Irish  peasants.  Because  of 
the  absence  of  industry  competition  for  land  was  keen,  and 
an  evicted  family  was  replaced  without  difftculty.  Many 
farms  were  too  small  to  support  a  family.  "As  poor  as  an 
Irishman"  became  a  proverb.  Living  almost  exclusively  on 
potatoes  and  in  wretched  huts  which  sheltered  alike  human 
beings  and  animals,  the  Irish  peasants  were  in  a  state  of  in- 
describable poverty  and  misery.  The  failure  of  the  potato 
crop  in  1845-47  produced  unimaginable  suffering.  It  has 
been  estimated  that  over  two  hundred  thousand  persons  died 
of  starv^ation  during  those  years,  and  that  between  1846  and 
1 85 1  a  million  and  a  quarter  Irishmen  emigrated  to  America. 


390     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

While  the  population  of  every  other  country  had  greatly  in- 
creased, that  of  Ireland  was  reduced  by  one  half  between 
1845  and  1 891. 

The  hatred  of  the  Irish  peasants  for  their  landlords  found 
expression  in  acts  of  violence  and  terrorism.  Many  land- 
The  Land  lords  and  their  agents  were  murdered,  their  cat- 
League  ^Iq  were  killed  or  maimed,  and  their  houses 
burned.  A  system  of  "boycotting"  landlords  and  their 
hirelings  was  instituted;  no  one  would  buy  from  or  sell  to 
them ;  no  servants  would  seek  employment  in  their  homes ; 
no  physicians  would  attend  them  in  sickness;  no  one  would 
recognize  them  when  meeting  on  the  streets.  In  1875  the 
celebrated  Land  League  was  formed  by  Michael  Davitt  and 
Charles  Stewart  Parnell.  It  demanded  the  three  "F's," 
"free  sale,-  fixity  of  tenure,  and  fair  rent";  that  is,  that  a 
tenant  who  desired  to  leave  his  holding  should  have  the  right 
to  sell  to  his  successor  the  improvements  which  he  had  made ; 
that  eviction  should  not  be  at  the  will  of  the  landlord  solely; 
and  that  rents  should  be  fixed  by  public  authority.  The 
return  of  the  soil  to  its  original  owners  was  the  ultimate 
solution  advocated  by  the  League.  The  far-reaching  agita- 
tion set  on  foot  by  this  organization  enlisted  almost  the 
entire  peasantry  of  Ireland  in  its  ranks.  Though  violence 
was  often  resorted  to  by  the  tenants,  it  was  not  openly 
advocated  by  the  League. 

For  the  British  Government  the  problem  presented  itself 
as  an  issue  between  general  anarchy  and  reform.  Glad- 
Gladstone's  stone,  whose  Interest  in  Ireland  began  about  this 
Land  Acts  ^-jj^^  ^^  dominate  his  political  thought,  resolved 
to  attack  the  Irish  agrarian  question  with  earnestness. 
Already,  in  1870,  he  had  been  instrumental  in  the  enact- 
ment of  a  law  that  established  throughout  Ireland  the  land 
system  of  Ulster,  which  recognized  the  principle  of  "tenant 
right"  by  giving  compensation  for  improvements  to  tenants 
in  case  they  were  evicted  for  causes  other  than  the  non-pay- 
ment of  rent.  In  the  Land  Act  of  188 1  Gladstone  showed  his 
great  power  as  a  constructive  statesman,  for  it  marked  the 
beginning  of  the  solution  of  the  most  difficult  of  Ireland's 


THE   IRISH   QUESTION  39i 

problems.  The  chief  feature  of  this  law  was  the  public  regu- 
lation of  land  through  the  appointment  of  a  Land  Commis- 
sion with  powers  to  adjust  relations  between  landlord  and 
tenant;  evictions  were  to  be  made  on  reasonable  grounds 
only;  rents  were  to  be  regulated  by  the  Commission;  a 
tenant  was  to  be  free  to  sell  his  holding  to  another ;  and  full 
compensation  for  improvements  was  to  be  given  to  an  out- 
going tenant.  Although  this  Land  Act  was  at  first  de- 
nounced by  its  opponents  as  a  combination  of  "force, 
fraud,  and  folly,"  in  a  short  time  its  influence  became  ap- 
parent in  the  growing  contentment  of  the  Irish  peasantry. 
The  most  radical  step  in  land  reform  was  taken,  however, 
by  the  Conservative  Party  when  it  passed  the  celebrated 
land  laws  of  1891  and  1903,  the  main  object  of  ^^^  i^^^^ 
which  was  the  gradual   transfer  of  the   soil  of  Purchase 

Acts 

Ireland  from  the  landlords  to  the  tenants.  The 
Conservatives  believed  that  the  Irish  would  cease  to  be 
revolutionary  when  they  became  property-owners.  Large 
sums  of  money  were  put  at  the  disposal  of  the  Land  Com- 
mission by  the  Imperial  Government;  landlords  were  of- 
fered a  bonus  of  one  eighth  of  the  selling  price  as  an 
inducement  to  sell;  and  tenants  were  offered  money  on 
easy  terms  as  an  inducement  to  buy.  Many  thousands  of 
Irish  peasants  have  been  enabled  by  this  law  to  become 
proprietors  of  farms.  John  Redmond,  the  Irish  National- 
ist leader,  declared  that  these  laws  were  "the  most  sub- 
stantial victory  gained  by  the  Irish  race  in  the  recon- 
quest  of  the  soil  of  Ireland."  The  prosperity  of  the  Irish 
peasant  was  greatly  advanced  by  a  cooperation  movement, 
founded  in  1894  by  Sir  Horace  Plunkett.  This  organized 
the  farmers  into  cooperative  societies  that  bought  expensive 
machinery  for  the  common  use  of  members,  loaned  them 
money  at  low  interest,  acted  as  middleman  for  the  sale  of 
their  products,  and  in  other  ways  aided  the  peasants  by 
directing  and  utilizing  their  efforts.  A  contented,  hard-work- 
ing peasantry  struggling  for  improvement  took  the  place  of 
the  wretched,  rebellious  tenants  of  former  days.  Emigration 
stopped  almost  entirely;  drunkenness  decreased  markedly; 
and  dire  poverty  became  the  exception  instead  of  the  rule. 


392     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Home  Rule 

One  more  problem,  Home  Rule,  remained  to  be  solved. 
The  revolutionary  currents  of  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
Young  Ire-  century  brought  forth  the  Young  Ireland  move- 
land  ment  of  1848.  A  group  of  idealistic  young  Irish- 
men, headed  by  Charles  Gavan  Duffy,  William  Smith 
O'Brien,  Thomas  Francis  Meagher,  and  John  Mitchel, 
organized  an  agitation  for  national  independence.  They 
founded  a  paper  called  the  Nation,  which  expressed  their 
views  with  great  force  and  eloquence,  and  aimed  to  stir  the 
Irish  people  into  revolt  against  England.  A  small  uprising 
did  occur  in  1848,  but  it  was  quickly  suppressed,  and  the 
leaders  were  exiled  or  imprisoned. 

A  far  more  dangerous  movement  was  Fenianism  (from 
Fiana  Eirea?t,   national  militia),  which  was  organized  by 

.    .  Irish  refugees  in  America  at  the  close  of  the 

Civil  War.  The  Fenians  were  a  secret,  revo- 
lutionary brotherhood  that  determined  to  establish  an  in- 
dependent Irish  Republic  by  a  policy  of  terrorism.  Riots 
were  organized,  prisons  were  blown  up,  officials  were  mur- 
dered, and  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  Irish  in  America 
to  invade  Canada.  On  May  6,  1882,  there  occurred  the 
Phoenix  Park  murders  in  Dublin  which  shocked  all  England. 
Lord  Frederick  Cavendish,  the  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland, 
and  an  associate  were  assassinated  by  members  of  a  Fenian 
group  known  as  the  "  Invincibles."  The  English  authorities, 
greatly  frightened,  adopted  an  energetic  policy  to  uproot 
Fenianism;  habeas  corpus  was  suspended,  and  many  of  the 
Irish  terrorists  were  executed  or  imprisoned.  Nevertheless, 
the  activity  of  the  Fenians,  according  to  Gladstone,  "pro- 
duced among  Englishmen  an  attitude  of  attention  and  pre- 
paredness which  qualified  them  to  embrace,  in  a  manner 
foreign  to  their  habits  in  other  times,  the  vast  importance  of 
the  Irish  controversy." 

The  policy  of  the  Fenians  was  strongly  condemned  by 
those  Irish  who  believed  in  constitutional  methods  of  agi- 
tation.   Accordingly,  in  1870,  a  political  party,  called  the 


THE  IRISH  QUESTION  393 

Irish  Nationalists,  was  organized  to  demand  Home  Rule 
for  Ireland.  Shortly  after  its  birth  the  party  p  j.  ,, 
came  under  the  leadership  of  Charles  Stewart 
Parnell,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  political  leaders  of  his 
day.  A  man  of  cool  temper,  scorning  rhetoric,  haughty  and 
aristocratic  in  temperament,  Parnell,  although  a  Protest- 
ant, received  the  enthusiastic  support  of  the  Catholic  Irish. 
In  his  opinion  the  great  mistake  of  England  was  that  she 
governed  Ireland  according  to  English  ideas  and  in  the 
interest  of  the  Protestant  landowning  minority;  the  plan 
which  he  advocated  was  to  reverse  this  policy  in  favor  of  the 
Catholic  peasant  majority.  All  his  life  Parnell  was  domi- 
nated by  hatred  of  English  rule,  and  he  went  so  far  as  to 
declare:  "No  man  has  a  right  to  set  bounds  to  the  march 
of  a  nation  —  to  say  thus  far  thou  shalt  go  and  no  farther."  ^ 

Parnell's  one   policy  was   ceaseless   agitation   for   Irish 
reforms,  inside  and  outside  of  Parliament.    With  that  in 
view  he  made  an  alliance  with  the  more  radical    Parnell's 
element  under  Michael  Davitt,  and  helped  to    '^fiiib^°. 
organize  the  Land  League,  whose  propaganda,    tenng" 
as  we  have  seen,  kept  Ireland  in  a  constant  state  of  tur- 
moil.   In  Parliament,  Parnell  developed  a  vexatious  sys- 
tem of  obstructing  legislation,  or  "filibustering,"  by  tak- 
ing advantage  of  the  rules  of  the  House:  he  would  make 
interminable  speeches,  demand  a  roll-call  on  all  bills,  pre- 
sent numerous  resolutions,  and,  in  these  ways,  constantly 
retard  the  business  of  Parliament.    Disorderly  scenes  were 
of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  House,  and  occasionally  the 
Irish  members  had  to  be  forcibly  ejected. ^ 

In  the  elections  of  1885  the  Liberals  and  Conservatives 
were  evenly  balanced,  hence  Gladstone  could  not  hold  office 
without  the  support  of  Parnell.    Besides,  he  was    ^j^^  g^.^^. 
sincerely  trying  to  find  sorne  solution  of  the  Irish    Home  Rule 
Question    other    than    coercion.     He    therefore 
joined  hands  with  the  Nationalists.   He  introduced  in  1886 

^  Engraved  on  his  statue  in  Dublin. 

2  xhe  House  of  Commons,  to  offset  these  tactics,  modified  its  rules  of  pro- 
cedure by  introducing  "closure,"  or  the  practice  of  shutting  off  debate. 


394      MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  first  Home  Rule  Bill,  providing  that  a  Parliament  be 
established  in  Dublin  with  power  to  legislate  on  purely  local 
affairs,  but  that  Irish  representation  in  the  British  Parlia- 
ment come  to  an  end.  Opposition  to  the  bill  was  very  bitter. 
In  the  first  place,  a  cry  went  up  that  the  British  Empire  was 
in  danger,  for  Home  Rule  was  but  the  first  step  toward  seces- 
sion and  the  ultimate  disintegration  of  the  Empire.  In  the 
second  place,  an  appeal  to  religious  prejudice  was  made  by  the 
opponents  of  the  bill,  particularly  by  the  Ulsterites,  who  de- 
clared thatHome  Rule  meant  Rome  Rule  because  the  Catholic 
majority  in  a  Dublin  Parliament  would  undoubtedly  take 
advantage  of  its  power  to  revenge  itself  upon  the  Protestant 
minority.  So  deep-rooted  was  English  distrust  and  dislike  of 
the  Irish  that  some  of  Gladstone's  most  influential  followers, 
like  John  Bright  and  Joseph  Chamberlain,  united  with  the 
Conservatives  to  defeat  the  bill,  and  the  Cabinet  was  com- 
pelled to  resign.  Elections  took  place  soon  afterward  in 
which  the  Conservatives  were  overwhelmingly  successful. 
To  give  self-government  to  Ireland  was  evidently  not  yet 
the  intention  of  the  British  people.  The  new  Conservative 
Ministry,  with  Lord  Salisbury  as  Premier  and  Arthur  James 
Balfour  as  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  determined  upon  a 
course  of  consistent  and  pitiless  repression  of  every  dis- 
orderly manifestation  in  Ireland.  Additional  Crimes  Acts 
were  passed  and  vigorously  enforced. 

In  the  elections  of  1892  the  Conservatives  won  about  fifty 
seats  more  than  the  Liberals.  Again  the  Irish,  who  numbered 
The  second  eighty-one  members,  held  the  balance  of  power. 
Home  Rule  Parnell's  leadership  had  been  repudiated  by  most 
of  his  followers  and  by  Gladstone,  owing  to  the 
fact  that  he  was  named  as  corespondent  in  a  divorce  case. 
He  died  in  1891,  a  disappointed  and  broken-hearted  man.  In 
1893  the  second  Home  Rule  Bill  was  introduced.  The  chief 
difference  between  this  and  the  first  bill  was  the  continuance 
of  Irish  representation  in  the  British  Parliament  in  addition 
to  the  provision  for  an  assembly  in  Dublin.^   This  bill  was 

^  It  was,  however,  provided  that  the  Irish  members  in  the  British  Parliament 
could  vote  only  on  bills  affecting  Ireland. 


THE   IRISH   QUESTION  395 

denounced  with  as  much  vehemence  as  the  first,  and  Glad- 
stone was  ridiculed  as  "an  old  man  in  a  hurry,"  whose  fool- 
ish work  was  endangering  the  country.  After  long  and 
heated  debates  leading  at  times  to  open  violence,  the  meas- 
ure finally  passed  the  Commons  by  a  vote  of  301  to  267,  but 
it  was  defeated  in  the  Lords  by  419  to  41.  When,  two  years 
later,  the  Conservatives  again  returned  to  power,  it  was 
with  the  resolve  "to  kill  Home  Rule  with  kindness."  A  law 
was  enacted  in  1898  establishing  county  and  district  coun- 
cils in  Ireland  to  be  elected  by  popular  vote,  which  gave  a 
degree  of  local  self-government  not  hitherto  enjoyed  by  the 
Irish.  This  concession  was  followed  by  the  Land  Act  of 
1903  already  described. 

Discontent  was  bound  to  exist  as  long  as  the  Irish  people 
were  dependent  upon  the'  British  Parliament  for  their  legis- 
lation. John  Redmond,  who  became  leader  of  John  Red- 
the  Nationalist  Party  in  1900,  aimed  to  convince  i^°sh  loy-  ^^^ 
the  British  people  that  Ireland  would  be  all  the  ^'^y 
more  loyal  to  England  if  self-government  were  granted  to 
her,  and  that  the  Irish  Catholics  had  no  wish  to  persecute 
the  Protestant  minority  with  whom  they  desired  to  be 
united  to  form  an  Irish  nation. 

There  was  to  be  still  another  attempt  to  pass  a  Home 
Rule  bill.  In  the  elections  of  1910  both  parties  in  Parliament 
were  evenly  matched,  and  again  the  Irish  Nation-  ^he  third 
alists  found  themselves  in  the  strategic  position  Home  Rule 
of  holding  the  balance  of  power.  The  Asquith 
Ministry,  depending  upon  Irish  support,  introduced,  in 
1912,  the  third  Home  Rule  Bill.  Conservative  opposition  to 
this  measure  was,  if  anything,  even  more  bitter  than  that  to 
its  predecessors,  and  on  the  same  grounds,  namely,  that  it 
would  lead  to  the  disruption  of  the  Empire  and  to  persecu- 
tion of  the  Protestant  minority  in  Ireland.  In  Ulster  there 
was  frantic  opposition  to  Home  Rule;  a  wave  of  "Ulsteria" 
swept  the  province,  and  it  determined  to  resist  the  measure, 
even  to  the  point  of  rebellion.  Sir  Edward  Carson,  a  Con- 
servative leader,  organized  the  Ulster  Volunteers,  a  popular 
military  organization  which,  in  open  defiance  of  the  authori- 


396     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ties,  recruited  and  drilled  its  forces  with  the  proclaimed  pur- 
pose of  resisting  the  application  of  a  Home  Rule  Act  to 
Ulster.  Although  religious  antagonism  was  a  powerful  fac- 
tor in  keeping  Ireland  divided,  there  was  another  cause,  not 
so  apparent  but  much  more  real,  for  Ulster's  opposition  to 
Home  Rule.  This  province  is  the  wealthiest  part  of  Ireland 
on  account  of  its  shipping  and  linen  industries,  and  fears 
were  entertained  by  the  people  of  Ulster  that,  as  a  majority 
of  the  Irish  Parliament  would  come  from  the  poorer  sections 
of  the  island,  it  would  lay  the  burden  of  taxation  upon  them. 

The  Asquith  Ministry  was  in  a  quandary.  Should  it  yield 
to  Ulster?  That  would  lead  to  a  loss  of  Irish  support  in  the 
The  Amend-  Commons  and  to  the  consequent  defeat  of  the 
ment  Clause  Liberal  Government.  Should  it  firmly  prohibit 
the  activities  of  the  Ulster  Volunteers?  That  would  mean 
civil  war  with  its  attendant  evils,  and  the  danger  of  a  con- 
solidation of  Protestant  opinion  in  Great  Britain  powerful 
enough  to  disrupt  the  Liberal  Party.  True  to  the  English 
tradition  of  compromise.  Premier  Asquith  introduced  an 
Amendment  Clause  which  provided  that  those  counties  in 
Ulster  which  so  decided  by  a  referendum  vote  would  be 
excluded  from  the  operation  of  the  Home  Rule  Act  for  a 
period  of  six  years;  but  that,  at  the  end  of  this  time,  they 
would  automatically  come  under  its  operation.^ 

But  this  did  not  satisfy  Ulster,  which  wished  to  be  totally 
and  permanently  excluded  from  control  by  a  Dublin  Parlia- 
Home  Rule  rn^nt.  Encouraged  by  the  weakness  displayed 
enacted  into  by  the  Government  in  the  face  of  threats  of  re- 
bellion, the  Ulsterites  continued  their  warlike 
preparations  with  increased  energy.  There  was  much  aston- 
ishment and  alarm  when  a  group  of  British  army  officers 
stationed  in  Ireland  openly  declared  that  they  would  refuse 
to  "coerce"  Ulster.  However,  in  spite  of  the  seriousness  of 
the  situation.  Parliament,  on  May  5,  1914,  passed  the  Irish 
Home  Rule  Bill  for  the  third  time  without  the  Amendment, 

^  Ulster  is  by  no  means  wholly  Protestant,  as  about  forty-four  per  cent  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  province  are  Catholic.  The  Catholics  are  in  the  majority 
in  some  of  the  counties. 


THE   IRISH   QUESTION  397 

and  it  became  law  under  the  Parliament  Act  of  191 1  ^  not- 
withstanding its  rejection  by  the  Lords. 

The  new  constitution  provided  for  a  parliament  composed 
of  two  Houses  with  jurisdiction  over  purely  Irish  affairs. 
It  was  prohibited  from  legislating  on  matters  The  Irish 
concerning  the  United  Kingdom,  as  a  whole,  such  constitution 
as  the  army,  the  navy,  the  tarifT,  or  foreign  affairs;  it  was 
especially  forbidden  to  establish  or  to  favor  any  church, 
directly  or  indirectly.  The  executive  authority  was  vested 
in  a  cabinet  to  be  chosen  by  and  to  be  responsible  to  the 
lower  House;  in  addition,  there  was  to  be  a  Lord  Lieuten- 
ant appointed  by  the  Crown  with  power  to  veto  acts  of 
the  Irish  Cabinet.  Ireland's  representation  in  the  British 
Parliament  was  continued. 

The  final  passage  of  the  bill  did  not  stop  Ulster's  prepara- 
tions for  rebellion.  Recruiting  and  drilling  of  soldiers  in- 
creased, and  arms  were  smuggled  into  the  prov-  p^ 
ince  in  open  defiance  of  the  Government.  The  tions  for 
Catholic  Irish,  fearing  that  the  British  army  ^^^'  ^^ 
would  take  the  side  of  their  opponents  in  case  of  a  conflict, 
organized  a  military  body,  called  the  Nationalist  Volun- 
teers, in  preparation  for  the  coming  struggle.  In  July,  1914, 
King  George  V  took  the  unusual  step  of  calling,  on  his  own 
initiative,  a  conference  of  political  leaders  to  discuss  the 
situation.  This  aroused  a  storm  of  criticism  on  the  part  of 
the  Home  Rulers,  who  charged  that  the  King  was  per- 
suaded by  the  Conservatives  to  overstep  his  constitutional 
functions  in  order  to  defeat  the  purpose  of  the  Home  Rule 
Act.  The  conference,  however,  accomplished  nothing. 
Civil  war  was  imminent  in  Ireland  when,  suddenly,  the 
World  War  broke  out.  Both  Redmond  and  Carson  immedi- 
ately declared  their  loyalty  to  the  British  flag,  and  a  reso- 
lution was  passed  by  Parliament  postponing  the  operation 
of  the  Home  Rule  Act  until  the  end  of  the  War. 

While  Home  Rule  was  languishing  in  Parliament  from 
1893  to  1910,  Irish  national  culture  and  economy  were 
undergoing  profound  modifications.    The  Catholic  Church, 

1  See  p.  363. 


398      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

almost  the  only  surviving  institution  with  a  strongly  na- 
The  Irish  tional  coloring,  had  slowly  reached  a  favorable 
Renaissance  position  in  respect  to  education  in  all  grades. 
The  system  of  rural  cooperation  and  credits,  established  by 
Sir  Horace  Plunkett,  was  flourishing.  The  Gaelic  League, 
under  Douglas  Hyde,  fostering  everywhere  the  almost 
vanished  language  and  customs  of  the  Gael,  produced  an 
extensive  literature,  and  established  the  Gaelic  language 
as  an  optional  subject  in  many  of  the  national  schools. 
An  Irish  renaissance  was  in  progress;  economic  and  fiscal 
history  were  investigated;  the  ancient  dances,  music,  and 
crafts  were  revived ;  plays,  lyrics,  and  novels  —  in  English  — 
were  poured  forth  in  a  bewildering  variety  of  moods.  Ireland 
became  a  "nest  of  singing  birds,"  William  B.  Yeats,  John 
Synge,  George  Russell,  to  mention  only  a  few,  by  means  of 
drama,  poetry,  and  essays  set  forth  the  ideals  of  the  Irish. 
Meanwhile  the  political  atmosphere  was  slowly  changing. 
The  constitutional  movement  for  Home  Rule  was  con- 
The  Sinn  fronted  by  a  more  ardent  and  more  ambitious 
^^^^  form  of  nationalist  propaganda  called   by  the 

Gaelic  words  Sinn  Fein,  meaning  "ourselves."  The  society 
was  founded,  in  1906,  by  Arthur  Griffith,  who  popularized 
an  ingenious  project  of  a  quasi-independent  state,  which  was 
to  develop  peacefully  and  openly  on  the  basis  of  existing 
local  bodies  and  of  a  national  assembly.  This  voluntary  and 
unofficial  state  would  provide  for  a  protective  tarlfif,  a  civil 
and  consular  service,  shipping,  and  banking.  The  existing 
revenue  system  was  to  be  attacked  by  a  boycott  of  taxed 
articles;  and  the  existing  political  system,  by  a  boycott  of 
the  British  Parliament.  The  agitation  of  the  Sinn  Fein  was 
directed  not  only  against  the  British  but  also  against  the 
Irish  Home  Rulers  because  the  latter  desired  to  maintain 
the  British  connection.  Ireland,  they  declared,  was  "by 
natural  and  constitutional  right  a  sovereign  state."  The  Sinn 
Fein  succeeded  in  attracting  the  support  of  the  rising  gener- 
ation of  Irishmen  with  the  result  that  revolutionary  na- 
tionalism looking  toward  an  Irish  republic  began  to  displace 
constitutional  nationalism  looking  toward  Home  Rule. 


CHAPTER  XV 
THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE 

Not  since  the  days  of  the  ancient  Roman  Empire  has 
there  been  a  poHtical  organism  so  vast  as  the  British  Empire 
of  to-day.  In  19 14  fully  one  quarter  of  the  Character- 
world's  population  and  one  fifth  of  its  area  were  Bridsh  Enf- 
under  the  British  flag,  so  that  a  Briton  could  p^''^ 
truly  boast  that  the  sun  never  set  on  the  British  dominions. 
Within  its  confines  are  to  be  found  almost  every  race  and 
every  stage  of  civilization,  from  naked  savages  in  Africa 
to  cultivated  residents  of  Oxford,  all  bound  together  by 
the  common  tie  of  British  allegiance.  In  the  main,  the 
British  Empire  is  the  outcome  of  an  expansion  of  territory 
rather  than  of  population,  as  only  65,000,000  out  of  its  esti- 
mated population  of  425,000,000  are  of  the  white  race  — 
45,000,000  living  in  the  United  Kingdom  and  the  remaining 
20,000,000  elsewhere  in  the  Empire.  Of  the  latter  about 
3,000,000  are  of  non-English  stock,  such  as  the  French 
in  Canada  and  the  Dutch  in  Africa.  The  English  colonies 
vary  greatly  in  their  systems  of  government,  but  they 
can  be  classified  in  three  general  groups:  (i)  India  and  Egypt, 
which  are  governed  autocratically  by  British  administra- 
tors; (2)  Crown  Colonies  like  Ceylon  and  Guiana,  where 
there  is  an  element  of  popular  control ;  and  (3)  the  five  self- 
governing  dominions,  Canada,  Australia,  Newfoundland, 
New  Zealand,  and  South  Africa,  which  have  complete 
local  autonomy. 

In  nearly  every  corner  of  every  sea  Great  Britain  pos- 
sesses a  naval  base  or  a  convenient  place  where  British  war- 
ships may  get  coal  and  other  supplies ;  in  this  way  j^^  f^^^^. 
the  British  fleet  is  in  control  of  nearly  every  and  the 
waterway  and  is  therefore  in  a  position  to  secure 
the  safety  of  the  "far-flung"  Empire.    In  the  Mediterra- 
nean, Gibraltar  at  one  end,  Suez  at  the  other,  and  Malta  in 


400     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  middle  give  the  British  control  of  this  sea.  In  Asiatic 
waters,  Aden,  Ceylon,  India,  Singapore,  Hongkong,  and 
Wei-hai-Wai  mark  the  pathway  of  the  fleet.  In  American 
waters  the  various  West  Indian  islands  and  Canada  ac- 
complish a  similar  purpose  to  a  limited  degree. 

India 

It  is  to  the  activities  of  a  trading  corporation,  the  British 
East  India  Company,  that  England  owes  the  acquisition  of 
The  British  India,  an  extensive  region  inhabited  by  about 
East  India  three  hundred  million  people.  This  company 
established  trading-posts  in  India  during  the 
early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century.  According  to  its 
charter  the  British  East  India  Company  was  given  a  mo-^ 
nopoly  of  the  British  trade  with  India  and  the  right  to  rule 
over  the  natives  in  its  jurisdiction,  subject,  however,  to  the 
oversight  of  the  British  Government. 

Early  in  the  sixteenth  century  India  had  been  conquered 
by  Mongolians  who  founded  what  was  called  the  Empire  of 
Rivalry  of  ^^^  Great  Mogul  with  the  capital  at  Delhi.  This 
the  French  empire,  after  lasting  for  about  two  centuries, 
"^'^  finally  disintegrated,  and  India  was  broken  up 
into  rival  principalities  that  continually  waged  war  against 
one  another.  This  gave  an  opportunity  to  the  Europeans  of 
which  they  made  excellent  use.  Dupleix,  the  head  of  the 
French  East  India  Company,  allied  himself  with  some  of 
the  princes  against  others  in  order  to  extend  the  influence 
of  his  Company.  But  in  this  he  was  outdone  by  Clive  of 
the  English  Company,  who  showed  remarkable  abilities  as 
an  organizer  and  a  soldier.  At  the  battles  of  Plassey  (1757) 
and  Wandewash  (1760)  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies 
were  badly  beaten  by  the  English  and  their  Indian  allies, 
with  the  result  that  the  hegemony  of  India  passed  to  the 
English  Company. 

For  some  years  this  corporation  exercised  the  powers  of  a 
great  state,  supporting  armies  and  navies,  making  treaties, 
and  annexing  territory  with  practically  no  control  by  Par- 
liament.   Huge  fortunes  were  made  by  the  members  of  the 


THE   BRITISH   EMPIRE  401 

Company  and  its  agents  in  India.    Charges  of  corruption 
and  oppression  against  the  officials  of  the  Com-  Control  of 
pany  brought  the  matter  before  Parliament,  and  p^ny  by' 
in  1 784  a  change  was  made  in  the  government  of  Parliament 
India  by  the  appointment  of  commissions  in  England  and  in 
India  with  power  to  supervise  the  actions  of  the  Company. 

Not  all  of  what  is  the  present  Empire  of  India  was  under 
British  control  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
A  large  region  in  the  central  and  western  parts  Extension  of 
was  ruled  by  the  Mahratta  Confederacy,  a  main^in  °' 
loosely  organized  union  of  Indian  princes  who  ^^^^^ 
disputed  with  the  English  for  the  control  of  India.  After 
years  of  intermittent  warfare  the  Confederacy  was  finally 
overthrown  in  181 8,  and  their  lands  annexed  to  the  British 
possessions.  The  warlike  inhabitants  of  the  mountainous 
regions  of  Punjab,  on  the  northern  frontier,  gave  trouble  to 
both  the  English  and  the  natives  of  the  plains.  In  1849 
Punjab  was  conquered  and  annexed  by  Lord  Dalhousie. 
The  inhabitants,  known  as  Sikhs,  have  since  furnished  the 
British  army  in  India  with  excellent  soldiers.  A  series  of 
wars  in  the  eastern  part  resulted  in  the  conquest  of  Burmah 
and  its  final  annexation  in  1886.  Toward  the  end  of  the 
nineteenth  century  British  influence  made  itself  felt  among 
the  warlike  tribes  in  Afghanistan  and  Baluchistan  on  the 
northwestern  frontier.^ 

The  rapid  growth  of  British  authority  in  India  could  not 
but  arouse  great  dissatisfaction  among  the  natives,  who 
beheld  a  handful  of  Europeans  in  control  of  their  The  greased 
destiny.  It  needed  only  some  incident  to  cause  cartridges 
the  smouldering  discontent  to  flame  up  into  open  rebellion. 
This  incident  was  furnished  by  the  introduction  in  the  army 
of  a  new  kind  of  cartridge,  wrapped  in  greased  paper,  the 
ends  of  which  had  to  be  bitten  off  before  being  inserted  into 
the  gun.  The  authorities  had  not  taken  into  account  the 
religious  scruples  of  the  Sepoys,  as  the  native  soldiers  are 
called,  who  were  horrified  at  the  thought  of  putting  grease 

^  In  1903  Baluchistan  came  under  British  control  and  is  now  a  province  of 
India. 


402     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

to  their  mouths.  The  Mohammedans  among  them  thought 
that  the  grease  was  the  fat  of  pigs,  animals  which  their  reli- 
gion forbids  them  to  eat,  while  the  Hindus  thought  it  was 
the  fat  of  cows,  animals  sacred  to  their  religion. 

The  famous  Indian  Mutiny  of  1857,  which  grew  out  of 

this  incident,  began  with  an  uprising  of  a  native  regiment. 

.        Most  of  India  was  soon  seething  with  rebellion, 

and  there  were  only  about  forty  thousand  British 
soldiers  to  uphold  the  Government.  The  mutineers  com- 
mitted frightful  cruelties  on  the  English  residents,  many  of 
whom  were  massacred  outright.  Reinforcements  were  hur- 
ried from  England,  and  the  Mutiny  was  completely  crushed 
two  years  later.  The  British  took  a  fearful  vengeance:  hun- 
dreds of  rebels  were  shot  and  others  blown  from  the  mouths 
of  cannon. 

The  uprising  led  to  an  important  change  in  the  govern- 
ment of  India.  In  1858,  an  act  of  Parliament  abolished  the 
Abolition  of  East  India  Company,  and  the  control  of  India 
Company        passed  Completely  into  the  hands  of  the  Crown. 

It  was  henceforth  entrusted  to  a  Cabinet  Min- 
ister, called  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India,  assisted  by  a 
council.  The  actual  administration  in  India  was  put  into 
the  hands  of  a  Viceroy  assisted  by  two  bodies,  an  executive 
and  a  legislative  council,  all  of  them  appointed  by  the  Brit- 
ish Government.  Large  sections  of  the  population  were  not 
put  under  the  direct  rule  of  the  Viceroy,  but  under  that  of 
their  own  princes,  who,  however,  were  ''advised  "  by  British 
officials.  In  1877  Queen  Victoria  was  proclaimed  Empress 
of  India  as  a  recognition  of  the  importance  of  that  country 
in  the  British  Empire.  In  191 2  the  capital  was  moved  to 
Delhi,  the  ancient  city  of  the  Moguls. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  began  a 
nationalistic  movement  among  the  Hindus,  who  desired  not 
^  so  much  independence  as  local  autonomy.   This 

tionalist  movement  was  largely  directed  by  the  educated 
movement  yQ^ng  ^len  who  had  studied  abroad,  and  who 
had  become  imbued  with  Western  ideas.  Seditious  journals 
and  secret  societies  kept  up  a  vigorous  agitation,  which  led 


THE   BRITISH  EMPIRE  403 

to  assassinations  of  British  officials  and  to  a  systematic  boy- 
cotting of  British  goods.  Under  Lord  Morley,  the  British 
Secretary  of  State  for  India,  the  Government  on  the  one 
hand  took  measures  against  the  nationalistic  movement. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  inaugurated  a  more  liberal  policy  by 
giving  the  natives  greater  recognition  in  the  government. 
Indians  were  appointed  to  the  Council  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  India  and  to  that  of  the  Viceroy.  The  various 
Indian  legislative  bodies  were  reorganized  and  Indians  were 
given  greater  representation.  British  rule  in  India  persists 
mainly  because  the  vast  population  is  broken  up  into  mu- 
tually hostile  racial  and  religious  groups,  who  are  unwilling 
to  unite  even  against  their  British  masters.  The  warlike 
Mohammedans  are  feared  and  hated  by  those  of  the  Brah- 
min faith,  who  constitute  about  two  thirds  of  the  population. 
Other  important  religious  groups  are  the  Buddhists,  the 
Jains,  and  the  Sikhs. 

Although  heavily  taxed  and  arbitrarily  governed,  India 
has  derived  undoubted  benefits  from  British  rule.    It  has 
brought  internal  peace  to  a  land  once  distracted  Benefits  of 
by  tribal  wars,  established  an  enlightened  civil  British  rule 
and    criminal    code,   and    abolished    barbarous  dus  and  to 
practices,  such  as  the  suttee,  or  the  self-immola-  ^^ 

tion  of  a  widow  on  the  funeral  pile  of  her  husband.  Gigantic 
irrigation  works  have  been  constructed  to  the  great  bene- 
fit of  agriculture;  railways  and  factories  have  been  built; 
and  India's  commerce,  both  domestic  and  foreign,  has  in- 
creased by  leaps  and  bounds.  England,  too,  has  profited 
greatly  from  her  control  of  India.  English  ships  carry  three 
quarters  of  the  latter's  oversea  commerce,  and  English  mer- 
chants get  the  benefit  of  a  large  part  of  her  trade.  Enormous 
quantities  of  cotton  and  iron  goods  are  annually  exported  to 
India  from  Great  Britain.  English  capital,  by  investing  in 
Indian  railways  and  factories,  has  done  much  to  develop 
the  country  industrially.  From  the  English  upper  classes 
come  the  numerous  officials  in  India  who  secure  profitable 
employment  as  a  result  of  British  control.  The  Indian  na- 
tionalists assert  that  India  has  been  exploited  for  the  benefit 


404     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

of  the  English  and  not  of  the  Hindus;  that  the  native  in- 
dustries were  destroyed  by  the  importation  of  manufactured 
products  from  England;  and  that  the  factories,  mines,  and 
railways  are  owned  or  controlled  by  English  capitalists. 
Restrictive  excise  taxes  have  been  laid  by  the  English 
Government  on  the  production  of  cotton  goods  designed 
to  prevent  India  from  establishing  cotton  factories  of  her 
own  which  would  lessen  her  cotton  imports  from  England. 
They  furthermore  assert  that  India  is  heavily  taxed  by 
the  alien  rulers,  whose  first  consideration  is  for  themselves ; 
hence  they  spend  little  on  the  country,  especially  on  edu- 
cation. 

Egypt 

Since  the  days  of  the  Pharaohs,  Egypt  has  been  under 
the  rule  of  foreigners.  Persians,  Macedonians,  Romans, 
Egypt  and  Arabs,  Turks,  French,  and  English  have  in  turn 
Turkey  ruled  the  country.    In  the  beginning  of  the  six- 

teenth century  it  was  organized  as  a  province  of  the  Otto- 
man Empire,  and  was  ruled  by  a  governor  sent  by  the  Sul- 
tan of  Turkey.  Egypt  remained  subject  to  the  Sultan  until 
the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  she  gained 
national  independence  under  a  remarkable  adventurer 
named  Mehemet  Ali,  who  conquered  the  country  and  com- 
pelled the  Sultan  to  recognize  him  and  his  heirs  as  its  rulers 
under  Turkish  suzerainty. 

When  the  construction  of  the  Suez  Canal  was  begun  in 
1859,  it  was  generally  recognized  that  Egypt  was  the  key 
England  to  the  Control  of  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  be- 
buys  Canal     cause  the  canal  lay  wholly  within  her  borders ; 

shares  •'  •' 

from  the  hence  the  European  powers,  especially  England 
^  '^^  and  France,  became  interested  in  her  future. 
The  Egyptian  Khedive,  or  ruler,  Ismail  I,  was  incompetent 
and  extravagant,  and  he  was  hopelessly  involved  in  debt  to 
European  bankers,  who  had  encouraged  his  borrowings.  In 
order  to  pay  off  part  of  his  debt  he  offered  for  sale  in  1876  a 
large  number  of  shares  of  his  Suez  Canal  stock.  Disraeli, 
who  was  English  Prime  Minister  at  the  time,  realizing  the 


THE   BRITISH  EMPIRE  405 

political  possibilities  that  lay  in  this  offer,  availed  himself 
of  the  opportunity,  and  made  the  purchase  for  the  British 
Government.  In  this  way  England  secured  an  interest  in 
Egypt. 

The  country's  financial  condition  grew  worse  and  worse, 
the  natural  outcome  of  the  extravagance,  corruption,  and 
incompetence  of  its  rulers.   As  a  result  the  Dual  yj^g  ^.^^^1. 
Control  was  established  in  1877,  according  to  Hon  of  Arabi 
which  England  and  France  took  over  the  man- 
agement of  Egyptian  finances.   There  was  great  discontent 
among  the  people  in  Egypt,  who  suspected  that  financial 
intervention  would  inevitably  lead  to  political  dependence. 
A  rebellion  broke  out  in  1 882  under  Arabi  Pasha  against  the 
Khedive  and  his  financial  backers.  The  cry,  "  Egypt  for  the 
Egyptians!"  was  raised  by  the  patriotic  rebels,  who  bitterly 
resented  the  idea  of  being  governed  by  Christian  Europeans. 
The  Khedive  was  too  weak  to  cope  with  the  rebellion,  and 
he  appealed  for  help  to  his  financial  advisers.    France  re- 
fused, but  England  decided  to  aid  him;  the  Dual  Control, 
therefore,  came  to  an  end,  leaving  England  alone  in  control. 
A  British  army  was  sent  into  Egypt,  which  quickly  sup- 
pressed the  uprising  of  Arabi  Pasha.   It  was  to  remain  in  the 
country,  the  British  Government  declared,  until  Egyptian 
affairs  became  more  stable,  when  it  was  to  be  withdrawn. 
The  British  assumed  full  control  of  the  military  as  well  as 
of  the  financial  affairs  of  the  country.    British  officers  re- 
organized the  army,  the  supreme  command  of  which  was 
entrusted  to  a  British  general,   and  the  Khedive  became 
merely  a  tool  in  the  hands  of  the'  latter. 

The  English  occupation  aroused  the  Moslem  population 
to  fury.  A  great  revolt  was  soon  under  way  among  the 
fanatic  tribes  in  the  Sudan,  the  region  of  the  „,    .,  ... 

,.,,,.       The  Mahdi 

upper  Nile.  They  found  a  remarkable  leader  m 
Mohammed  Ahmed,  known  as  the  "  Mahdi,"  or  Leader,  who 
preached  a  Mohammedan  crusade  against  the  Christians 
and  who  cherished  the  ambition  to  found  a  new  Moham- 
medan Empire.  The  city  of  Khartum  was  garrisoned  by 
Egyptian  and  British  troops  under  the  command  of  General 


4o6     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Charles  Gordon,  a  brave  soldier  who  had  distinguished  him- 
self in  China. ^  In  1885  Khartum  was  besieged  by  a  large 
army  of  "dervishes,"  as  the  Mohammedan  tribesmen  were 
termed,  and,  after  a  gallant  defense  which  aroused  great 
enthusiasm  in  England,  the  entire  garrison  including  Gen- 
eral Gordon  was  massacred,  just  before  a  relief  expedition 
reached  the  city.  Great  indignation  was  aroused  against  the 
Gladstone  Ministry,  which  was  accused  of  being  dilatory  in 
coming  to  the  defense  of  General  Gordon.  The  Ministry 
was  overthrown,  and  the  Conservatives  under  Lord  Salis- 
bury came  into  power  determined  to  put  down  the  Mahdi 
and  to  hold  Egypt  as  a  part  of  the  British  Empire.  In  1896 
an  Anglo-Egyptian  expedition  was  dispatched  to  the  Su- 
dan under  General  Herbert  Kitchener,  who  showed  marked 
ability  both  as  an  organizer  and  as  a  general.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  defeating  the  "dervishes"  at  the  Battle  of  Om- 
durman  (1898).  The  Sudan  was  recovered  for  the  Khe- 
dive, and  it  is  now  a  "condominion,"  or  under  two  flags, 
Egyptian  and  English. 

The  British  then  set  about  reorganizing  the  country  com- 
pletely, which  practically  became  a  protectorate  of  the  Em- 
Benefits  of  pire,  though  nominally  it  was  under  the  rule  of 
British  rule  ^^le  Khedive  and  under  the  suzerainty  of  the  Sul- 
tan. Lord  Cromer,  the  British  Commissioner  sent  over  to 
take  charge  of  affairs  in  Egypt,  greatly  distinguished  him- 
self by  inaugurating  reforms  of  a  far-reaching  kind.  Taxes 
were  now  fairly  levied,  and  the  fehahin,  or  peasantry,  were 
assured  of  peace,  justice,  and  equity  to  an  extent  that 
they  had  not  known  for  centuries.  Splendid  irrigation  works 
were  built,  the  most  famous  of  which  is  the  Assuan  Dam, 
completed  in  1902;  and  railways  and  factories  were  intro- 
duced which  brought  a  degree  of  prosperity  to  the  once 
poverty-stricken  land. 

Nevertheless,  there  has  been  much  discontent  with  Eng- 
lish rule.  As  everywhere  else,  the  Egyptians  were  more 
eager  for  self-government  than  for  good  government,  and  a 
widespread  demand  for  home  rule  arose.    "Egypt  for  the 

'  See  p.  660. 


THE   BRITISH   EMPIRE  407 

Egyptians!"  once  more  became  the  cry.  The  Nationalists 
founded  papers  and  societies  which  conducted  j^^  Natlon- 
a  vigorous  agitation  for  poHtical  freedom.  Riots  alist  move- 
and  assassination  of  EngHsh  officials  sometimes 
took  place.  In  191 3  a  concession  was  made  by  the  British 
Government  in  the  establishment  of  an  Egyptian  repre- 
sentative assembly  with  partial  control  over  the  taxes ;  but 
the  government  of  the  country  was  still  mainly  in  the 
hands  of  the  British  Commissioner.  On  the  outbreak  of 
the  World  War  in  191 4  and  the  entrance  of  Turkey  into 
the  conflict,  the  slender  tie  which  connected  Egypt  with  the 
Ottoman  Empire  was  broken,  and  Egypt  was  formally  de- 
clared a  protectorate  of  the  British  Empire. 

The  Crown  Colonies 

The  government  of  the  group  of  British  possessions 
known  as  the  Crown  Colonies  is  not  unlike  that  of  the  royal 
colonies  in  America  before  the  Revolution.  The  governor 
and  his  council  are  appointed  by  the  British  Cabinet;  an 
assembly  which  is  for  the  most  part  elective  constitutes 
the  popular  element  in  the  government  and  has  power 
to  vote  the  taxes.  Typical  Crown  Colonies  are  Ceylon, 
Guiana,  Jamaica,  Malta,  and  Cyprus. 

Rhodesia,  a  large  region  in  Africa  north  of  the  Transvaal, 
was  acquired  by  the  British  South  Africa  Company,  a  char- 
tered corporation  organized  by  Cecil  Rhodes,  which  governs 
the  region.  North  Borneo  is  also  under  the  control  of  a 
chartered  company.  There  is  a  tendency  to  transform  these 
colonies  and  sipiilar  ones  into  protectorates  or  Crown 
Colonies. 

Canada 

Canada  was  originally  a  French  settlement,  and  her  white 
inhabitants  were  almost  exclusively  French  at  the  time  of 
the  English  conquest  in  1763.    On  the  eve  of  the  The  Quebec 
American  Revolution  the  British  Parliament,  in  "^^^ 
order  to  hold  the  loyalty  of  the  French,  passed  the  Quebec 
Act  (1774),  which  recognized  the  French  language,  law,  and 


4o8     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

customs,  and  which  gave  special  privileges  to  the  Catholic 
Church,  to  which  the  French  Inhabitants  were  devoted.  As 
a  consequence  the  latter  remained  loyal  to  the  British 
Crown  during  the  Revolution. 

An  English-speaking  element  was  introduced  Into  Canada 
from  two  sources,  loyalists  from  the  American  colonies  and 
Discontent  emigrants  from  Great  Britain,  who  settled  the 
tern  o^f^gov-^  region  then  called  Upper  Canada,  now  Ontario, 
ernment  The  French  dwelt  in  Lower  Canada,  now  Quebec, 
where  their  language,  law,  and  customs  prevailed.  In  both 
provinces  there  was  considerable  discontent  with  the  sys- 
tem of  government,  In  which  the  governor  and  his  council 
appointed  from  England  predominated  over  the  popular 
assemblies.  The  latter  insisted  on  being  supreme,  and  there 
arose  serious  quarrels  between  them  and  the  governors, 
which  were  Intensified  In  the  case  of  Lower  Canada  by  racial 
antagonism  between  the  French  Inhabitants  and  the  English 
officials.  In  1837  this  dissatisfaction  resulted  in  an  uprising. 
Though  it  was  easily  put  down,  the  British  Government, 
having  the  American  Revolution  in  mind,  was  greatly 
alarmed.  A  special  commissioner.  Lord  Durham,  was  sent 
to  Canada  to  examine  Into  the  Canadian  grievances  and  to 
suggest  reforms. 

The  Report  of  Lord  Durham,  issued  In  1839,  is  the  most 
famous  document  in  British  imperial  history.  It  has  been 
Lord  Dur-  Called  the  Magna  Charta  of  the  colonies,  for  Its 
ham's  Re-  liberal  recommendations  became  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  England's  new  colonial 
policy.  Lord  Durham  recommended:  (i)  that  complete 
autonomy  be  granted  to  the  colonies  having  representative 
institutions  by  the  establishment  of  ministerial  responsibil- 
ity to  the  legislatures;  and  (2)  that  the  various  colonies  In 
Canada  should  be  united  in  a  federal  union  under  the 
Crown.  These  suggestions,  if  acted  upon,  would  replace 
dependence  of  the  colonies  on  the  mother  country  by  asso- 
ciation with  her  In  the  Empire. 

Lord  Durham's  recommendations  were  promptly  trans- 
lated Into  law.  In  1840  Parliament  united  Upper  and  Lower 


4IO     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Canada  by  giving  them  a  common  legislature.  Seven  years 
Spread  of  ^^^^^  Lord  Elgin,  Governor  of  Canada  and  the 
self-govern-  son-in-law  of  Lord  Durham,  established  the 
principle  of  responsible  government  by  choos- 
ing a  Cabinet  having  the  confidence  of  the  legislature. 
Responsible  government  once  established,  it  was  rapidly 
extended  to  all  British  colonies  where  white  inhabitants 
predominated. 

In  1867  another  important  step  was  taken  by  Parliament 
in  the  passage  of  the  British  North  America  Act,  which 
Th  B  't'  h  '^^^ted  all  the  Canadian  colonies  except  New- 
North  Amer-  foundland  into  a  federal  union  called  the  Domin- 
ion of  Canada.  The  new  Government  resembles 
the  American  system  inasmuch  as  the  nine  provinces  are 
allowed  local  government,  though  not  to  the  same  degree  as 
the  States  in  the  American  Union.  The  central  Government 
consists  of  a  Parliament  of  two  Houses :  a  Senate  with  lim- 
ited powers  over  legislation,  the  members  of  which  are  ap- 
pointed for  life  by  the  Governor-General;  and  a  House  of 
Commons  elected  by  popular  suffrage  with  control  over  the 
Cabinet.  Except  in  the  matter  of  foreign  affairs,  which  are 
still  largely  in  the  hands  of  the  British  Parliament,  Canada 
has  all  the  powers  of  an  independent  nation.  It  may  and 
does  enact  tariffs  even  on  English  goods.  The  only  visible 
connection  between  the  Dominion  and  the  mother  country 
is  the  Governor-General,  an  official  appointed  by  the  King 
as  his  representative  and,  like  him,  merely  a  figurehead. 

Since  the  passage  of  this  law  Canada  has  made  notable 
progress.  The  vast  regions  in  the  West,  at  first  under  the 
Progress  of  control  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  were 
Canada  taken  over  by  the  Dominion  Parliament  and 

carved  into  new  provinces.  In  1886  the  Canadian  Pacific 
Railway  was  completed,  and  as  a  consequence  the  fertile 
lands  in  the  West  were  rapidly  settled  and  developed  so  that 
the  region  is  now  one  of  the  granaries  of  the  world.  Under 
the  leadership,  first  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  later  of  Sir 
Wilfrid  Laurier  and  Sir  Robert  Borden,  Canada  has  come 
forward  as  the  most  important  of  the  British  dominions. 


THE   BRITISH   EMPIRE  411 

Australia  and  New  Zealand 

During  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  a  Dutch- 
man, Tasman,  made  an  extended  exploration  of  the  coasts  of 
AustraHa  and  New  Zealand.  Later,  at  the  end  Settlement 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  an  Englishman,  °^  Australia 
Captain  Cook,  came  to  these  islands  and  took  possession 
of  them  in  the  name  of  King  George  III.  In  1788  the  Eng- 
lish established  a  penal  settlement  at  Botany  Bay,  in  Aus- 
tralia, to  which  English  convicts  were  sent.  When,  in  time, 
free  white  settlers  arrived  from  England,  they  objected  to 
the  convicts  as  an  undesirable  class  of  colonists;  so,  in  1840, 
the  penal  colony  was  ofificially  abolished.  Population  grew 
slowly,  for  the  island  continent,  although  about  as  large  as 
the  United  States,  afforded  few  economic  opportunities 
besides  sheep-raising.  Immense  regions  were,  and  still  are, 
arid  wastes  unfit  for  human  habitation.  In  1851  rich  gold 
deposits  were  discovered,  and  the  influx  of  settlers  which 
followed  caused  the  colony  to  grow  rapidly.  The  Australians 
are  now  engaged  mainly  in  grazing  and  mining;  and  they 
export  large  quantities  of  wool,  mutton,  and  gold. 

Until  1900  there  were  six  distinct  colonies,  each  with  its 
own  government:  New  South  Wales,  Queensland,  Victoria, 
South  Australia,  West  Australia,  and  the  neigh-  The  Austra- 
boring  island  of  Tasmania.  In  that  year  they  ^^^"  Union 
organized  themselves  into  a  federal  union  through  an  act 
of  the  British  Parliament,  and  they  adopted  a  constitu- 
tion closely  modeled  on  that  of  the  United  States.  Each 
of  the  six  states  in  the  union  has  a  considerable  degree  of 
home  rule.  Common  affairs  are  managed  by  a  Parliament 
composed  of  two  Houses,  a  Senate  to  which  each  state  sends 
six  members,  and  a  House  of  Representatives  elected  by 
popular  suffrage.  The  administration  is  in  the  hands  of  a 
cabinet  responsible  to  the  House.  The  British  Crown  is 
represented  by  a  Governor-General  sent  from  England. 
As  in  the  case  of  Canada,  Australia  has  complete  autonomy 
in  everything  except  foreign  affairs. 

For  some  years  social  reform  has  occupied  the  attention 


412     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

of  the  Government,  which  at  one  time  was  under  the  con- 
Social  re-  trol  of  a  radical  Labor  Party.  Laws  were  enacted 
forms  regulating   the  relations   between   capital   and 

labor  in  the  matter  of  hours,  wages,  and  conditions  of  em- 
ployment. Workingmen's  compensation  and  old-age  pen- 
sion laws  were  passed  in  the  interest  of  the  laboring  classes. 
In  1902  the  franchise  was  extended  to  women,  permitting 
them  to  vote  for  members  of  the  Federal  Parliament. 

New  Zealand  is  the  name  of  a  group  of  islands  southeast 
of  Australia  which  were  formally  annexed  to  the  British 
New  Empire  in  1839.  As  early  as  1852  local  autonomy 

Zealand  ^g^g  granted  to  the  colony  through  the  establish- 

ment of  the  cabinet  system  of  government.  In  1907  it  was 
organized  as  a  Dominion  and  put  in  the  same  class  with 
Canada  and  Australia. 

This  far-off  place,  with  only  one  million  inhabitants, 
began  to  attract  world-wide  attention  as  a  laboratory  for 
Political  de-  experiments  in  political  and  social  democracy. 
New  Zea-^'^  A  radical  party  entered  the  field  in  1890,  and 
land  [^  jia,s  dominated  the  politics  of  the  islands  ever 

since.  Both  Houses  of  Parliament  were  made  completely 
democratic  through  the  popular  election  on  the  basis  of 
proportional  representation.  Women  were  granted  full  par- 
liamentary suffrage  in  1893. 

Most  interesting  are  New  Zealand's  experiments  in  state 
socialism.  The  Government  owns  and  operates  all  railways, 
Social  de-  telephones,  and  telegraphs,  which  are  adminis- 
New  Zea-"^  tered  not  primarily  for  profit,  but  for  the  general 
land  welfare.    The  Government    also  provides   fire 

and  life  insurance,  loans  money  at  reasonable  rates,  grants 
old-age  pensions,  and  rents  model  homes  to  workingmen. 
In  1898  a  notable  law  was  passed  making  arbitration 
of  labor  disputes  compulsory,  so  that  New  Zealand  has 
been  called  "the  land  without  strikes."  As  most  of  the 
inhabitants  are  engaged  in  agriculture,  the  radical  party 
determined  to  prevent  the  growth  of  a  landed  aristocracy. 
Heavy  taxes  were  laid  on  large  estates,  and  some  of  them 
were  taken  over  by  the  Government  and  leased  in  small 
parcels  to  farmers. 


THE   BRITISH   EMPIRE  413 

South  Africa 

South  Africa  was  originally  settled  by  Dutch  colonists  in 
the  seventeenth  century.  French  Huguenots,  fleeing  from 
persecution,  also  came  there.  It  remained  a  Friction  be- 
Dutch  colony  till  18 14,  when  it  was  given  to  the  •s'h''ancf  "*"" 
English  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  Almost  Boers 
immediately  immigration  from  Great  Britain  set  in.  Fric- 
tion arose  between  the  Government  and  the  Boers,  as  the 
Dutch  were  called,  over  the  introduction  of  the  English 
language,  laws,  and  customs.  In  1834  the  Boers  were  greatly 
angered  because  the  British  Parliament  abolished  negro 
slavery  in  South  Africa;  and,  furthermore,  most  of  the  com- 
pensation allowed  to  the  Boer  masters  went  into  the 
pockets  of  the  bankers  through  whom  the  financial  trans- 
action was  conducted.  So  incensed  were  the  Boers  at  Brit- 
ish rule  that,  like  the  Children  of  Israel  of  old,  they  decided 
to  wander  forth  into  the  wilderness  to  seek  other  homes. 

In  1836  there  began  an  exodus  of  Boers  known  as  the 
"Great   Trek."    About  ten    thousand    men,  women,  and 
children  took  their  household  possessions  and  Foundation 
migrated  northward  in  order  to  get  away  from  African  Re- 
the  British.   Some  settled  in  Natal,  some  in  the.  Public  and 
Orange  River  country;  but  the  British  army  fol-  Free  State 
lowed  them  and  took  possession  of  these  places.    In  disgust 
many   of   the    Boers   "trekked"    still    farther   north    and 
finally  settled  in  a  place  called  the  Transvaal,  w^here  they 
organized  a  state  which  they  named  the  South  African  Re- 
public.  The  independence  of  this  Republic  was  recognized 
by  the  English  in  1852;  two  years  later  the  independence 
of  the  other  Boer  Republic,  the  Orange  Free  State,  was 
also  recognized.    For  about  a  generation  the  Boers  lived  in 
peaceful  isolation,  gaining  their  livelihood  by  pastoral  and 
agricultural  pursuits  like  the  patriarchs  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment whom  they  greatly  admired. 

But  their  dream  of  independence  was  rudely  shattered  in 
1877,  when  Great  Britain  announced  the  annexation  of  the 
South  African  Republic  on  the  ground  that  her  harsh  treat- 


414     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ment  of  the  natives  was  arousing  the  latter  to  war  against 
War  be-  all  whites  and  was  therefore  endangering  the 

iTnd  ancTtiie  peace  of  the  British  inhabitants.  Angered  by 
Boers  this  action  the  Boers  sent  a  delegation  to  London 

to  plead  for  the  restitution  of  their  independence,  but  no 
attention  was  paid  to  them.  In  1881  they  rose  in  rebeUion 
and  defeated  a  detachment  of  British  troops  at  Majuba 
Hill.  Imperialist  feeling  in  England  ran  high,  and  demands 
were  made  upon  Gladstone,  then  Prime  Minister,  to  avenge 
the  defeat  by  sending  a  British  army  to  Africa.  But  Glad- 
stone, who  had  little  sympathy  with  imperialism,  was  most 
conciliatory  to  the  Boers.  In  an  agreement  known  as  the 
London  Convention,  concluded  in  1884,  the  British  Govern- 
ment recognized  the  independence  of  the  South  African 
Republic.  However,  a  clause  was  inserted  which  guaran- 
teed the  right  of  all  white  men  to  reside  and  to  trade  in 
the  Republic,  and  which  also  guaranteed  fair  treatment  in 
regard  to  taxes  to  the  inhabitants  who  were  not  citizens. 
In  England  this  settlement  aroused  great  criticism,  and 
Gladstone's  action  was  denounced  as  having  lowered  the 
prestige  of  the  Empire.  There  was  elation,  however,  among 
the  Boers,  who  felt  that  they  had  humbled  the  pride  of 
England.  • 

Everything  now  pointed  to  a  final  settlement  of  the 
South  African  problem  when,  in  1885,  gold  was  discovered 
The  Uit-  in  the  Rand,  a  region  in  the  Transvaal.  A  large 
landers  immigration,  chiefly  of  Englishmen,   set  in  to 

this  isolated  place,  so  that  in  a  few  years  the  population  of 
the  Republic  almost  trebled.  The  little  town  of  Johannes- 
burg suddenly  found  itself  a  bustling  city  of  one  hundred 
thousand  people.  A  troublesome  situation  now  arose  in  the 
Boer  Republic,  as  the  majority  of  its  inhabitants  were 
Uitlanders,  or  foreigners,  a  restless,  adventurous  element 
despising  the  simple,  old-fashioned  Dutch  folk  who  ruled 
over  them.  In  the  eyes  of  the  latter  the  discovery  of  gold 
was  a  great  calamity,  for  they  rightly  feared  that  it  would 
lead  to  the  disruption  of  their  country.  The  Uitlanders 
were  anxious  to  get  control  of  the  Government  and,  being 


THE   BRITISH   EMPIRE  415 

English,  to  hand  it  over  to  Great  Britain,  whose  policies 
were  more  in  harmony  with  their  interests.  The  Boers,  on 
the  contrary,  were  determined  to  prevent  this  at  all  costs. 
Restrictive  laws  were  passed  which  made  it  practically 
impossible  for  a  foreigner  to  become  a  citizen.  Although 
the  majority  of  the  population  was  in  this  way  disfran- 
chised, it  was,  nevertheless,  compelled  to  bear  all  the  bur- 
dens of  citizenship,  such  as  taxation  and  military  service. 
The  Republic  discriminated  against  the  Uitlanders  in  many 
other  ways,  and  they  appealed  to  the  British  Government, 
as  British  citizens,  to  redress  their  grievances.  Moreover, 
the  Boer  administration  was  incompetent  and  unprogres- 
sive,  which  irritated  the  non-Boers  who  desired  a  more 
progressive  government  for  the  rapidly  increasing  popu- 
lation of  the  Republic. 

There  appeared  a  remarkable  man  In  South  Africa,  a 
capitalist-statesman  named  Cecil  Rhodes,  who  became  the 
leading  protagonist  of  British  interests.  Rhodes  Rhodes  and 
was  an  Englishman  who  early  In  life  had  emigrated  Kruger 
to  South  Africa,  where  he  became  immensely  wealthy  by 
getting  control  of  diamond  and  gold  mines.  He  was  an  en- 
thusiastic believer  In  the  extension  of  British  influence  over 
all  Southern  and  Eastern  Africa,  which  was  to  be  united  by 
a  railway  from  the  Cape  to  Cairo  In  Egypt.  Rhodes  was 
a  man  of  great  practical  ability  and  foresight,  and  a  typical 
millionaire  in  politics,  bold,  daring,  and  unscrupulous. 
Opposed  to  him  was  the  leading  protagonist  of  the  Boers, 
Paul  Kruger,  the  President  of  the  South  African  Republic. 
Kruger  had  been  In  the  "Great  Trek"  as  a  child  of  ten,  and 
he  naturally  grew  up  to  distrust  the  English,  whom  he  sus- 
pected of  constantly  plotting  the  destruction  of  Boer  In- 
fluence in  South  Africa.  Kruger  was  like  a  character  out  of 
the  Old  Testament,  patriarchal,  simple  in  his  ideas  and  In 
his  manner  of  living,  and  a  stern,  unflinching  Calvlnlst  in 
religion.  Although  not  a  statesman  in  the  accepted  sense  of 
the  term,  he  proved  himself  to  be  no  mean  antagonist  to  the 
masterful  Rhodes. 

The  latter  was  in  close  touch  with  Joseph  Chamberlain, 


4i6     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

the  British  Colonial  Secretary.  They  agreed  that  the  Boers 
The  Jame-  were  a  danger  to  British  supremacy  in  South 
son  Raid  Africa  ^  and*  they  determined  to  bring  on  a  war 
which  would  result  in  the  annexation  of  the  Transvaal  to 
the  British  Empire.  In  1895  a  conspiracy  known  as  the 
"Jameson  Raid"  was  engineered  by  Rhodes.  Dr.  Jameson, 
a  British  official,  led  a  raid  into  the  Transvaal  with  the 
declared  object  of  helping  the  Uitlanders.  The  Boers  suc- 
ceeded in  capturing  the  raiders,  and  they  handed  them  over 
to  the  British  authorities  for  punishment.  But  the  British 
treated  the  raiders  very  leniently  and  actually  shielded 
Rhodes,  the  arch-conspirator  against  the  independence  of 
the  Republic.  The  infuriated  Boers  now  believed  that  the 
British  Government  cared  little  about  the  rights  of  the 
Uitlanders  but  was  merely  using  them  as  a  pretext  to  de- 
stroy the  Republic.  They  consequently  prepared  for  war 
with  England. 

In  1897  Great  Britain  sent  a  special  commissioner.  Sir 
Alfred  Milner,  to  investigate  the  grievances  of  the  Uit- 
The  Boer  landers.  His  report  was  a  severe  denunciation 
^^^  of  the  Boer  Government  which,  he  declared,  was 

keeping  British  subjects  in  the  position  of  helots.  He  also 
charged  that  the  Boers  were  aiming  at  nothing  less  than  the 
destruction  of  British  influence  in  all  of  South  Africa.  Great 
Britain  thereupon  demanded  that  the  suffrage  be  extended 
to  the  Uitlanders  on  more  liberal  terms.  The  Republic  re- 
fused this  demand,  a  step  approved  by  the  Orange  Free 
State. 

In  October,  1899,  war  broke  out  between  the  two  tiny 
Boer  Republics  and  the  British  Empire.  Contrary  to  ex- 
pectations, it  lasted  for  almost  three  years.  In  England 
the  war  was  unpopular  with  a  large  section  of  the  people, 
particularly  with  the  Liberals,  who  denounced  it  as  an  act 
of  aggression  against  the  inoffensive  Boers  in  the  interest 
of  South  African  capitalists.  Large  mass-meetings  of  "pro- 
Boers"  were  held  all  over  England,  at  which  the  Conserva- 

^  A  Boer  organization,  known  as  the  Bond,  was  conducting  an  agitation  for 
Dutch  supremacy  in  South  Africa. 


THE   BRITISH   EMPIRE  417 

tive  Ministry  was  severely  criticized  for  being  the  tool  of 
interested  financiers. 

At  the  outset  the  British  armies  suffered  humiliating 
defeats  inflicted  on  them  by  the  Boer  generals,  De  Wet  and 
Botha,  whose  skillful  strategy  won  the  admira-  Defeat  of 
tion  of  the  whole  world.  England  was  finally  ^^^  ^^^""^ 
forced  to  send  large  armies  under  the  command  of  her  ablest 
generals,  Lords  Roberts  and  Kitchener,  before  she  succeeded 
in  vanquishing  the  Boers.  Peace  was  concluded  in  May, 
1902,  when  the  two  republics  lost  their  independence  and 
became  colonies  in  the  British  Empire. 

There  was  great  disgust  in  England  with  the  Conserv^a- 
tive  Party  because  of  its  conduct  of  the  war,  and,  in  the 
elections  of  1906,  the  Liberals  were  overwhelm-  g^^^^ 
ingly  successful.    The  new  Ministry  determined  granted  self- 

,  •        J.      u   •  u      ^  '^'        government 

to  spare  no  pams  to  brmg  about  a  reconcilia- 
tion of  the  Boers  to  British  rule.  Accordingly,  responsible 
government  was  granted  in  1906  to  the  Transvaal;  and  a 
year  later  it  was  extended  to  the  Orange  Free  State.  The 
Dutch  language  was  put  on  an  equality  with  English,  and 
everything  possible  was  done  to  make  the  Boers  feel  that 
the  English  did  not  regard  them  as  a  conquered  people. 

In  1909  the  four  South  African  colonies,  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  the  Transvaal,  Orange  Free  State,  and  Natal,  or- 
ganized themselves  under  an  act  of  the  British  ^j^^  south 
Parliament  into  a  federal  union  on  the  model  of  African 
Canada.  They  adopted  a  constitution  which 
gave  limited  home  rule  to  the  "provinces,"  as  the  colonies 
were  now  called.  The  central  Government  consisted  of  a 
Parliament  of  two  Houses  and  a  Cabinet  responsible  to  the 
lower  House.  The  first  Prime  Minister  of  the  Union  of  South 
Africa  was  none  other  than  Louis  Botha  who,  but  a  short 
time  before,  had  fought  so  valiantly  against  the  British. 
As  the  Boers  were  a  majority  of  the  white  population  in  the 
Union,  its  administration  fell  under  their  control.  They  were, 
however,  grateful  for  the  confidence  and  generosity  of  the 
English  in  giving  them  responsible  government,  and  they 
have  proved  themselves  to  be  loyal  citizens  of  the  Empire. 


4i8     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Imperial  Federation 

The  world-wide  Empire  of  Great  Britain  had  been  built 
up  with  but  little  conscious  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Gov- 
The  Mer-  ernment.  For  centuries  Englishmen  had  left 
cantile  their  country  for  other  lands,  some  to  seek  homes 

theory  in  . 

regard  to  m  new  contments,  as  in  America,  others  to  seek 
coonies  fortune  and  adventure  among  ancient  peoples, 

as  in  India.  These  adventurous  children  of  England  had 
planted  her  flag  in  every  clime,  but  it  was  not  till  the  end 
of  the  eighteenth  century  that  England  realized  that  she 
was  an  empire.  She  then  set  about  binding  the  various 
colonies  more  closely  to  her.  This  she  did  in  two  ways,  by 
asserting  the  full  control  of  Parliament  over  them,  particu- 
larly in  the  matter  of  taxation,  and  by  economic  legisla- 
tion which  subordinated  the  interests  of  the  colonies  to 
those  of  the  mother  country.  This  economic  policy  was 
dominated  by  the  then  prevailing  Mercantile  theory,  ac- 
cording to  which  the  chief  function  of  a  colony  was  to  supply 
raw  materials  to  the  mother  country  in  order  to  make  her 
independent  of  foreign  nations;  and  the  colonists  were  to 
buy  manufactured  articles  from  her  only.  In  accordance 
with  this  theory  legislation  was  passed  by  Parliament  which 
forbade  the  colonies  from  trading  with  other  countries  and 
from  establishing  manufactures  of  their  own.  This,  com- 
bined with  the  efforts  of  Parliament  to  tax  them  without 
their  consent,  resulted  in  the  American  Revolution  and  the 
consequent  loss  of  the  thirteen  colonies. 

The  American  Revolution  undoubtedly  did  much  to  in- 
augurate England's  new  colonial  policy,  of  which  Lord 
The  Man-  Durham's  Report  is  the  culmination.  But  even 
Chester  more  important  in  the  establishment  of  the  new 

theory  in  '^ 

regard  to  policy  was  the  breakdown  of  the  mercantile 
colonies  theory  due  to  the  Industrial  Revolution,  which 

made  England  "the  workshop  of  the  world."  Her  great 
need  now  was  numerous  customers  for  her  surplus  manu- 
factures, and  she  therefore  cared  far  more  for  the  trade  of 
Germany  and  France  than  she  did  for  that  of  her  sparsely 


THE  BRITISH   EMPIRE  419^ 

inhabited  colonies.  The  Manchester  School,^  whose  influ- 
ence displaced  that  of  the  Mercantilists,  taught  that  a 
country,  in  order  to  be  prosperous,  ought  to  buy  in  the 
cheapest  market  and  to  sell  in  the  dearest,  irrespective  of 
political  affiliations.  The  great  prosperity  that  England 
enjoyed  after  her  adoption  of  free  trade  convinced  her  of  the 
truth  of  the  Manchestrian  doctrines. 

A  changed  attitude  toward  the  colonies  was  the  result. 
They  were  now  regarded  as  more  of  a  burden  than  an  asset 
to  the  mother  country,  for  she  was  obliged  to  tax  Lack  of  in- 
herself  heavily  in  order  to  maintain  a  large  navy  terest  in  the 

.  .  ,  .    .         ,  colonies 

for  their  protection.  A  general  opinion  began 
to  prevail  that  a  colony  was  like  a  fruit  which,  when  ripe, 
drops  from  the  tree;  hence  the  colonies  should  be  allowed 
to  develop  into  independent  states  whom  England  would 
recognize  in  a  spirit  of  good- will.  The  Liberal  Party  that 
controlled  the  Government  during  the  greater  part  of  the 
nineteenth  century  were  "little  Englanders,"  as  they  neg- 
lected the  Empire  and  concentrated  all  their  attention 
upon  domestic  reforms.  There  was  so  little  interest  in  the 
colonies  that  the  cabinet  position  of  Colonial  Secretary  had 
come  to  be  regarded  as  a  sinecure  with  merely  perfunctory 
duties.  Curiously  enough,  the  colonies  were  more  anxious 
to  be  with  England  than  she  was  to  be  with  them ;  they  feared 
that  independence  might  lead  to  their  being  conquered  by 
foreign  nations  who  would  force  upon  them  an  alien  civiliza- 
tion. For  a  long  time  only  the  slender  tie  of  sentiment 
held  the  British  Empire  together. 

At  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  a  marked  change 
appeared  in  England's  attitude  toward  her  colonies.    The 
dissolution  of  the  British  Empire  was  no  longer  ^^^  ^^^ 
viewed  with  complacency;  on  the  contrary,  a  imperial 
powerful  imperial  sentiment  grew,  both  in  Eng- 
land and  in  the  colonies,  which  demanded  closer  bonds  of 
union.    This  new  imperialism  was  warmly  championed  by 
the  Conservative  Party,  and  its  leader,  Disraeli,  made  elo- 
quent appeals  to  the  imagination  of  the  English  people  by 

1  See  p.  43. 


420     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

picturing  to  them  the  greatness  of  their  dominions.  Im- 
perial societies  were  formed  to  foster  a  love  for  the  Empire. 
Many  enthusiastic  Imperialists,  notably  the  poet  Kipling, 
preached  that  it  was  England's  duty  to  "take  up  the  white 
man's  burden,"  namely,  to  carry  Western  civilization  to 
the  "lesser  breeds,"  or  savage  races,  and  to  the  backward 
peoples  of  Asia,  in  order  to  bring  greater  happiness  in  the 
world.  In  1897,  on  the  sixtieth  anniversary  of  Queen  Vic- 
toria's accession  to  the  throne,  there  took  place  a  celebra- 
tion known  as  the  "Diamond  Jubilee,"  to  which  represen- 
tatives from  every  corner  of  her  world-wide  Empire  came 
to  do  her  homage.  In  the  streets  of  London  there  was  a 
wonderful  pageant  of  races,  Malays  from  the  Straits  Set- 
tlements, Chinese  from  Hongkong,  negroes  from  Africa, 
French  and  Indians  from  Canada,  Dutch  from  the  Cape, 
Hindus,  Australians,  Canadians,  all  happily  mingling  to 
show  the  unity  as  well  as  the  diversity  of  the  dominions. 
It  was  felt  by  many  at  the  time  that  the  British  Empire 
had  experienced  a  new  birth. 

There  were  several  causes  for  this  change  of  sentiment. 
In  the  first  place,  the  colonies  were  rapidly  developing 
Causes  of  economically  and  therefore  offered  a  most  at- 
the  new  im-    tractive  field  for  the  investment  of  British  capi- 

la  ism  ^^j  Millions  of  dollars  were  invested  in  building 
railways  and  factories,  and  in  opening  mines.  These  in- 
vestments were  safe  because  order  was  well  maintained 
even  in  the  uncivilized  parts  of  the  Empire.  The  growth  of 
population  in  the  self-governing  colonies  and  the  demands 
for  European  products  in  India  gave  a  great  stimulus  to 
British  manufactures,  so  that  the  colonial  trade  of  Great 
Britain  began  to  rival  her  foreign  trade.  ^  Another  reason 
was  the  change  in  the  international  situation.  After  1870 
e\"ery  great  Power  in  Europe  except  England  became  a 
member  either  of  the  Triple  or  of  the  Dual  Alliance.    Eng- 

^  From  1885  to  1913  the  British  exports  to  her  colonies  of  articles  wholly  or 
mainly  manufactured  rose  from  £71,300,000  to  £172,000,000,  an  increase  of 
141  per  cent.  From  1885  to  1913  British  imports  of  food  from  her  colonies 
rose  from  £19,800,000  to  £60,300,000,  an  increase  of  204  percent.  See  P.  and 
A.  Hurd,  The  New  Empire  Partnership  (1915),  p.  234. 


THE   BRITISH   EMPIRE  421 

land  prided  herself  on  her  "splendid  isolation"  in  Interna- 
tional affairs,  feeling  sure  that  her  insular  position  could 
be  well  defended  by  her  powerful  fleet.  But  the  rivalry  of 
Germany,  particularly  in  the  matter  of  naval  expansion, 
made  her  feel  more  and  more  uneasy  and  she  began  to  con- 
sider the  help  that  the  colonies  might  render  in  case  she 
were  involved  in  war.  On  their  part,  the  self-governing 
colonies  had  become  all  the  more  loyal  to  the  mother  coun- 
try because  of  the  greater  freedom  granted  to  them.  They 
dreaded  nothing  so  much  as  falling  into  the  hands  of  an 
alien  Power,  and  they  therefore  desired  to  be  more  closely 
identified  with  the  mother  country  than  ever  before. 

The  crisis  came  in  the  Boer  \\a.r,  in  the  outcome  of  which 
the  future  of  the  British  Empire  was  largely  involved.  To 
the  English,  the  war  was  one  for  the  defense  of  Loyalty  of 
the  Empire;  for,  had  the  Boers  won,  the  British  J^ngThr Boer- 
would  have  been  driven  out  of  South  Africa;  ^^r 
and  this  might  have  led  to  serious  consequences  in  other 
parts  of  the  Empire.  The  colonies  rallied  loyally  and  de- 
votedly to  the  mother  country:  Australians,  Canadians, 
and  New  Zealanders  fought  side  by  side  with  Englishmen, 
Scotchmen,  Irishmen,  and  Welshmen  for  the  unity  of  the 
Empire. 

The  imperial  consciousness  which  followed  the  Boer  War 
gave  strength  to  a  new  idea,  Imperial  Federation.  Its  father 
was  Joseph  Chamberlain,  who  in  1895  had  be-  imperial 
come  Colonial  Secretary  in  the  Cabinet  of  Lord  Federation 
Salisbury.  Thereafter  he  tirelessly  devoted  his  energies  and 
talents  to  the  furtherance  of  this  idea;  and  he  succeeded 
in  converting  many  of  his  fellow  countrymen,  who  had  sel- 
dom if  ever  thought  much  about  the  Empire.  To  draw  the 
colonies  and  the  mother  country  into  a  closer  and  more  per- 
fect union  w^as  the  main  principle  of  Imperial  Federation. 
In  harmony  with  this  movement  a  series  of  Imperial  Con- 
ferences was  held,  the  first  one  in  1887  and  the  second  in 
1897,  under  the  presidency  of  Chamberlain ;  other  gatherings 
were  held  in  1902,  1907,  191 1,  and  1917.  The  Conference 
of  1907  provided  for  regular  quadrennial  sessions  of  the 


422     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Premiers  of  the  colonies  and  of  England.  As  a  result  of 
these  conferences  the  following  plans  for  closer  union  were 
discussed:  (i)  that  the  United  Kingdom  and  the  self-gov- 
erning colonies  form  a  federal  union  by  creating  an  Imperial 
Parliament  to  represent  them ;  (2)  that  a  Zollverein,  or  cus- 
toms union,  be  formed  according  to  which  preferential 
tariffs  were  to  be  established  between  England  and  the 
colonies,  and  a  protective  tarifif  on  all  foreign  goods,  on  the 
ground  that  the  Empire  as  a  whole  was  self-sufficient  eco- 
nomically, the  colonies  being  rich  in  agriculture  and  raw 
material  and  England  in  manufactures  and  capital;  and 
(3)  that  a  common  system  of  imperial  defense  be  organ- 
ized, the  expense  to  be  borne  by  the  colonies  as  well  as  by 
England. 

There  are  great  difficulties  in  the  way  of  reconstituting 
the  British  Empire  on  a  federal  basis.  What  about  the 
Difficulties  position  of  the  "predominant  partner,"  England, 
in  the  way      in  the  union?  Are  her  great  world  interests  to  be 

of  federation  ,  .  -  r  /^  1 

at  the  mercy  of  representatives  from  Canada 
or  New  Zealand?  What  about  the  position  of  India  and 
Egypt  in  the  new  scheme?  Would  it  be  wise  for  England  to 
give  up  her  historic  free-trade  policy  and  so  sacrifice  much  of 
her  great  foreign  trade  in  order  to  gain  that  of  her  colonies? 
Would  the  colonies  be  willing  to  remain  purely  agricultural 
in  order  that  England  manufacture  for  them?  These  are 
some  of  the  questions  asked  of  those  who  favor  Imperial 
Federation. 

In  spite  of  the  difficulties  in  the  way,  there  was  so  much 
enthusiasm  for  the  idea  that  important  steps  have  been 
Preferential  taken  to  realize  it.  In  1897  Canada  allowed  a 
tariffs  reduction  of  one  eighth  of  her  tariff  on  English 

goods;  later,  in  1898,  it  was  further  reduced  by  one  fourth; 
and,  in  1900,  by  one  third.  Australia  followed  suit  by  allow- 
ing a  reduction  of  thirty  per  cent,  and  New  Zealand,  fifty. 
It  was  hoped  that  this  policy  of  Imperial  Preference  pursued 
by  the  colonies  would  cause  England  to  abandon  free  trade 
and  to  enter  into  an  economic  union  with  them ;  but  tarifif 
reform,  or  protection,  championed  by  the  Conservatives, 


THE  BRITISH   EMPIRE  423 

failed  to  win  over  the  British  voters,  who  continued  to  elect 
Liberal  majorities. 

The  staggering  cost  of  maintaining  the  huge  British  navy 
induced  the  colonies  to  make  some  effort  to  lighten  the 
burdens  of  the  British  taxpayer  in  order  to  show  Colonies  and 
themselves  active  partners  in  the  Empire.   New  the  British 

.  .         navy 

Zealand  contributed  a  warship;  South  Africa 
began  to  make  annual  contributions  to  the  British  naval 
budget;  Australia  began  building  a  navy  of  her  own,  to  be 
put  under  the  supreme  command  of  the  British  naval  au- 
thorities ;  Canada  could  not  decide  whether  to  make  annual 
contributions  or  to  build  a  separate  navy,  though  eager  to 
help  in  imperial  defense. 

The  liberal  attitude  of  Great  Britain  toward  her  colo- 
nies v/as  vindicated  during  the  World  War.  The  Loyalty  of 
colonials  responded  to  the  call  of  the  mother  colonies  in 

•  V  -r  ,         ,.  1      ,  World  War 

country    with    magnincent  loyalty    and   devo- 
tion ;  they  spared  neither  men  nor  money  in  giving  aid  to 
England  in  her  struggle  against  Germany. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 
I 850-1 9 14 

Establishment  of  the  Dual  Monarchy 

For  many  centuries  Austria  has  been  a  dynasty  rather 
than  a  nation.  There  is  hardly  a  people  in  East-Central  Eu- 
Autocratic  ^ope  that  has  not  at  one  time  or  another  been 
rule  of  the       under  the  sway  of  the  Hapsburgs,  whose  antiq- 

aps  urgs  ^j^y  ^^^  renown  so  filled  the  courts  of  Europe 
that  a  marriage  with  a  member  of  this  House  became  the 
great  ambition  of  the  other  reigning  families.  By  means  of 
marriage  and  conquest  the  Austrian  dynasty  succeeded  in 
establishing  an  enormous  polyglot  empire  which  was  ruled 
autocratically  from  Vienna.  As  in  many  other  countries 
containing  a  heterogeneous  population,  absolute  monarchy 
was  considered  to  be  the  best  means  of  maintaining  har- 
mony, order,  and  stability  among  the  various  races.  Ab- 
solutism became  a  passion,  almost  a  propaganda,  among 
the  Austrians,  just  as  democracy  was  among  the  French. 
As  we  have  already  seen,  Vienna  was  the  citadel  of  reac- 
tion in  Europe  during  the  Period  of  Restoration,  for  when- 
ever a  blow  at  democracy  was  to  be  struck,  Austria  could 
be  depended  upon  to  strike  it. 

Austria's  leadership  in  Germany  was  unquestioned  for 
centuries.  The  element  of  romance  in  the  Holy  Roman 
The  Holv  Empire  greatly  appealed  to  German  sentiment, 
Roman  even  though  the  Empire  was  but  a  tradition 

^^^^^  and   the   Emperor  but  a  shadow.      When  the 

Hapsburgs  became  Emperors  of  Austria  after  Napoleon  had 
abolished  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  their  influence  among 
the  German  people  sensibly  diminished;  and  it  vanished 
almost  completely  when  Prussia  came  forward  as  the 
doughty  wielder  of  the  German  sword.  The  political  his- 
tory of  Austria  during  the  nineteenth   century  may  be 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  425 

summed  up  as  the  gradual  weakening  of  her  influence  in 
Western  and  its  gradual  strengthening  in  Eastern  Europe. 

The  Austro-Sardinian  War  of  1859  resulted  in  the  loss 
of  Lombardy.^    Defeat  in  war  has  always  been  considered 
an  unanswerable  criticism  of  absolute  monarchy,   -p^e 
and   the  Austrian   Government  was  forced   to  ''February 

Patent 

make  some  concessions  to  democracy  m  order  to 
forestall  a  possible  uprising.  Accordingly,  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph  I  granted  a  constitution,  called  the  "Diploma  of 
i860,"  which,  as  amended  in  the  following  year,  was  known 
as  the  "February  Patent."  This  document  introduced  a 
modified  parliamentary^  regime  by  establishing  a  representa- 
tive assembly  for  the  whole  Empire  known  as  the  Reichs- 
rat,  composed  of  two  chambers.  One,  the  House  of  Lords, 
consisted  of  hereditary  nobles,  high  officials,  dignitaries  of 
the  Church,  and  others  whom  the  Emperor  appointed;  the 
other,  the  House  of  Representatives,  consisted  of  members 
elected,  not  directly  by  popular  vote,  but  by  the  local  diets 
of  the  various  regions.  These  diets  were  chosen  by  electors 
divided  into  four  classes,  landowners,  merchants,  the  mass 
of  city  dwellers,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  rural  districts. 
Property  qualifications  for  voting  were  so  arranged  that 
preponderance  was  given  to  the  landed  nobility  and  the 
wealthy  merchants  who  dominated  the  local  diets.  The  ap- 
portionment of  delegates  to  the  Reichsrat  was  also  arranged 
so  as  to  give  a  preponderant  A'oice  to  the  German-speaking 
regions,  in  order  to  insure  their  control  of  the  Imperial 
Legislature. 

No  arrangement  could  be  permanent  in  the  Hapsburg 
dominions  which  was  unsatisfactory  to  the  Magyars,   or 
Hungarians,  the  most   militant  element  in  the   Hungarian 
Empire.    The  Hungarians  were  unalterably  op-  opposition 
posed  to  the  constitution  of  1861,  for  by  treat- 
ing their  country  as  a  province  it  did  not  recognize  what 
they  claimed  were   the  historic  rights  of   Hungary  as   a 
separate  nation.     They  even   threatened  revolution,   but 
they  were  held  in  check  by  Francis  Deak,  the  one  time  asso- 

^  See  p.  214. 


426     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ciate  of  Louis  Kossuth  and  now  the  trusted  leader  of  the 
Hungarian  people.  What  Deak  desired  was  not  independ- 
ence, but  complete  autonomy  which  would  allow  Hungary 
to  live  her  own  national  life  and  yet  permit  her  to  cooperate 
with  Austria  in  matters  which  directly  concerned  them  both ; 
in  short,  ah  intimate  alliance  between  the  two  countries. 
The  Government  at  Vienna  refused  to  concede  to  Hungary's 
demand,  and  there  began  a  deadlock  between  the  two 
which  lasted  for  five  years.  But  the  crushing  defeat  of 
Austria  in  the  Seven  Weeks'  War  and  the  consequent  loss 
of  Venetia  changed  the  mood  of  the  Government.  "What 
does  Hungary  want?"  now  asked  the  Emperor  of  Deak. 
"Only  what  she  wanted  before  Sadowa,"  was  the  reply. 

In  1867  the  "February  Patent"  was  abrogated,  and, 
instead,  a  new  constitution,  known  as  the  Ausgleich,  or 
The  Aus-  Compromise,  was  promulgated.  This  famous 
gletch  document  was  the  work  largely  of  two  Hun- 

garians, Deak  and  Count  Julius  Andrassy,  and  of  Emperor 
Francis  Joseph  and  his  Minister,  Count  Beust.  According 
to  the  Compromise  of  1867,  a  unique  political  system,  the 
Dual  Monarchy,  was  established,  consisting  of  the  Empire 
of  Austria  and  the  Kingdom  of  Hungary.  The  two  countries 
were  to  be  separate  states  under  one  flag;  each  was  to  have 
its  own  constitution,  parliament,  ministry,  courts,  admin- 
istration, and  official  language,  but  they  were  to  be  united 
in  a  personal  union  through  a  common  sovereign,  who  was 
to  be  known  as  Emperor  in  Austria  and  as  King  in  Hun- 
gary. Interests  common  to  both,  such  as  foreign  affairs, 
war,  and  finance,  were  to  be  conducted  by  a  common  Min- 
istry and  supervised  by  a  body  known  as  the  "Delega- 
tions," two  committees  of  sixty  members  each,  one  chosen 
by  the  Parliament  of  Austria  and  the  other  by  that  of  Hun- 
gary. The  Delegations  were  to  sit  separately  and  to  meet 
alternately  at  Vienna  and  at  Budapest.  There  was  also  a 
provision  for  a  customs  and  trade  alliance,  requiring  a  com- 
mon tariff  policy  for  both  countries,  to  be  renewed  every 
ten  years  by  an  agreement  between  the  two  Parliaments. 
Subsequent  to  this  union  the  fortune  of  each  nation  fol- 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  427 

lowed  its  own  path,  and  a  comprehension  of  their  develop- 
ment will  best  be  obtained  by  treating  the  history  of  the 
two  nations  as  independent  entities. 

Austria  and  her  Race  Problems 

Austria  has  been  described  as  "a  Slav  house  with  a  Ger- 
man facade,"  as  only  a  minority  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Empire  are  of  German-speakins:  stock.  ^  These  _,  ^  . 
live  mainly  in  Upper  and  Lower  Austria,  Salz- 
burg, and  in  the  Tyrol.  Excepting  the  Tyrolese,  who  are 
peasants,  the  Germans  are  generally  of  the  middle  and 
upper  classes,  the  prosperous  and  educated  element,  who 
have  long  dominated  the  government  and  society  in  Aus- 
tria. About  half  of  the  population  consists  of  Slavs,  who  are 
divided  into  many  groups  speaking  diverse  Slavic  dialects. 
Most  important  among  these  groups  are  the  Czechs  who 
live  in  Bohemia,  although  many  are  constantly  migrating  to 
German-speaking  parts  of  the  Empire.  Until  recently  the 
Czechs  were  poor  peasants,  but  the  economic  development 
of  Bohemia  has  produced  among  them  a  middle  class  which 
is  intensely  race  conscious,  with  the  result  that  a  serious 
problem  has  been  created  for  the  German-speaking  rulers  of 
the  Empire.  The  Czechs  maintain  that  Bohemia,  like  Hun- 
gary, is  a  historic  unity ;  hence  they  are  entitled  to  the  same 
degree  of  independence  as  the  Hungarians.  There  exists  in 
Bohemia,  however,  a  minority  of  Germans,  who  are  strongly 
opposed  to  home  rule  which,  they  declare,  would  mean  the 
total  suppressionof  the  German  language  and  influence;  they, 
therefore,  favor  a  continuance  of  Austrian  rule.  Between  the 
Czechs  and  the  Germans  there  has  grown  up  a  very  bitter 
feeling  which  frequently  finds  expression  in  violent  language 
and  riots.  The  problem  of  the  Germans  in  Bohemia  is  not 
unlike  that  of  the  Ulster  Protestants  in  Ireland. 

1  According  to  the  census  of  1910  the  population  of  Austria  was  about 
28,500,000.  Of  these  10,000,000,  or  thirty-five  per  cent,  were  German;  16,250,- 
000,  or  fifty-eight  per  cent,  were  Slav;  and  800,000,  or  three  per  cent,  were 
Italian.  Of  the  Slavs  there  were  6,500,000  Czechs  and  Slovaks,  5,000,000  Poles, 
3,500,000  Ruthenians,  1,250,000  Slovenes,  and  800,000  Croats  and  Serbs  (those 
in  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  not  included).  There  were  also  about  2,000,000 
Jews,  who  were  included  among  the  German-speaking  inhabitants. 


428     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

The  Poles  live  in  their  historic  home,  Galicia,  which 
was  once  a  part  of  the  old  Kingdom  of  Poland.  Unlike  the 
^,    „  ,         other  partitioners  of  Poland,  Russia  and  Prussia, 

The  Poles  ^  •     i         i  •     i 

Austria  has  been  most  generous  m  her  treatment 
of  the  Poles,  who  are  allowed  considerable  local  autonomy 
and  the  use  of  their  language  in  the  schools.  In  gratitude, 
the  Poles  have  become  the  stoutest  supporters  of  the  Haps- 
burg  regime,  without,  however,  losing  sight  of  a  possible 
restoration  of  their  fatherland. 

A  large  part  of  the  population  of  Galicia  consists  of 
Ruthenians,  or  Ukrainians,  who  are  of  the  same  blood,  lan- 
The  Ruth-  guage,  and  religion  as  the  Little  Russians  in 
enians  Russia.^    These  Ruthenians  are  generally  peas- 

ants who  work  on  the  lands  of  the  Polish  nobility.  The 
Vienna  Government,  out  of  fear  that  Russia  might  desire 
to  Incorporate  the  Ruthenians,  whom  she  regards  as  Rus- 
sians, has  tried  to  curry  favor  with  them  by  granting  sub- 
sidles  to  their  schools  and  by  appointing  some  of  them  to 
public  office.  There  are  also  in  Galicia  many  Jews,  who  are 
In  the  main  small  shopkeepers  and  handicraftsmen.  Both 
Ruthenians  and  Jews  are  discriminated  against  and  op- 
pressed by  the  masters  of  the  province,  the  Poles. 

The  Slavs  in  Southern  Austria  are  not  so  highly  developed 
as  those  in  the  North,  and  are  separated  from  their  kinsmen 
The  Southern  by  a  wedge  of  Germans  and  Hungarians.  Most 
Slavs  Qf  them  are  peasants,  and  many  are  even  In  the 

pastoral  stage  of  development.  The  most  important  groups 
of  these  Southern  Slavs,  or  Jugo  Slavs  as  they  are  called, 
are  the  Slovenes,  who  speak  a  Slavic  dialect  which  they 
call  "Illyrlan,"  and  the  Serbs  and  Croats,  who  are  of  the 
same  group  and  speak  the  same  language  as  the  people  of 
Serbia. 

Istria  and  Trent Ino  comprise  J/a/m  irredenta  (Unredeemed 

Italy),  provinces  Inhabited  by  the  Italians  who  remained 

.        subject  to  Hapsburg  rule  notwithstanding  the 

formation  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy.   Trieste,  the 

principal  seaport  of  the  Dual  Monarchy,  is  predominantly 

1  See  p.  529. 


CZl  TEUTONIC 

LATIN 
tZZI  Italian 
CZl  Runmniau 


NORTHERN  SLAVS 

"      .ians 
CZD  Poles 
I       '  Ukrainians  or  Rutheu 


URAL-ALTAIC  1       I  Czechs  &  Slovaks 

I 1  Tvirks  SOUTHERN  SLAVS 

I 1  Magyars  CZI  Slovenes 

I       I  GREEKS  I        I  Croats  k  Serbs 

I 1  ALBANIANS  I       I  Bulgars 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  429 

Italian.  The  Italians  look  forward  to  the 'day  when  they 
shall  be  "redeemed  "  from  Austrian  rule  and  be  incorporated 
with  Italy,  and  they  frequently  organize  "irredentist" 
demonstrations  against  Austria.  To  lose  Trieste  would  al- 
most destroy  Austria  as  a  maritime  nation  and  would, 
moreover,  give  Italy  complete  control  of  the  Adriatic.  In 
order  to  weaken  Italian  influence  the  Vienna  Government 
has  encouraged  the  settlement  of  Slavs  in  Istria,  so  that 
the  latter  are  rapidly  becoming  the  majority  in  this  old 
Italian  region,  once  a  part  of  the  Republic  of  Venice.  In 
the  quarrels  between  the  Italians  and  Slavs  which  continu- 
ally take  place,  the  influence  of  the  Government  is  thrown 
on  the  side  of  the  latter  in  the  hope  of  so  weakening  the 
former  that  Italy  may  have  no  "national"  claim  to  the 
region. 

The  "dualism"  established  in  1867  was  really  an  alli- 
ance between  the  dominant  races  in  each  country,  the  Ger- 
mans in  Austria  and  the  Magyars  in  Hungary,  jhe  na- 
in  order  the  better  to  keep  the  Slavs  in  subiec-  tional  move- 

T^      .  1        1  r     1  •  1      ment  among 

tion.  Uurmg  the  latter  part  01  the  nmeteenth  the  subject 
century  there  began  a  revival  of  nationalism  ^^^^^ 
among  the  submerged  races  which,  at  times,  threatened  the 
very  existence  of  the  Dual  Monarchy.  This  took  the  form 
of  a  desire  for  the  recognition  of  their  languages  in  the  Gov- 
ernment and  in  the  schools.  Each  "nation"  in  the  Empire 
demanded  the  establishment  by  the  Government  of  a  na- 
tional university,  where  its  language  and  history  would  be 
taught  in  order  to  preserve  the  "national  culture."  This 
demand  was  a  part  of  a  political  agitation  in  favor  of  "fed- 
eralism," or  the  establishment  of  Austria-Hungary  as  a 
federal  empire,  based  upon  race  units  and  united  only  for  in- 
ternational purposes.  Even  the  most  enthusiastic  nation- 
alists in  the  Dual  Monarchy  did  not  advocate  its  dissolu- 
tion into  separate  nations,  for  fear  that  powerful  neighbors, 
like  Russia  and  Germany,  would  absorb  them.  Although 
there  is  no  love  for  Austria  among  her  subject  races,  they 
yet  feel  that  she  fulfills  an  important  function  in  unit- 
ing a  heterogeneous  population  that  could  be  united  in  no 


430     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

other  way.  "IT  Austria  did  not  exist,  it  would  have  been 
necessary  to  invent  her,"  is  the  opinion  of  a  Bohemian 
historian. 

What  are  the  bonds  which  unite  this  many-nation  Em- 
pire, which  seems  ever  on  the  point  of  dissohition,  and  yet 
Bonds  of  has  managed  to  survive  for  so  many  centuries? 
union  First  and  foremost  is  the  Hapsburg  dynasty  it- 

self which  is  the  pivot  and  center  of  all  the  unifying  forces. 
As  there  is  no  common  nationality,  the  Dual  Monarchy 
has  developed  a  kind  of  dynastic  patriotism,  which  has 
found  expression  in  loyalty  to  the  person  of  the  Emperor- 
King.  The  bureaucracy  is  another  powerful  bond  of  union. 
Although  it  is  not  so  efficient  or  so  honest  as  that  in  the  Ger- 
man Empire,  it  is  far  less  rigid  and  more  in  touch  with  the 
mass  of  the  people.  It  has  been  an  established  policy  of  the 
Government  to  appoint  as  officials  representatives  of  the 
various  races,  so  that  Germans,  Magyars,  and  Slavs  are  to 
be  found  in  Austrian  officialdom.  This  policy  has  softened 
the  antagonism  to  the  monarchy  among  the  most  influen- 
tial elements  in  the  Empire.  Another  unifying  force  is  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  which  unites  in  one  great  religious 
society  millions  of  Germans,  Magyars,  and  Slavs. ^  The 
Church  is  favored  by  the  Government  in  many  ways,  for 
the  Hapsburgs  have  been  ardent  champions  of  the  Catholic 
faith  ever  since  the  Protestant  Revolution.  Church  influ- 
ences are  powerful  in  the  politics  and  government  of  the 
Dual  Monarchy.  Strong  clerical  parties  have  come  to  the 
front  in  recent  years  that  emphasize  the  unity  of  the  Catho- 
lic Empire  as  against  the  separatism  of  the  various  races. 

A  most  potent  cause  of  the  continued  existence  of  Aus- 
tria has  been,  strange  to  say,  the  very  struggle  between  the 
Division  races.  Divide  et  impera  has  been  the  policy  of 
among  the  the  Hapsburgs,  as  it  has  been  that  of  other  dy- 
nasties ruling  over  heterogeneous  populations. 
It  so  happens  that  each  region  is  inhabited  by  a  dominant 

1  The  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  Austria-Hungary  are  Roman  Catholics. 
Many  of  the  Slavs,  however,  belong  to  the  Orthodox,  or  Russian,  faith;  many 
others  are  Uniates.    See  p.  506. 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  431 

and  by  a  subordinate  race;  in  Bohemia  they  are  Ger- 
mans and  Czechs;  in  Hungary,  Magyars  and  Slavs;  in 
GaHcia,  Poles  and  Ruthenians;  in  Istria,  Italians  and 
Slovenes.  This  results  in  intra-racial  struggles  which  are 
often  encouraged  by  the  Government  to  distract  the  non- 
German  nationalities  from  an  anti-Austrian  propaganda. 
It  also  tries  to  placate  them  by  timely  concessions,  conduct- 
ing a  species  of  internal  foreign  policy  by  making  alliances 
with  some  races  as  against  others.  If  the  dominant  race  in 
a  region  becomes  too  arrogant  and  threatens  to  secede,  then 
the  Government  begins  to  favor  the  subordinate  race.  More 
than  once  have  the  haughty  Magyars  been  brought  to 
terms  by  a  threat  from  Vienna  to  rouse  the  Slavs  against 
them.  In  this  way  the  Dual  Monarchy  has  been  able  to 
lead  a  charmed  life.  Disruption,  if  it  ever  comes,  can 
come  from  two  sources  only,  the  secession  of  Hungary  or 
the  active  interference  of  Russia  in  behalf  of  the  subject 
Slavs. 

Austria  (1867-19 14) 

The  Reichsrat  established  in  1861  continues  to  be  the 
Parliament  in  Austria,  although  it  no  longer  has  any  au- 
thority in  Hungary.  Its  powers  are,  in  theory,  Power  of  the 
like  those  of  any  other  European  parliament,  but  Emperor 
its  influence  is  in  reality  considerably  less  than  that  of 
the  Emperor.  Ministers  are  nominally  responsible  to  the 
Reichsrat,  but  the  factional  and  racial  struggles  within  this 
body  have  so  weakened  it  that  the  Emperor  frequently 
decides  on  the  appointment  of  the  Cabinet.  An  extraor- 
dinary power  is  given  by  the  constitution  to  the  Emperor, 
who  may  issue  decrees  that  have  the  force  of  laws  when  the 
Reichsrat  is  not  in  session. 

During  the  first  decade  after   1867  the  Reichsrat  was 
controlled  by  the  German  Liberals.    The  main  policy  of 
this    party   was    "centralism,"    by   which   was  ^^^ 
meant  that  the  authority  of  the  Vienna  Gov-  German 
ernment  should  continue  unimpaired.  They  also 
advocated  that  German  should  be  the  only  official  Ian- 


432     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

guage  in  all  parts  of  the  Austrian  dominions,  and  that  it 
should  be  the  only  language  taught  in  the  schools.  These 
German  Liberals  were  opposed  to  clericalism,  and  they 
demanded  that  the  influence  of  the  Church  in  the  Govern- 
ment should  be  eliminated.  In  1868  they  succeeded  in  pass- 
ing a  series  of  secularizing  laws.  Civil  marriage  was  per- 
mitted under  certain  circumstances;  the  public  elementary 
schools  were  taken  away  from  the  control  of  the  Church 
and  put  under  that  of  the  local  authorities;  and  civil  equality 
was  decreed  between  Catholics  and  non-Catholics.  These 
laws  were  denounced  by  Pope  Pius  IX  as  "damnable  and 
abominable,"  and  as  violating  the  Concordat  of  1855.  A 
Kulturkampf  was,  however,  avoided  by  timely  concessions 
on  both  sides. 

Race  conflicts  and  language  issues  have  constituted  the 
sum  total  of  Austrian  politics  during  the  last  generation. 
The  advance  guard  of  militant  Slavism  was  the 
Czechs,  who,  because  their  national  demands 
were  not  granted,  resolved  on  a  policy  of  "passive  resist- 
ance," namely,  to  refuse  to  send  delegates  to  the  Reichsrat 
and  so  to  destroy  its  moral  authority.  During  the  German 
Liberal  Ministry  of  Prince  Adolf  Auersperg  (1871-79), 
severe  measures  were  taken  against  the  Czechs:  their  jour- 
nals were  suppressed,  the  editors  fined  or  jailed,  and  patri- 
otic associations  and  public  meetings  were  broken  up  by  the 
police. 

A  demand  for  universal  suffrage  was  voiced  by  the  Social- 
ists and  a  group  calling  itself  the  Young  Czechs.  The  latter 
The  Young  Were  radical  democrats  as  well  as  nationalists; 
Czechs  they  were  opposed  to  the  feudal  and  clerical  ten- 

dencies of  the  Old  Czechs,  as  the  one-time  Bohemian  na- 
tionalists were  called,  as  well  as  to  their  policy  of  "passive 
resistance";  they,  on  the  contrary,  wished  to  participate 
actively  in  Austrian  politics  in  order  to  wring  concessions 
for  Bohemia.  A  new  electoral  law,  passed  in  1871,  abolished 
the  indirect  election  of  members  to  the  Reichsrat  by  the 
local  diets,  and  established  direct  election  by  the  voters 
themselves;  but  the  old  division  of  the  electors  into  four 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  433 

classes,  with  the  predominance  of  the  landlords  and  mer- 
chants, was  continued.^ 

A  financial  panic  which  broke  out  in  1873  discredited 
the  German  Liberal  Government,  which  was  held  responsible 
for  it.  It  had  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  The  Taaffe 
Emperor  also  by  its  uncompromising  "Ger-  favors  the 
manism,"  which,  he  feared,  might  disrupt  the  ^'^'^^ 
Empire.  In  1879  a  new  Ministry,  headed  by  Count  Taaffe, 
came  into  power  which  was  supported  by  the  Conservatives, 
Clericals,  and  the  various  Slav  groups.  It  remained  in  office 
for  fourteen  years  and  marked  a  growing  tendency  of  the 
Empire  to  shift  from  a  German  to  a  Slavic  basis.  In  Bo- 
hemia the  Czechs  were  favored  as  against  the  Germans,  who 
were  now  rapidly  losing  their  influence.  In  1882  the  ancient 
German  University  of  Prague  was  divided  into  two,  one 
German,  the  other,  Czech.  Further  concessions  were  made 
to  the  non-German  tongues;  even  the  "Illyrian"  speech  of 
the  Slovenes  was  to  some  extent  recognized.  These  con- 
cessions were  made  in  return  for  the  support  given  to  the 
Taaffe  Ministry  by  the  Young  Czechs,  who  had  triumphed 
over  the  Old  Czechs  in  Bohemian  politics. 

When  Austria  had  been  detached  from  Germany  after  the 
Seven  Weeks'  War,  the  Germans  found  themselves  a  mi- 
nority in  the  Hapsburg  dominions.  They  now  felt  Germanism 
that  their  language  and  culture  were  in  danger  *"  Austria 
of  being  wiped  out  by  a  flood  of  Slavism,  and  they  deter- 
mined to  resist  desperately  any  concession  to  the  non-Ger- 
man tongues.  In  1 880  they  organized  an  association  known 
as  the  Schulverein,  or  School  Union,  which  grew  rapidly  and 
became  a  powerful  weapon  with  which  to  defend  the  Ger- 
man language.  The  Slavic  languages  were  despised  by  the 
Germans  as  barbarous  dialects  without  a  literature  or  his- 
tory and  unknown  to  the  world  of  letters  and  science.  In 
derision  of  their  claims  for  recognition  a  German  once 
entered  a  local  Slovene  assembly  carrying  the  whole  of 
Slovenian  literature  under  his  arm. 

1  In  the  election  of  1890  the  results  showed  one  deputy  for  every  sixty  land- 
lords, one  for  every  twenty-five  merchants,  one  for  every  three  thousand  inhab- 
itants of  the  towns,  and  one  for  every  eleven  thousand  and  six  hundred  of  the 
rural  districts. 


434     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Some  of  the  militant  partisans  of  German  culture  formed 
an  association,  known  as  the  "National  German  Union," 
which  had  for  its  object  the  unswerving  maintenance 
of  unverfdlschtes  Deutschtum,  or  "undiluted  Germanism." 
This  organization  fought  ^very  element  which  was  not 
strictly  German:  it  was  naturally  anti-Slav;  it  was  also  anti- 
clerical, because  the  Catholic  Church,  having  adherents 
among  all  the  races  in  the  Empire,  was  averse  to  being 
"national";  it  was  anti-Semitic,  because  it  looked  upon 
the  Jews  as  foreigners  incapable  of  assimilating  German 
ideals.  The  members  of  this  organization  even  went  so  far 
as  to  advocate  the  incorporation  of  the  German  parts  of 
Austria  with  Germany;  in  order  to  be  more  welcome  to  the 
latter,  they  proposed  to  convert  themselves  to  Protestant- 
ism.  '' Los  von  Rom!'' wdistheiv  cry. 

The  crisis  came  in  1897,  when  Prime  Minister  Badeni, 
a  Pole,  proposed  to  grant  full  equality  to  the  Czech  and 
The  Ian-  German  languages  in  Bohemia.  Pandemonium 
guage  Strug-    ^j-oke  loose  in  the  Reichsrat.  The  German  mem- 

gle  in  the 

Reichsrat  bcrs  decided  to  show  their  disapproval  of  this 
innovation  by  parliamentary  obstruction  and  by  physical 
violence.  One  member  spoke  continuously  for  twelve  hours. 
Members  denounced  each  other  in  violent  and  even  in  ob- 
scene language.  Inkstands  were  hurled  at  the  Czechs  by 
the  excited  Germans.  At  one  time  the  platform  of  the  as- 
sembly was  stormed,  the  President  seized  and  held,  while 
the  official  papers  on  his  desk  were  torn  to  pieces  in  his 
presence.  The  street  soon  took  the  cue  from  Parliament, 
and  riots  between  the  various  racial  factions  broke  out. 
These  tactics  and  riots  succeeded  in  their  object,  for  the 
objectionable  decrees  were  withdrawn  the  following  year. 
Then  it  was  the  turn  of  the  Czechs  to  become  violent,  and 
the  scenes  of  the  previous  year  were  repeated.  Parliamen- 
tary life  became  intolerable ;  and  the  Government  decided 
to  rule  without  the  Reichsrat,  which  it  did  for  six  years. 
During  this  period  Parliament  was  virtually  suspended, 
and  imperial  decrees  took  the  place  of  legislation. 

Many  patriotic  Austrians  were  of  the  opinion  that  the 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  435 

introduction  of  democracy  would  tend  to  weaken  the  in- 
tense "racialism"  of  the  various  national  groups  Universal 
by  giving  them  a  wider  horizon  and,  especially,  suffrage 
by  bringing  to  the  front  new  voters  and  new  issues.  Already, 
in  1896,  a  beginning  had  been  made  by  introducing  uni- 
versal suffrage  for  one  sixth  of  the  members  of  the  Reichsrat. 
Finally,  in  1907,  an  entirely  new  electoral  law  was  passed 
which  established  equal,  direct,  universal  manhood  suffrage 
for  the  election  of  members  to  the  Reichsrat.  In  the  dis- 
tribution of  seats  care  was  taken  to  limit  a  constituency  as 
much  as  possible  to  people  of  one  race  in  order  to  avoid  race 
politics.  At  last,  democracy  came  to  Austria,  and  the  re- 
sult of  the  elections  of  1907  was  most  striking;  the  two  in- 
terracial parties,  the  Socialists  and  the  Christian  Socialists, 
made  large  gains,  and  the  purely  race  parties,  like  the 
Young  Czechs,  lost  heavily.^ 

But  universal  suffrage  did  not  prove  a  complete  solvent 
of  Austria's  race  problems.    Before  long,  the  new  electors, 
too,  began  to  divide  along  national  lines;  racial  Persistence 
fissures  were  observed  even  among  the  Socialists,  of  racial  an- 

>^        1  1    /^  •       tagonisms 

The  conflict  between  Czechs  and  Germans  in 
Bohemia  was  not  stilled ;  on  the  contrary,  it  went  on  with 
ever- increasing  fury.  Riots  by  Germans  were  succeeded 
by  riots  by  Czechs  so  that,  in  1913,  the  Bohemian  Diet  was 
suspended  by  the  Government ;  for  a  time  the  country  was 
governed  by  a  commission  appointed  from  Vienna.  Many 
attempts  at  compromise  were  made,  but  nothing  would 
satisfy  either  party  except  the  supremacy  of  its  own  lan- 
guage. 

Since  1907  the  chief  supporters  of  the  Government  have 
been  the  Christian  Socialists  and  the  Poles.    The  advent 
of  the  former  marked  an  interesting   phase  of  j^ie  Chris- 
Austrian  politics,  for  it  was  an  interracial  party  tian  Social- 

ists 

organized  to  fight  the  influence  of  the  Jews  in 

economic  and  political  life.    Anti-Semitism  was  the  main 

■'  Out  of  516  members,  the  Socialists  elected  87,  the  Christian  Socialists  96, 
the  Young  Czechs  82,  the  Poles  72,  the  Germans  62,  the  Ruthenians  30,  and  the 
Southern  Slavs  37;  the  rest  were  scattered  among  many  small  groups. 


436     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

principle  of  the  Christian  Socialists,  but  they  also  advocated 
social  legislation  in  favor  of  the  working  classes.  This 
party  gained  enormous  popularity  under  the  leadership  of 
Dr.  Karl  Lueger,  the  famous  Burgomaster  of  Vienna,  who 
dominated  the  politics  of  the  capital  for  many  years.  Al- 
though at  first  holding  aloof  from  the  clerical  parties,  it 
finally  joined  them  to  make  common  cause  against  the  Jews 
and  the  big  capitalists. 

A  proposal  in  191 1  to  increase  the  army  encountered 
vigorous  opposition  in  the  Reichsrat  which  led  to  a  dis- 
The  Army  solution  of  that  body.  In  the  elections  that  fol- 
Bill  of  191 1  lowed,  the  Christian  Socialists,  who  had  favored 
the  bill,  suffered  a  crushing  defeat ;  and  the  German  Liberals, 
who  had  opposed  it,  gained  many  seats.  But  the  inter- 
national crises  arising  out  of  the  Morocco  Affair  and  the 
Balkan  Wars^  compelled  the  newly  elected  Parliament  to 
pass  a  law  increasing  the  army. 

Although  the  Dual  Monarchy  possesses  rich  natural  re- 
sources such  as  coal,  iron,  and  oil,  good  inland  water  routes 
Economic  insuring  cheap  transportation,  and  an  abundant 
conditions  labor  supply,  it  is  still  largely  an  agricultural 
country. 2  This  is  partly  due  to  the  fact  that,  excepting  for 
the  strip  of  Adriatic  coast,  Austria-Hungary  is  an  inland 
country.  Her  overseas  trade  is  small  compared  with  her 
continental  or  inland  trade;  and  more  than  half  of  the  for- 
eign commerce  is  with  Germany.  Most  of  Austria's  exports 
are  agricultural  products,  but  it  also  sends  abroad  large 
quantities  of  glass  and  earthenware,  the  excellent  quality  of 
which  is  well  known  in  the  markets  of  the  world.  Bohemia 
is  the  home  of  the  great  brewing  interests,  and  the  beer  of 
Pilsen  and  Budweis  are  famous  throughout  the  world. 

Austria,  like  Russia,  is  in  need  of  more  seaports.  As  we 
Expansion  have  already  seen,  she  possesses  but  one  impor- 
of  Austria  ^-g^j-^^  port,  Trieste,  which  may  at  any  time  be 
taken  from  her  by  Italy ;  in  such  a  case  Austria  would  be- 

^  See  p.  708. 

^  There  are  only  nine  cities  with  a  population  of  over  a  hundred  thousand  in 
Austria-Hungary. 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  437 

come  almost  completely  landlocked.  Because  of  this  her 
foreign  policy  has  been  directed  more  and  more  toward  the 
Balkans,  the  Drang  nach  Osten,  with  the  object  of  advancing 
to  Saloniki,  the  great  port  on  the  JEgean  Sea.  When,  in 
1878,  the  Congress  of  Berlin^  empowered  Austria  to  oc- 
cupy and  administer  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  it  was  a 
great  step  in  that  direction;  and  when,  in  1908,  the  Austrian 
Foreign  Minister,  Von  Aehrenthal,  announced  the  formal 
annexation  of  these  provinces,  it  was  generally  understood 
that  the  "advance  to  Saloniki"  had  begun,  and  a  general 
European  war  was  almost  precipitated.^  But  the  time  was 
then  not  quite  ripe. 

Hungary  (1867-19 14) 

The  Ausgleich  of  1867   gave  Hungary  the  status  of  a 
quasi-independent   state.    The  Emperor  is  crowned   sepa- 
rately as   King  of  Hungary  with  the  ancient   Limited 
crown  of  St.  Stephen  at  the  capital,  Budapest,   power  of 
He  has  far  less  power  in  Hungary  than  in  Aus- 
tria, for  the  parties  in  the  Hungarian  Parliament  generally 
present  a  solid  front  against  Austrian  interference ;  he  there- 
fore has  little  influence  in  the  appointment  of  the  Cabinet, 
which  is  responsible  to  Parliament. 

The  Hungarian  Parliament  consists  of  the  Table  of 
Magnates,  composed  in  the  main  of  the  great  landed  aris- 
tocrats, and  an  elected  Chamber  of  Deputies,  ^ 

Government 

chosen  accordmg  to  a  complicated  iranchise 
law  which  insures  the  ascendancy  of  the  Magyar  race  and 
of  the  upper  classes.  This  franchise  law  contains  so  many 
restrictions,  property,  educational,  and  occupational,  that, 
out  of  a  population  of  20,500,000,  there  are  only  about 
1,000,000  voters, 

Hungary,  like  Austria,  contains  a  melange  of  races  ruled 
by  the  dominant  Magyars,  who  constitute  a  minority  of  the 
population  of  the  country.^    The  policy  of  the  Hungarian 

^  See  p.  634.  -  See  p.  645. 

*  According  to  the  census  of  1910  the  population  of  Hungary  was  about 
20,500,000,  divided  according  to  speech  into  10,000,000  Magyars,  5,500,000 
Slavs  (2,000,000  Slovaks,  3,000,000  Croats  and  Serbs,  and  500,000  Ruthenia,ns), 


438     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Government  toward  the  subject  races  has  been  one  of 
Magyariza-  ruthless  Magyarlzation.  The  warlike  Magyar 
tion  of  Hun-  minority  is  intensely  nationalistic  and  is  deter- 
mined to  root  out  all  other  national  influences 
irrespective  of  the  just  claims  of  the  subject  races. ^  Slavic 
and  Rumanian  associations  and  journals  have  been  arbi- 
trarily suppressed.  The  Magyar  language  is  the  only  one 
allowed  in  the  public  schools ;  private  schools,  established  by 
the  other  nationalities  to  maintain  their  languages,  are 
closed  on  one  pretext  or  another;  old  established  geo- 
graphic and  historic  names,  many  of  them  German,  have 
been  changed  to  Magyar.  In  order  to  prevent  the  other 
nationalities  from  electing  the  few  representatives  to  Par- 
liament to  which  they  are  entitled  under  the  unfair  electoral 
law,  the  Magyar  officials  resort  to  gerrymandering,  coercion, 
ballot-box  stuffing,  and  physical  violence.  Although  the  mass 
of  Slavs  and  Rumanians  in  Hungary  are  subject  economi- 
cally as  well  as  politically  to  their  Magyar  lords,  they  have 
managed,  in  one  way  or  another,  to  maintain  their  national 
sentiments,  and  Hungary  still  remains  very  far  from  being 
completely  Magyarized. 

Hungarian  politics  since  1867  have  been  concerned  chiefly 
with  two  questions,  the  relations  with  Austria  and  the 
Hungarian  Magyar  ascendancy.  On  the  first  question, 
political  Hungarians  have  divided  into  those  who  wish  to 

maintain  the  Compromise  of  1867  on  the  ground 
that  their  country  has  all  the  independence  that  it  wishes 
and,  in  addition,  the  military  protection  of  Austria  in  case 
of  war;  and  those  who  favor  nationalism  and  wish  to  loosen,, 
if  not  actually  to  sever,  the  few  ties  that  bind  the  two 
countries.  The  periodic  revision,  every  ten  years,  of  the 
economic  alliance  has  given  an  opportunity  to  these  mil- 
itant nationalists  to  oppose  it;  and  it   has  been  renewed 

3,000,000  Rumanians,  and  2,000,000  Germans.    There  are  about   1,000,000 
Jews,  who  are  included  among  those  of  Magyar  speech. 

^  The  only  exception  is  that  of  Croatia-Slavonia  which  is  permitted  to  have 
its  local  diet  and  the  use  of  its  own  language.  The  Croats  are  the  most  warlike 
of  the  Slavic  groups  and,  as  will  be  recollected,  greatly  assisted  Austria  in  re- 
conquering the  Hungarians  during  the  Revolution  of  1848. 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  439 

several  times  with  the  greatest  difficulty.  The  question  of 
maintaining  Magyar  ascendancy  has  consolidated  all  polit- 
ical opinion  on  matters  of  internal  policy;  hence  there  are 
no  political  parties  in  Hungary  even  in  the  loose  Conti- 
nental meaning  of  that  term.  Political  strife  is,  therefore, 
largely  along  personal  lines.  The  great  Hungarian  families, 
such  as  the  Tiszas,  Andrassys,  Kossuths,  and  Hedervarys, 
have  their  personal  followings ;  hence  the  struggle  is  mainly 
one  for  political  offices  and  honors. 

From  1875  to  1890  Count  Kalman  Tisza  was  Prime 
Minister.  His  policies  were  those  bequeathed  by  Deak, 
namely,  to  maintain  the  Ausgleich  with  Austria  Demands  of 
and  the  Magyar  ascendancy  in  Hungary.  There  pendence  , 
was  growing  up,  however,  a  powerful  movement  Party 
known  as  the  Independence  Party,  led  by  Francis  Kossuth, 
the  son  of  the  great  revolutionist,  which  boldly  declared 
for  "nationalism"  as  against  "dualism."  It  demanded, 
first,  the  economic  independence  of  Hungary;  and  secondly, 
the  complete  Magyarization  of  the  Hungarian  army,  by 
substituting  the  use  of  Magyar  for  German  in  all  commands. 

In  1897  the  decennial  economic  agreement  came  to  an 
end,  and  the  Independence  Party  decided  to  oppose  its 
renewal.  So  strong  was  the  obstruction  to  the  Opposition 
measure  organized  by  Kossuth  that  it  came  very  control  of  ^ 
near  being  rejected  by  the  Hungarian  Parlia-  the  army 
ment.  Another  struggle  took  place  in  1903  between  "dual- 
ism "  and  "nationalism"  over  the  question  of  the  language 
of  command  in  the  army,  Austria  had  voted  her  share  of 
the  army  budget,  but  the  Independence  Party  insisted  on 
the  use  of  Magyar  in  the  Hungarian  army  as  a  condition 
of  its  being  passed  by  the  Hungarian  Parliament.  This 
was  refused  by  Austria,  and  Kossuth's  influence  w^as  suf- 
ficient to  defeat  the  project  and  to  overthrow  the  Heder- 
vary  Ministry  which  favored  it.  The  matter  was  a  serious 
one  for  the  Dual  Monarchy,  and  the  Emperor-King  stepped 
forward  and  declared  that  under  no  circumstances  would 
he  permit  the  unity  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  army  to  be 
broken  and  demanded  that  Hungary  fulfill  her  part  of  the 


440     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Compromise  of  1867  and  vote  for  the  budget.  Count 
Stephen  Tisza,  the  new  Prime  Minister,  finally  succeeded  in 
passing  the  army  bill,  but  he  found  the  opposition  of  the 
Independence  Party  very  strong  and  the  obstructionist 
tactics  of  Kossuth  almost  unbearable.  Rioting  frequently 
took  place  in  the  Hungarian  Parliament,  and  a  special 
police  force  had  to  be  organized  to  keep  the  members  in 
order.  Parliament  was  dissolved,  but  the  new  election  was 
a  complete  triumph  for  Kossuth,  as  his  party  won  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  seats  to  control  the  House. 

This  brought  about  the  most  critical  situation  for  the 
Dual  Monarchy  since  1848.  Should  Kossuth  form  a  Min- 
Threat  of  Istry,  backed  as  he  was  by  popular  support,  the 
universal        connection  between  Austria  and  Hungary  might 

suffrage  1         1       a  •     1       1  o      j         o 

quiets  op-  DC  sundcrcd.  Austria  had  recourse  to  the  same 
position  remedy  now  as  in  1848,  namely,  favoring  the 
Slavs.  The  Emperor-King  threatened  to  use  his  influence 
in  favor  of  universal  suffrage  which  would  result  in  taking 
the  control  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament  from  the  Magyar 
and  giving  It  to  the  non- Magyar  races.  The  threat  was  suf- 
ficient. A  Coalition  Ministry  was  formed  under  Dr.  Wekerle 
which  decided  to  uphold  "dualism."  The  army  budget  was 
passed  and  the  economic  alliance  renewed  In  1907. 

But  the  conflict  between  Hapsburg  imperialism  and 
Hungarian  nationalism  was  Irrepressible.  It  broke  out 
afresh  in  1910,  when  the  question  came  up  of  renewing  the 
charter  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Bank,  which  unifies  the 
financial  relations  between  the  two  countries.  The  Coali- 
tion Ministry  was  disrupted  by  the  Independence  Party, 
which  favored  a  separate  national  bank  for  Hungary. 
Obstruction  and  rioting  again  took  place  in  Parliament,  and 
more  than  once  the  parliamentary  police  had  to  be  called  in 
to  eject  riotous  members.  Finally,  Count  Khuen-Hedervary 
succeeded  in  forming  a  Cabinet  which  renewed  the  charter. 

Over  the  other  question  which  has  agitated  Hungarian 
The  suffrage  politics,  namely,  universal  suffrage,  there  has  also 
question  been  serious  conflict.  In  1907-08  riotous  demon- 
strations took  place  In  the  streets  of  the  capital,  Budapest, 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  441 

against  the  unfair  electoral  law.  A  franchise  bill  was  intro- 
duced which  made  a  few  concessions  to  universal  suffrage 
but  contained  nothing  which  would  "compromise  the 
Magyar  character  of  the  Hungarian  state."  In  1912  more 
rioting  took  place,  and  a  similar  bill  was  again  introduced 
which  was  entirely  unsatisfactory  to  the  advocates  of  uni- 
versal suffrage.  Great  demonstrations  against  the  bill  were 
made  by  the  Socialists,  who  threatened  a  general  strike,  but 
the  bill  was  passed  by  Parliament.  Universal  suffrage,  there- 
fore, still  remains  to  be  established  in  Hungary. 

As  the  war  clouds  were  beginning  to  gather  over  the 
European  skies,  there  began  a  rapprochement  between  Hun- 
gary and  Austria.    Even  the  recalcitrant  Inde-  Fear  of  Rus- 
pendence  Party  realized  that  a  war  which  in-  peace  be- 
volved  Russia  might  be  disastrous  to  Hungary,   ^^^^^j^^"^" 
which  lies  open  to  direct  invasion  by  Russian  Hungary 
armies.   The  bird  call  of  Pan -Slavism,  occasionally  sounded 
by  Russia,  was  heard  by  the  Slavs  of  Hungary  as  well  as 
by  those  in  Austria  and  in  the  Balkans.  Out  of  fear  of  Rus- 
sia  Magyars   and   Austrians   were   now  inclined   to   bury 
their  differences  in  order  to  present  a  solid  front  "to  the 
dread  power  of  the  North." 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  KINGDOM  OF  ITALY 
1870-1914 

Government  and  Political  Parties 

The  constitution  of  United  Italy  is  based  on  the  Statuto 
of  1848  granted  by  King  Charles  Albert  to  Sardinia.  It 
establishes  in  the  kingdom  a  "representative 
monarchical  government"  and  provides  for  a 
parliament  to  enact  laws  and  for  a  king  and  cabinet  to  exe- 
cute them.  The  position  of  the  King  of  Italy  is  not  unlike 
that  of  the  King  of  England;  he,  too,  "reigns,  but  does  not 
rule."  Nevertheless,  his  influence  permeates  the  Govern- 
ment, particularly  in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs,  far  more 
than  does  that  of  his  fellow  monarch  in  England.  In  do- 
mestic affairs  the  Italian  King  interferes  but  rarely,  and  then 
only  in  times  of  crisis;  he  does  not  veto  bills  and  appoints 
to  office  only  those  recommended  by  his  Ministers.  The 
House  of  Savoy  is  very  popular  in  Italy,  because  it  is  truly 
a  democratic  dynasty,  having  been  freely  accepted  by  the 
people  through  the  popular  mandate  of  a  plebiscite. 

Parliament  is  composed  of  two  Houses,  the  Senate  and  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies.  The  former  is  a  body  of  great  dig- 
^   ,.  nity  but   of  little  legislative   authority,  and  it 

Parliament  ,  "l  ..  ^        .  .  ,  r     1       /-i 

seldom,  if  ever,  opposes  the  wishes  of  the  Cham- 
ber. Senators  are  appointed  for  life,  generally  for  distin- 
guished service  in  various  fields,  such  as  public  service, 
literature,  science,  and  commerce.  The  Chamber  is  elected 
by  popular  vote  for  a  term  of  five  years,  unless  it  is  sooner 
dissolved  by  the  King  on  the  advice  of  the  Ministry.  As 
in  England  and  France,  the  principle  of  ministerial  respon- 
sibility is  fully  recognized  and  the  Cabinet  is  appointed  and 
dismissed  by  the  Chamber.  The  suffrage  has  undergone 
important  changes  since  unification.  Until  1882  a  citizen, 
in  order  to  vote,  had  to  be  at  least  twenty-five  years  of  age, 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   ITALY  443 

to  be  able  to  read  and  write,  and  to  have  sufficient  property 
on  which  to  pay  a  direct  annual  tax  of  at  least  five  dollars. 
An  Important  change  was  Introduced  by  the  Suffrage  Law 
of  1882  which  gave  the  vote  to  all  literate  male  citizens, 
reduced  the  property  qualification  by  one  half,  and  the  age 
limit  to  twenty-one.  This  reform  raised  the  number  of 
electors  from  about  628,000  to  about  2,050,000;  but  uni- 
\'ersal  suffrage  was  not  yet  established,  as  many  of  the  lower 
classes  were  Illiterate  and  consequently  unenfranchised.  In 
1 91 2  Parliament  passed  an  electoral  law  which  abolished  all 
property  qualifications  and  gave  the  vote  to  all  literate  male 
citizens  over  twenty-one,  and  to  all  illiterates  over  thirty. 
This  law  practically  established  universal  manhood  suffrage, 
for  It  raised  the  number  of  voters  from  about  3,250,000  to 
about  8,635,000. 

Local  government  In  Italy  is  closely  modeled  on  that  of 
France.  The  country  Is  divided  Into  artificial  areas  called 
provinces  which  are  presided  over  by  prefects  Local  gov- 
with  large  powers,  appointed  by  the  central  ernment 
Government.  Historical  units  were  deliberately  Ignored  In 
the  process  of  centralizing  the  administrative  system  in 
order  to  counteract  the  separatist  tendencies  which  had 
kept  Italy  divided  for  so  many  centuries.  "Italy  is  made. 
Let  us  now  make  Italians,"  was  the  dictum  of  the  patriot, 
D'Azegllo. 

Political  parties  In  Italy  hardly  deserve  the  name.  Ex- 
cepting the  Socialists,  they  are  loosely  organized  factions 
without  any  definite  body  of  principles  and  are  largely  the 
personal  followings  of  political  leaders.  Generally  speak- 
ing, the  political  groups  in  the  Chamber  may  be  classified 
as  Constitutionalists,  or  Liberals,  who  inherit  the  traditions 
and  Ideals  of  Cavour;  Radicals,  who  come  mainly  from  the 
South  and  who  favor  advanced  legislation  in  a  vague  sort 
of  way;  Republicans,  who  stoutly  uphold  the  traditions  and 
ideals  of  MazzinI,  but  who  are  constantly  losing  In  numbers 
and  Influence  and  for  that  reason  are  ridiculed  as  "four 
nuts  rattling  in  a  bag";  Catholics,  who  uphold  the  influence 
of  the  Church  in  public  life  and  consequently  oppose  the 


444     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

tendencies  of  the  day  toward  secular  education,  separation 
of  Church  and  State,  and  divorce;  and  SociaHsts,  who 
stand  for  the  same  things  as  their  brethren  the  world  over. 

Problems  after  Unification 

The  unification  of  1870  brought  to  a  close  an  era  of  rev- 
olutionary violence  and  established  internal  peace  as  well 
Co  ditions  ^^  Unity.  But  the  new  nation  inherited  many 
in  the  North  of  the  grave  problems  of  the  past,  which  it  has 
been  bravely  trying  to  solve  ever  since.  By  far 
the  most  serious  problem  confronting  the  nation  was  the 
South.  Italy  has  been  described  as  "a  country  in  which  two 
stages  of  civilization  exist  in  the  same  state,"  so  markedly 
different  are  conditions  in  different  parts  of  the  peninsula. 
The  North  is  highly  developed  industrially,  with  many 
large  cities  inhabited  by  a  progressive  and  prosperous  mid- 
dle class  and  by  a  spirited  and  independent  working  class. 
In  the  rural  districts  the  land  is  cultivated  largely  by 
peasant  proprietors  who  manage  to  live  well,  though  fru- 
gally. Once  south  of  Tuscany  the  scene  changes.  Few  large 
cities  are  to  be  found,  and  one  beholds  dreary,  desolate 
regions  that  are  uncultivated  and  only  partially  inhabited. 
Most  of  the  land  in  the  South  and  in  Sicily  is  owned  by  large 
proprietors  and  cultivated  by  half-starved  peasant  tenants, 
who  manage  to  eke  out  an  existence  with  the  greatest  dif- 
ficulty. Centuries  of  bad  government  under  the  Bourbons 
had  produced  a  contempt  for  the  orderly  administration  of 
the  laws,  so  that  many  became  accustomed  to  substitute 
private  vengeance  for  public  justice.  Murder  and  violence 
of  all  kinds  were  of  common  occurrence  and  secret  criminal 
societies,  like  the  Mafia  of  Sicily  and  the  Camorra  of  Naples, 
gained  a  demoralizing  influence  over  the  inhabitants. 
Illiteracy  was  so  common  in  the  region  that,  in  1870,  fully 
ninety  per  cent  of  its  inhabitants  were  said  to  be  unable  to 
read  and  write.  A  large  section  of  the  population  of  the  city 
of  Naples,  known  as  lazzaroni,  half-criminals,  half-beggars, 
who  had  been  one  of  the  chief  mainstays  of  the  Bourbon 
regime,  were  now  a  grave  problem  to  the  authorities. 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   ITALY  445 

The  new  Government  began  energetically  to  remove  some 
of  the  most  flagrant  evils.  Brigandage  was  entirely  sup- 
pressed, and  a  systematic  effort  was  made  to  Suppression 
uproot  the  secret  criminal  societies.  The  trial  °^  disorder 
and  conviction,  in  191 3,  of  the  Camorra  chiefs  partially  dis- 
rupted this  terrible  organization.  Although  considerable 
sums  were  spent  in  draining  the  swamps  and  irrigating  the 
arid  lands  in  the  South,  it  was  not  sufficient  to  make  the 
region  fertile  and  healthy. 

In  1870  fully  seventy- three  per  cent  of  all  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  kingdom  were  illiterate.  Italian  patriots  were 
ashamed  of  this  blot  on  their  country,  and  a  law  ,„. 

1   •         o  1  •  1  •  r  1    Illiteracy 

was  passed  m  1877  makmg  education  free  and 
compulsory.  But  no  adequate  provision  was  made  to  enforce 
this  law.  Schools  were  few  and  badly  equipped,  teachers 
were  poorly  paid,  and  the  school  year  was  short.  Italy  was 
poor;  and  the  cost  of  maintaining  the  army  and  navy  con- 
sumed so  much  of  the  public  revenues  that  economy  was 
practiced  on  education.  The  middle  classes,  who  came  into 
power  after  1870,  were  rather  averse  to  spending  money 
on  the  common  schools  lest  the  lower  classes  become  more 
dangerous  through  being  better  educated.  But  the  vast 
areas  of  ignorance  in  Italy  were  becoming  a  matter  of  com- 
mon reproach.  A  new  law  was,  therefore,  passed  in  1904 
which  required  every  commune  to  provide  for  one  or  more 
public  schools  to  be  supported  by  local  taxation  supple- 
mented by  grants  from  the  Government.  Provision  was  also 
made  for  educating  the  recruits  in  the  army.  A  marked  de- 
crease in  illiteracy  took  place,  so  that  in  1914  it  had  fallen 
to  about  twenty-five  per  cent. 

Hea\y  taxes  have  been  laid  in  order  to  get  money  for 
the  necessary  public  improvements  and  for  the  support 
of  a  large  military  establishment.   The  brunt  of  . 

it  is  borne  by  those  least  able  to  do  so,  the  peas- 
ants and  the  working  classes,  as  the  articles  taxed  are  bread- 
stuffs,  sugar,  and  cheese.   Land  taxes  are  so  high  that  they 
amount,  in  some  cases,  to  twenty-five  per  cent  of  the  entire 
yield  of  a  farm.    Peasant  farms  are  frequently  seized  and 


446     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

sold  for  non-payment  of  taxes.  The  taxes  on  salt  and  sugar 
are  so  high  that  these  necessities  have  become  almost  lux- 
uries to  the  very  poorest  Italians.  In  spite  of  the  heavy 
taxes,  the  poverty  of  the  country,  and  the  great  outlays  of 
the  Government,  the  management  of  the  finances  was  so 
bad  that  Italy  was  always  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy. 
A  great  reform  in  the  finances  was  inaugurated  in  1905-06 
by  the  well-known  Italian  statesman-financier,  Luigi  Luz- 
zatti,  with  the  result  that  the  national  treasury  began  to 
show  a  surplus  instead  of  a  deficit. 

In  spite  of  the  expansion  of  industry,  the  increase  in 
population  was  so  large  ^  that  many  were  forced  to  seek 
^   .      .        homes  elsewhere  and  a  considerable  number  of 

hmigration       ti*  -itt-io 

Italians  sought  new  homes  m  the  United  States, 
Brazil,  and  the  Argentine  Republic.^  Many  also  went  to 
Northern  Africa,  to  France,  and  to  Germany.  Entire  dis- 
tricts in  the  South  became  depopulated  through  emigra- 
tion. Modern  means  of  cheap  and  rapid  transportation  have 
made  possible  the  transfer  of  large  numbers  of  laborers 
from  one  country  to  another  and,  in  a  way,  the  Italian  has 
become  the  common  laborer  of  the  industrial  world.  Most 
of  the  emigrants  are  from  the  South,  though  many  Northern- 
ers of  the  middle  class  emigrate  to  South  America  where 
they  become  prosperous  merchants.  In  some  ways  this  vast 
emigration  was  beneficial  to  Italy  for  it  drained  off  the  sur- 
plus population;  besides,  the  money  sent  from  abroad  to 
relatives  and  friends  at  home  was  the  means  of  bettering 
conditions  for  thousands  of  families.  Many  emigrants  re- 
turned to  Italy  bringing  with  them  higher  standards  of 
comfort  and  of  education  which  stimulated  a  demand  for 
better  conditions  at  home. 

For  a  time  the  most  serious  question  that  confronted 
Church  and  Italy  after  1870  was  the  hostility  between  Church 
State  a^j^(^  State.     Parliament  passed  in  1871  the  fa- 

mous Law  of  Papal  Guarantees,  which  proposed  to  solve  the 

^  Between  1870  and  1914  the  population  of  Italy  increased  from  25,000,000 
to  35,000,000. 

^  During  1878  about  96,000  Italians  emigrated;  in  1906,  the  number  rose  to 
788,000;  but  it  fell  to  450,000  in  1913. 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   ITALY  447 

question  on  Cavour's  principle  of  a  free  church  In  a  free 
state.  The  Pope  was  declared  an  independent  sovereign 
and,  as  such,  was  entitled  to  receive  and  to  send  ambassa- 
dors and  to  conduct  diplomatic  affairs  without  any  inter- 
ference from  the  Italian  Government.  His  territory,  how- 
ever, was  limited  to  the  district  in  Rome  known  as  the 
"Leonine  City,"  over  which  floated  the  Papal  flag,  and  into 
which  no  Italian  officer  could  enter  without  permission  from 
the  Papal  authorities.  As  indemnity  for  the  loss  of  his 
domains  the  Pope  was  voted  in  perpetuity  an  annual  sum 
of  $645,000;  in  addition,  the  palaces,  churches,  museums, 
ofhces,  villas,  and  gardens  In  the  Leonine  City  were  to  be 
exempt  from  taxation,  and  the  Papal  Government  was  to 
have  free  use  of  the  Italian  railway,  postal,  and  telegraph 
systems.  The  Church  was  guaranteed  full  freedom  of  self- 
government,  and  the  old  interference  by  the  State  In  church 
affairs  was  declared  terminated. 

Pius  IX,  however,   indignantly  refused  to  accept  the 
terms  of  the  "sub-Alpine"  Government,  as  he  termed  the 
House  of  Savoy,  whom  he  regarded  as  the  de    "ThePris- 
spoller  of  "God's  vicar."    Parliament  has  regu-  oner  of  the 
larly  voted  the  annuity  since  1871,  but  it  has 
never  been  accepted ;  to  accept  It  would  be  to  recognize  the 
Kingdom  of  Italy  as  a  legitimate  Government,  which  no 
Pope  since  1871  has  been  willing  to  do.   Pius  IX  shut  him- 
self up  in  his  tiny  domain  and  refused  to  leave  It  under  any 
circumstances,  regarding  himself  as  the  "Prisoner  of  the 
Vatican";^  his  successors  to  this  day  have  followed  this 
policy  and  have  never  set  foot  outside  the  Vatican  once 
they  were  elected  Pope.  An  encyclical  was  issued,  known  as 
the  non  expedit,  forbidding  Italian  Catholics  to  vote  at  the 
elections  for  Parliament  or  to  hold  office  under  the  Crown. 

At  first  the  situation  was  embarrassing  and  even  danger- 
ous to  the  Italians,  who  feared  that  France  or  Austria  might 
champion  the  cause  of  the  Pope  and  compel  them  to  evac- 
uate Rome.    But  the  defeat  of  these  two  Catholic  nations 

1  The  Vatican  is  the  palace  of  the  Pope,  but  it  is  used  figuratively  to  mean 
the  Papacy. 


448     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

by  Prussia  and,  especially,  the  establishment  of  an  anti- 
clerical Republic  in  France,  made  such  an  event  only  a 
remote  possibility,  and  the  "Prisoner  of  the  Vatican"  be- 
came a  polite  fiction.  As  time  went  on  there  began  a  rap- 
prochement between  the  Vatican  and  the  Quirinal,^  though, 
in  theory,  the  successors  of  Pius  IX  continued  to  advocate 
the  restoration  of  their  temporal  power. 

Economic  and  Social  Progress 

Italy  is  still  largely  an  agricultural  country,  but,  unfor- 
tunately, it  is  not  the  land  of  laughing  plenty  overflowing 
.    .    ,  with  corn  and  wine  that  it  has  so  often  been 

Agriculture 

pictured.  Large  areas  m  the  South  consist  of 
barren  rocks,  bleak,  deforested  mountains,  and  unhealthy 
swamps.  The  Italian  peasants  are  hard-working  and  frugal 
to  almost  an  unbelievable  degree,  but  they  are  too  poor  and 
too  conservative  to  apply  modern  scientific  methods  to 
farming;  hence  the  yield  per  acre  is  small  compared  with 
that  in  Germany,  England,  or  France.  Many  agricultural 
cooperative  societies,  organized  by  the  Socialists  and  the 
Catholics,  have  endeavored  to  remedy  conditions  by  es- 
tablishing rural  banks  which  loan  money  to  landholders  at 
low  interest  and  by  introducing  better  methods  of  tilling 
and  marketing.  Great  attention  is  paid  to  wine  culture,  and 
"vine-clad  hills"  are  a  common  sight  in  some  parts  of  Italy; 
thus  she  is  rapidly  becoming  the  leading  wine-producing 
country  in  the  world. 

Although  Italy  lacks  the  two  essentials  of  a  modern  in- 
dustrial nation,  coal  and  iron,^  she  has  made  astonishing 
Industry  and  industrial  progress  through  extensive  utilization 
commerce  ^f  "white  coal,"  or  the  many  and  rapid  streams 
which  have  been  harnessed  and  transformed  into  electrical 
energy.    The  revival  of  Mediterranean  trade  ^  at  the  end 

^  The  Quirinal  is  the  palace  of  the  King,  but  it  is  used  figuratively  to  mean 
the  Italian  Government. 

^  Italy's  output  of  coal  is  insignificant,  and  she  imports  nearly  all  that  she 
needs  from  England.  Her  iron  production  is  small;  in  1913  she  produced  only 
about  663,000  tons.  Her  greatest  mineral  production  is  that  of  sulphur  which 
is  mined  in  Sicily;  the  yield  in  1913  was  almost  2,700,000  tons. 

'  See  p.  652. 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   ITALY  449 

of  the  nineteenth  century  gave  Italy  an  opportunity,  once 
more  as  in  the  Middle  Ages,  to  become  commercially  im- 
portant, and  her  merchant  marine  has  expanded  very 
rapidly.^  Foreign  capital,  mainly  German  and  French,  be- 
gan to  pour  into  the  country,  because  it  was  attracted  by 
the  possibilities  of  Italian  economic  development. 

In  recent  years  Italy  has  risen  to  be  the  leading  silk- 
producing  nation  of  Europe,  and  Milan  has  displaced  Lyons 
as  the  silk  capital  of  the  world. ^  Cotton  manufacturing, 
too,  has  made  surprising  progress,  and  numerous  cotton 
factories  are  now  to  be  found  in  the  North. ^  A  protective 
tarifif,  adopted  in  1888,  led  to  a  tariff  war  with  France, 
with  disastrous  results  for  Italy:  the  South,  which  lost 
thereby  a  valuable  market  for  her  agricultural  products, 
was  almost  ruined.  But  good  relations  were  later  reestab- 
lished through  new  commercial  treaties.  A  growing  trade 
has  also  developed  with  the  Balkan  States  and  with  South 
America,  but  most  of  Italy's  commerce  is  with  the  other 
European  countries  and  with  the  United  States.  Germany 
is  by  far  the  leading  nation  in  Italy's  foreign  commerce.^ 
Italian  exports  are  mainly  wheat,  silk  and  cotton  goods, 
wines,  olive  oil,  fruits,  and  artistic  products  in  marble  and 
alabaster;  her  imports  are  coal,  iron,  machinery,  raw  cot- 
ton, and  raw  material  generally. 

The  position  of  the  industrial  worker  in  Italy  is  worse 
than  that  of  any  other  Western  nation  except  Spain.    Fac- 
tory laws  have  been  passed  regulating  the  labor  Inadequate 
of  women  and  children  in  industry,  but  these  of°the  '°" 
laws  are  inadequate  and  little  provision  has  been   workers 
made  to  enforce  them.    In  1908  a  law  was  passed  providing 
for  a  weekly  day  of  rest  for  industrial  laborers. 

With  regard  to  social  insurance  Italy  has  made  some 

'  In  1913  the  total  tonnage  of  Italy's  merchant  marine  was  1,137,000,  of 
which  fully  762,000  was  under  steam.  Many  vessels  are  engaged  in  the  fishing 
industry  which  employs  about  130,000  men. 

'  Between  1876  and  1906  Italy's  silk  production  more  than  quadrupled  and 
it  is  estimated  that  she  now  produces  about  one  fifth  of  the  world's  silk  output. 

'  In  1 9 13  the  cotton  exports  of  Italy  were  valued  at  about  $40,000,000. 

*  In  1913  the  total  foreign  trade  of  Italy  was  valued  at  about  $1,200,000,000, 
which  was  almost  three  times  that  in  1870. 


450     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

progress.  An  accident  insurance  law  was  passed  in  1898 
Social  in-  (amended  in  1903)  compelling  employers  to  in- 
surance gyj-g  ^j^gjj.  workingmen  against  industrial  acci- 
dents. Compensation  to  injured  workingmen  was  to  be  given 
in  proportion  to  the  gravity  of  the  injury,  the  funds  for  which 
were  to  be  provided  by  the  employers.  A  law  of  1898 
(amended  in  1906)  established  an  old-age  and  invalidity 
fund  for  workingmen,  membership  in  which  is  voluntary. 
This  fund  is  made  up  of  contributions  by  members,  and 
is  supplemented  by  subsidies  from  the  Government.  At 
the  age  of  sixty  a  member  receives  a  pension  varying  in 
amount  according  to  his  contributions.  This  is  not  really  a 
system  of  old-age  pensions,  but  a  government  savings  bank 
in  which  the  poor  are  encouraged  to  save  for  their  old  age. 
There  is  no  Italian  law  making  sickness  insurance  com- 
pulsory. In  1 910  Parliament  passed  an  act  making  ma- 
Maternity  ternity  insurance  compulsory  for  working- 
insurance  women,  who  receive  a  benefit  of  forty  lire  ($7.72) 
in  case  of  childbirth.  The  fund  is  made  up  of  contributions 
from  employers,  workers,  and  the  State. 

Political  History  (1870-1914) 

Once  unity  was  achieved,  the  vibrant  idealism  so  char- 
acteristic of  the  Italians  during  the  Risorgimento  began  to 
Rule  of  the  abate.  Italian  politics  since  1870  is  a  sorry  tale 
Right  q£    parliamentary   intrigue,   ofhce-seeking,    and 

political  corruption.  Up  to  1876  the  Government  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  Right,  led  by  Minghetti,  Sella,  and  Ri- 
casoli,  all  from  the  North,  who  governed  in  the  tradition 
of  Cavour.  Their  main  work  was  to  unify  Italy  internally; 
they  reorganized  and  centralized  the  administration,  na- 
tionalized the  railways,  and  established  universal  mili- 
tary service.  But  there  was  great  dissatisfaction  with  the 
rule  of  the  Right  because  of  the  heavy  taxes  they  imposed 
on  foodstuffs;  it  was  also  charged  that  they  were  more 
Piedmontese  in  sympathy  than  Italian  and  exploited  the 
South  for  the  sake  of  the  North. 

The  elections  of  1876  were  a  triumph  for  the  Left,  which 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   ITALY  451 

came  into  power  as  a  result  of  the  general  demand  for  uni- 
versal suffrage,  the  abolition  of  the  hated  grist-  Rule  of  the 
tax  on  cereals,  and  a  system  of  compulsory  edu-  ^^^^ 
cation.  New  political  leaders  were  now  at  the  helm,  Ago- 
stino  Depretis  and  Francesco  Crispi,  who  controlled  Ital- 
ian politics  for  almost  a  generation.  Once  in  power,  the 
Left  failed  to  perform  as  much  as  it  had  promised.  Those 
in  office  devoted  most  of  their  energies  to  keeping  them- 
selves in  power  through  corrupt  bargains  with  the  factions 
in  Parliament  and  through  debauching  the  electorate.  The 
South  was  now  in  the  saddle,  and  it  was  "  solid"  for  whoever 
was  at  the  head  of  the  Government;  and  politics  became 
scandalously  corrupt.  National  elections  were  manipu- 
lated by  the  Ministry,  which  used  patronage,  coercion,  and 
bribery  to  elect  its  supporters.  Party  lines  in  the  Chamber 
broke  down  completely  in  the  general  scramble  for  office, 
and  for  a  time  there  was  practically  no  opposition  to 
the  Ministry  except  by  the  Socialists  and  Republicans. 
Nevertheless,  the  Left  did  make  some  effort  to  redeem  its 
radical  promises,  for  it  enacted  the  education  and  suf- 
frage laws  already  described. 

\'ictor  Emmanuel  II  died  in  1878  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  son,  Humbert  I,  a  man  of  moderate  abilities  and  color- 
less character.   Depretis  had  been  Prime  Minis-   „  .    . 

.  nn  1  Cnspi 

ter  almost  contmuously  from  1876  to  1887  when 
he  was  succeeded  by  Crispi,  a  fiery  Sicilian,  brilliant  but 
erratic,  who  directed  political  affairs  during  the  next  dec- 
ade. Crispi  proved  himself  a  master  at  the  game  of  man- 
aging elections,  and  Italian  politics  became  largely  a  mat- 
ter of  personal  and  factional  intrigue.  In  1893  Italy  had 
its  "Panama"  in  the  Bank  of  Rome  scandal.  An  investi- 
gation of  this  institution  revealed  peculation  on  an  immense 
scale,  involving  many  prominent  men  in  public  life,  among 
them  Crispi  and  Giolitti.  A  feeling  of  disgust  swept  over 
Italy  and  many  began  to  abstain  from  voting  altogether, 
while  others  turned  to  socialism  as  a  protest  against  poli- 
tical corruption. 

Serious  labor  troubles  continually  broke  out  during  the 


452     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Crispi  r^ime  which,  at  times,  threatened  the  very  exist' 
The  Si  il  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  social  Order.  Poverty  and  heavy 
ian  labor  taxes  drove  many  into  advocating  revolutionary 
"°*^  social  changes;  socialism  and  anarchism  found 

many  adherents  among  the  working  classes,  and  not  a  few 
among  the  lower  middle  class.  Unions  of  agricultural 
laborers  were  formed  in  Sicily  which  began  a  widespread 
agitation  for  better  conditions.  This  so  frightened  the  landed 
proprietors  that  they  appealed  to  the  Government  to  dis- 
solve the  unions.  Crispi  filled  Sicily  with  troops  and  martial 
law  was  declared.  During  1893-94  serious  labor  riots  took 
place  on  the  island,  which  were  suppressed  with  a  savage 
fury  that  recalled  the  worst  days  of  Bourbon  rule.  Hun- 
dreds were  arrested  and  given  long  prison  sentences;  free- 
dom of  speech  and  of  association  were  abolished  for  a  time, 
greatly  to  the  indignation  of  the  liberal  elements.^ 

"Bread  riots"  were  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  indus- 
trial centers,  and  the  middle  classes  became  badly  fright- 
The  Milan  ened  at  what  seemed  to  be  an  approaching  social 
strike  revolution.    An  insurrection  of  the  workingmen 

broke  out  in  Milan  in  1898  which  threatened  to  grow  to  the 
proportions  of  a  revolution.  Barricades  were  erected  in  the 
streets,  and  fighting  took  place  between  the  proletariat  and 
the  military  much  in  the  manner  of  the  "June  days"  in 
Paris.  When  order  was  restored,  the  Government  meted 
out  severe  punishment  to  the  insurgents  and  to  those  who 
had  abetted  them.  Men  were  sentenced  to  long  terms  of 
imprisonment  for  "exaggerating  the  sufferings  of  the  poor" 
and  for  "attacking  the  monarchy  with  subtle  irony."  So 
frightened  were  the  governing  classes  at  the  growth  of  the 
socialist  and  anarchist  propaganda  that  a  proposition  was 
actually  considered  by  Parliament  to  suppress  by  statute 
any  organization  having  for  its  object  the  subversion  of  the 
present  social  order.  King  Humbert,  having  become  very 
unpopular  because  of  his  sympathy  with  Crispi's  harsh 
methods,  was  assassinated  in  1900  by  an  anarchist.    He  was 

^  Many  of  those  convicted  were  later  pardoned  or  released  after  a  short 
imprisonment. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ITALY  453 

succeeded  by  his  son,  Victor  Emmanuel  III,  whose  demo- 
cratic spirit  and  expressed  sympathy  with  the  working 
classes  have  gained  him  widespread  popularity. 

Giovanni  Giolitti  became  Premier  in  1903,  succeeding 
Crispi  as  the  leading  figure  in  Italian  politics.  His  attitude 
toward   the  workingmen  was  conciliatory,  and   „.  ,.   . 

1-1  •  1  1  r       1      Giolitti 

he  issued  a  statement  saymg  that  henceforth 
the  Government  would  remain  neutral  in  the  struggle  be- 
tween capital  and  labor.  Giolitti  favored  the  extension  of 
the  franchise  and  the  enactment  of  social  legislation  as  a 
means  of  quieting  discontent.  Nevertheless,  an  epidemic 
of  strikes  took  place  during  his  Ministry  which  greatly  dis- 
turbed the  economic  life  of  the  nation.  In  politics  socialism 
was  making  rapid  strides  and  every  election  brought  an 
increase  in  the  Socialist  delegation  to  the  Chamber.  Syn- 
dicalism, too,  was  making  headway,  and  the  Italian  work- 
ingmen were  organizing  "Chambers  of  Labor"  on  the  model 
of  those  in  France.^ 

In  1904  a  general  strike,  which  spread  rapidly  through- 
out the  North,  paralyzed  the  economic  life  of  that  indus- 
trial region.   At  times  Italy  seemed  to  be  living  Truce 
on  the  edge  of  a  social  volcano,  so  widespread  ch^urch" 
and  so  fiery  was  the  radical  agitation.   The  con-  and  State 
servative  forces  in  the  nation,  realizing  their  peril,  began 
to  harmonize  their  differences  in  order  to  present  a  solid 
front  to  the  revolutionists.     A  truce  was  called  in  the  war 
between  Church  and  State ;  and  the  non  expedit  was  partially 
removed  in  1905  by  Pope  Pius  X.   Catholics  were  permitted 
to  vote,  but  only  by  special  permission  and  under  the  guid- 
ance of  the  hierarchy ;  and  they  gave  their  support  to  those 
parliamentary  candidates  that  stood  for  the  preservation 
of  the  social  order. 

Partly  to  increase  the  illiterate  vote  which  the  Govern- 
ment hoped  to  control,  and  partly  to  pose  as  the  champion 
of  democracy.  Premier  Giolitti  secured  the  pas-  Elections 
sage  of  the  great  electoral  reform  of  191 2.   Al-  °^  "913 
though  the  number  of  those  qualified  to  vote  almost  trebled, 

^  See  p.  268. 


454     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

few  of  the  newly  enfranchised  took  part  in  the  elections  oi 
1913,  which  was  a  triumph  for  the  Socialists  and  the  cleri- 
cals at  the  expense  of  the  conservatives.^  In  these  elections 
the  Catholics  played  a  prominent  part  for  the  first  time, 
and  they  voted  for  Constitutionalists  when  the  election  of 
clericals  seemed  hopeless. 

The  year  1914  witnessed  a  remarkable  demonstration  by 
the  Italian  workingmen.  The  labor  unions,  having  or- 
^,  ,     ganlzed  a  General  Confederation  of  Labor  like 

The  general      ^ 

strike  of  that  In  France,  voted  a  general  strike  of  all 
^^^'^  labor  in  Italy  as  a  protest  against  the  shooting 

of  a  workingman  by  the  police  during  a  local  strike.  For 
forty-eight  hours  industrial  life  was  virtually  suspended: 
factories,  shops,  mines,  railways,  and  stores  were  at  a 
standstill,  and  even  newspapers  ceased  publication.  The 
authorities,  terrified,  hesitated  to  take  energetic  measures 
lest  the  general  strike,  which  had  been  called  as  a  protest, 
might  develop  into  a  social  revolution.  At  the  end  of  two 
days  the  men  quietly  returned  to  their  work. 

Foreign  Policies 

The  unification  of  their  country  had  generated  a  colossal 
national  pride  among  ItaHans,  who  began  to  think  of  Italy 
Expansion  as  the  heir  and  successor  of  Imperial  Rome.  To 
in  Africa  convert  the  Mediterranean  into  an  "Italian 
lake"  became  the  dream  of  Italian  statesmen,  notably  of 
Crispi,  who  was  chiefly  responsible  for  the  acquisition  of 
the  region  in  Eastern  Africa  since  known  as  Eritrea.  The 
extension  of  Italian  influence  in  this  region  roused  the  hos- 
tility of  the  Abysslnlans,  and  under  Menelek,  their  King, 
they  almost  annihilated  an  Italian  army  of  fourteen  thou- 
sand men  at  the  Battle  of  Adowa  (1896).  This  defeat  led 
to  the  fall  of  Crlspl's  Ministry  and  to  the  decline  of  his  in- 
fluence, but  it  did  not  put  an  end  to  Italian  ambitions  in 
Africa.    Taking  advantage  of  the  confusion  engendered  by 

1  Of  the  508  members  of  the  Chamber,  the  Socialists  elected  78,  a  gain  of  37; 
the  Catholics,  35,  a  gain  of  14;  the  Constitutionalists,  260,  a  loss  of  72;  the 
Radicals,  118,  a  gain  of  27;  and  the  Republicans,  17,  a  loss  of  6. 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   ITALY  455 

the  revolution  in  Turkey/  Italy  declared  war  on  the  latter 
in  191 1  and  conquered  Tripoli  and  Cyrenaica,  which  were 
organized  as  an  Italian  colony  under  the  name  of  Libya. 

Italy's  ambitious  designs  included  the  acquisition  of 
Albania,  Dalmatia,  Istria,  and  Trieste  on  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  Adriatic,  where  many  people  of  Italian  Italia  ir- 
origin  and  speech  live.  A  resounding  cry,  Italia  ''^^^"^^ 
irredenta  (unredeemed  Italy),  was  continually  heard  in 
Italian  politics,  and  a  party,  called  the  Irredentists,  carried 
on  a  lively  propaganda  for  the  redemption  of  the  Italian- 
speaking  provinces  still  under  Austrian  rule,  Trieste  and 
Trentino.^ 

For  a  time  Italy  sought  as  part  of  her  foreign  policy  to 
maintain  a  friendly  understanding  with  France  because  of 
the  latter's  help  in   bringing  about  her  unifica-   itaiy  joins 
tion.    But  the  French  occupation  of  Tunis,  on  the  Triple 
which  Italy  had  set  her  heart,  drove  her  into 
the  arms  of  Germany,  with  whom  and  Austria  she  formed 
the  Triple  Alliance  in  1882.^ 

Literature  during  the  Nineteenth  Century 

There  was  a  Risorgimento  in  the  literary  as  well  as  in 
the  political  history  of  Italy  in  the  course  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  A  consuming  nationalism  characterized  The  patri- 
all  the  Italian  writers  of  that  period.  It  was  ^^'^  "^^^'^^ 
present  in  poem,  novel,  and  drama,  all  of  which  found  their 
chief  inspiration  in  patriotism.  The  description  of  no  scene, 
the  delineament  of  no  character  or  emotion,  was  complete 
without  the  suggestion  that  behind  it  all  was  Italy,  past, 
present,  and  future.  Italian  authors  studied  the  records  of 
the  past  of  their  country  with  zealous  care  in  order  to  gain 
inspiration  for  their  work. 

Classicism  was  another  marked  characteristic  of  Italian 

1  See  p.  643. 

^  The  motto  of  the  Irredentists  is  a  passage  from  Dante's  Inferno  (canto  IX, 
lines  1 13-14),  "Pola  near  the  Quarnaro  that  bounds  Italy  and  bathes  its 
shores."  The  Quarnaro  is  a  gulf  at  the  tip  of  Istria,  a  province  of  Austria  on 
the  Adriatic. 

'  See  p.  685. 


456     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

writers  of  the  period.  Like  those  of  the  Renaissance  they 
The  passion  ^^S^^^^^  classic  antiquity  as  the  prime  source  of 
for  antiq-  their  Culture;  to  them  classicism  was  an  integral 
"'*^  part  of  their  intellectual   life,   not   merely  an 

aesthetic  theory.  This  passion  for  antiquity  may  be  as- 
cribed to  a  desire  to  seek  refuge  from  the  misery  of  their 
present  in  the  glories  of  their  past.  The  literature  of  this 
period  abounds  in  allusions  to  the  struggles  for  liberty 
among  the  ancients;  this  was  an  expression  of  the  nation's 
mood,  and  was  designed  as  a  subtle  form  of  propaganda 
against  Austrian  and  Bourbon  tyranny. 

The  most  important  figure  in  Italian  literature  during 

the   early   nineteenth    century   was   Alessandro    Manzoni 

.         (i  785-1 873),  the  greatest  of  Italian  novelists. 

His  famous  work,  /  Promessi  Sposi  {The  Be- 
trothed), is  a  historical  romance,  the  importance  of  which 
lies,  not  in  the  plot  or  incidents,  but  in  the  penetrating 
study  of  a  host  of  characters  that  have  since  become  house- 
hold names  in  Italy.  Manzoni  was  a  poet  as  well  as  a  novel- 
ist, and  his  ode  on  the  death  of  Napoleon,  Cinque  Maggio 
{May  Fifth),  met  with  universal  admiration  when  it  ap- 
peared. 

A  common  type  among  Italian  writers  is   the  scholar- 
poet,  among  whom  Giacomo  Leopardi  (1798-1837)  is  an 

example.   Leopardi  was  greatly  interested  in  the 

Leopardi  .  r      i  •   i    i  i-       i 

classics,  many  of  which  he  edited  and  translated ; 
but  his  real  significance  lies  in  his  poetry.  A  spirit  of  deep 
and  gloomy  pessimism  pervades  nearly  all  of  his  work.  He 
sees  eternal  warfare  everywhere.  The  great  enemy  of  man 
is  nature,  to  whose  ravages  everything  sooner  or  later  suc- 
cumbs. In  his  odes  to  Italy  and  to  Dante,  Leopardi  rises 
to  a  noble  height  of  patriotic  fervor;  in  melodious  verse  he 
pictures  his  beloved  Italy  awakened  from  her  sleep  of  cen- 
turies only  to  find  herself  weak  and  despised. 

Giosue  Carducci  (i 835-1 907)  was,  In  the  opinion  of  many 
.        competent  critics,  the  greatest  Italian  poet  since 

Tasso.  Like  Leopardi,  he  was  a  scholar  as  well 
as  a  poet.  He  was  actively  engaged  as  a  teacher  and  critic 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   ITALY  457 

of  literature  nearly  all  his  life.  Carducci  found  his  highest 
ideals  in  ancient  paganism,  and  he  continually  attacks 
Christianity  as  the  enemy  of  liberty  and  happiness.  His 
Ode  to  Satan  created  a  sensation,  for  he  pictured  Satan,  not 
as  the  traditional  devil  at  war  with  all  that  is  good,  but  as 
the  spirit  of  liberty  and  progress  continually  in  revolt  against 
the  chains  of  dogma;  Satan  is  reason  defying  authority  as 
represented  by  the  Church.  Carducci  believed  that  the 
Church  had  corrupted  Italy  whose  true  spirit  was  pagan, 
which  revived  after  1870  when  Italy  became  her  ancient 
self  once  more.  He  was  above  all  else  a  poet  of  United 
Italy  whose  aspirations  he  sang  in  enthusiastic  verse,  and 
whose  heroes.  Garibaldi  and  Mazzini,  he  rapturously  glori- 
fied. In  the  Odi  barbare  {Barbaric  Odes)  Carducci  endeav- 
ored to  create  a  new  type  of  poetry  which  would  combine 
the  grandeur  of  the  Latin  with  the  grace  of  the  Italian 
meters. 

In  the  novels  of  Antonio  Fogazzaro  (i 842-1 911)  are  dis- 
cussed the  problems  confronting  Italy  after  the  unifica- 
tion.   Fogazzaro  was  a  liberal  Catholic  of  the  „ 

.  .  rogazzaro 

lype  known  as  "modernists,"  who  believed  that 

the  Church  had  within  her  the  true  spirit  of  Christianity, 
and  that,  once  she  ceased  to  interest  herself  in  worldly 
affairs,  she  would  again  spiritually  conquer  the  world  as  in 
the  days  of  the  early  Christian  martyrs.  He  makes  this  the 
theme  of  a  series  of  novels,  the  most  famous  of  which  is 
II  Santo  {The  Saint),  which  tells  the  story  of  a  profligate 
turned  saint.  Like  St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  the  hero  goes  among 
the  poor  and  lowly  doing  deeds  of  kindness  and  preaching 
the  Gospel  of  Christ.  He  is  shocked  by  the  worldliness 
of  the  priests  and  appeals  to  the  Pope  to  reform  the  Church, 
with  the  result  that  he  is  persecuted  by  the  clergy.  The 
book  was  placed  on  the  "  Index"  ^  by  the  authorities  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  which  caused  general  comment  through- 
out the  world. 

Few  writers  in  recent  times  have  attracted  so  much  sen- 
sational attention  asGabriele  d'Annunzio,  novelist  and  poet. 

1  A  list  of  books  the  reading  of  which  is  prohibited  to  Catholics. 


458      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

D'AnnunzIo  Is  a  fervent  believer  in  the  ideal  that  every 
^,,  .      individual  should  strive  to  attain  beauty  above 

DAnnunzio       ,,     ,  ,  ,,  ,      ,  , 

all  else  and  at  all  costs;  and  the  surest  road 
to  this  is  through  the  pleasure  of  the  senses.  Sensual  pas- 
sion is  the  theme  of  nearly  all  his  novels ;  in  many  of  them 
adultery,  incest,  and  murder  are  described  in  the  most  vivid 
manner.  D'Annunzio  has  wonderful  verbal  felicity  as  well 
as  a  highly  colored  imagination;  he  conjures  up  vibrant 
musical  words  that  are  fitted  into  sonorous  sentences  to 
describe  characters  whose  vehement  passions  are  made  to 
triumph  over  social  and  moral  ideals.  His  most  famous 
novels  are  II  Trionjo  della  Morte  {The  Triumph  of  Death) 
and  Fuoco  {Flame).  D'Annunzio  achieved  notable  success 
as  a  poet  of  nature  also,  and  his  Laudi,  a  book  of  poems, 
aroused  great  enthusiasm  in  Italy,  where  he  is  placed  by  the 
side  of  Carducci  as  a  patriotic  poet. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA 

Restoration  in  Spain 

Since  the  days  of  the  Catholic  Reformation  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  Spain  has  made  Httle  contribution  to  the 
social,  political,  or  cultural  life  of  Europe;  isolation  of 
nor  has  she  given  birth  to  any  prominent  per-  Spam 
sonality  whose  influence  has  been  felt  beyond  her  own 
borders.  Spaniards  have  lived  far  from  the  main  currents 
of  European  life,  proud  of  their  isolation  and  of  their 
splendid  past,  and  seeming  to  care  little  whether  their 
country  made  any  progress  or  not.  The  Liberal  movement 
which  took  place  in  Spain  during  the  nineteenth  century 
was  merely  a  faint  or  dying  echo  of  revolutionary  currents 
in  France. 

At  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  era  of  her 
great  power,  Spain  fell  into  a  death-like  sleep  from  which 
even  the  French  Revolution  failed  to  rouse  her.  Constitution 
She  awoke  only  when  the  Napoleonic  invasion  °^  ^^^^ 
threatened  her  national  integrity,  and  a  popular  uprising 
drove  the  French  from  the  country.  During  this  period  of 
unsettled  conditions,  a  small  group  of  middle  class  Liberals 
took  advantage  of  the  situation  to  call  together  a  Cortes, 
or  Parliament,  which,  in  1812,  adopted  a  democratic  con- 
stitution that  decreed  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  the 
equality  of  all  before  the  law,  and  religious  freedom.  This 
constitution  of  1812  became  the  Magna  Charta  of  Span- 
ish liberalism;  its  principles  were  constantly  appealed  to 
in  the  struggle  for  democracy  which  followed  during  the 
nineteenth  century. 

In  1 8 14  the  Spanish  branch  of  the  Bourbon  dynasty, 
in  the  person  of  King  Ferdinand  VII,  was  restored  amid 
popular  acclaim.  Like  most  Bourbons,  Ferdinand  had 
neither  learned  nor  forgotten  anything;  he  was,  moreover, 


46o     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

cruel,  treacherous,  unscrupulous,  and  incompetent.  Upon 
Reaction  un-  ^^^  restoration  he  immediately  set  to  work  to 
der  Ferdi-  abolish  the  reforms  that  had  been  adopted. 
The  constitution  of  1812  was  suppressed;  the 
privileges  of  the  nobles  and  clergy  were  restored ;  the  Jesuits 
were  given  control  of  education;  and  the  Inquisition  was 
reestablished.  As  Ferdinand's  rule  was  scandalously  cor- 
rupt as  well  as  incompetent,  Spain  was  continually  on  the 
brink  of  bankruptcy.  The  King  gathered  about  him  a 
group  of  favorites  known  as  the  camarilla,  or  "kitchen 
cabinet,"  who  conducted  the  Government  merely  to  suit 
their  personal  interests  and  whims.  Freedom  of  speech 
and  of  association  were  completely  suppressed,  and  thou- 
sands of  Liberals  were  driven  out  of  the  country  or  sent  to 
prison. 

The  Revolutionary  Movement 

A  powerful  opposition  to  absolutism  grew  up  among  the 
Spanish  Liberals,  who  organized  secret  societies,  like  the 
^,     .  Carbonari  and  Freemasons,  that  carried  on  a 

1.  he  juntas  .  .        .  •  t^         1  1  • 

Vigorous  agitation  against  Bourbon  despotism 
and  its  ally,  the  Catholic  Church.  Revolutionary  commit- 
tees, called  juntas,  were  active  in  directing  the  forces  of 
disaffection.  While  most  of  the  Liberals  came  from  the 
middle  class,  not  a  few  came  from  the  army,  which  was  dis- 
contented because  of  irregular  and  insufficient  pay.  To 
keep  the  masses  in  order  the  Bourbons  depended  more  on 
the  priests  than  on  the  soldiers;  hence  they  showered  favors 
on  the  Church,  but  neglected  the  army.  This  so  irritated 
the  officers  that  many  of  them  joined  the  Carbonari. 

A  widespread  uprising  broke  out  in  1820,  and  a  demand 
was  made  for  the  restoration  of  the  constitution  of  1812. 
The  Revolu-  Ferdinand,  realizing  the  strength  of  the  move- 
tion  of  1820  nient,  promised  to  second  the  demand  for  popu- 
lar government.  "Let  us  advance  frankly,"  he  once  de- 
clared, "myself  leading  the  way,  along  the  constitutional 
path."  A  Parliament  was  convened,  which  was  composed 
almost  entirely  of  Liberals.    It  suppressed  the  Inquisition 


THE   IBERIAN   PENINSULA  461 

and  many  of  the  religious  orders,  decreed  freedom  of  speech 
and  of  association,  and  restored  the  constitution  of  18 12. 
The  King  was  obliged  to  assent  to  these  laws  because  he 
was  practically  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  Parliament.  He 
was,  however,  secretly  sending  appeals  for  help  to  the  other 
despots  of  Europe.  The  clergy  on  their  part  were  actively 
organizing  a  counter-revolution  among  the  peasantry,  who 
were  exhorted  to  rescue  the  "captive  King"  from  the  hands 
of  the  free-thinking  Liberals. 

Although  Ferdinand's  rule  had  been  condemned  by  Eu- 
rope, it  was  generally  felt  that  the  evil  example  of  a  suc- 
cessful uprising  against  a  king  must  be  avoided  Suppression 
at  all  costs.    The  new  Government  was,  there-  °f  ^'?^  ^T^' 

olution  by 

fore,  not  recognized  by  the  European  powers,  foreign 
which,  with  the  exception  of  England,  withdrew  ^"""^'^^ 
their  ambassadors  from  Spain.  Tsar  Alexander  I  enthusi- 
astically volunteered  to  lead  a  Russian  army  across  Europe 
to  suppress  the  Spanish  revolution.  The  Congress  of  the 
Powers  at  Verona  (1822)  voted  in  favor  of  intervening  in 
Spain,  and  France  was  charged  with  the  duty  of  carrying  out 
this  mandate.  In  1823  a  French  army  crossed  the  Pyrenees 
to  restore  absolutism.  The  Spaniards,  who  in  the  days  of 
Napoleon  had  fought  the  French  armies  that  came  to  liber- 
ate them  from  the  ancien  regime,  now  welcomed  the  French 
armies  that  came  to  enslave  them.  The  Liberals,  being  a 
small  minority,  could  offer  little  resistance  and  Ferdinand 
was  "liberated"  and  restored  to  absolute  power.  The 
revenge  that  he  took  shocked  all  Europe.  Thousands  of 
the  best  people  in  Spain  were  summarily  executed  or  im- 
prisoned. The  constitution  of  1820  was  abolished,  and  all 
the  acts  of  Parliament  were  declared  null  and  void.  Politi- 
cal and  religious  inquisitions,  called  "juntas  of  purifica- 
tion," were  organized  to  ferret  out  Liberals,  and  many  of 
them  were  exiled  or  hounded  to  death.  For  a  time,  the  uni- 
versities were  closed  because  they  were  suspected  of  being 
friendly  to  liberalism. 

During  the  rebellion  the  South  American  colonies  had 
also  revolted,  and  had  established  themselves  as  republics. 


462     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

It  was  the  determination  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  as  the  union 
,  ,  ,  of  European  despots  was  popularly  known,  to 
South  Amer-  suppress  the  rebellion  in  the  colonies  as  they 
lean  CO  onies  y^^^  suppressed  the  one  in  Spain.  But  opposition 
to  this  plan  came  from  an  unexpected  quarter,  the  United 
States,  which  was  opposed  to  the  extension  of  the  Met- 
ternich  system  to  the  New  World.  On  December  2,  1823, 
President  James  Monroe  issued  a  paper  which  became  fa- 
mous as  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  in  which  he  declared  that  the 
intervention  of  the  Allied  Powers  in  South  America  would 
be  considered  as  a  "manifestation  of  an  unfriendly  dis- 
position to  the  United  States."  England  came  to  the  sup- 
port of  America,  and  the  Holy  Alliance  decided  to  aban- 
don its  plans  of  subduing  the  South  American  Republics. 

The  Dynastic  Struggle 

Ferdinand  VH  died  in  1833  leaving  a  little  daughter, 
Isabella.  He  had,  before  dying,  modified  the  Salic  law 
Carlists  and  which  made  women  ineligible  for  the  throne, 
Chnstinos  with  the  expectation  that  Isabella  would  suc- 
ceed him  when  she  reached  her  majority.  Upon  his  death 
her  mother,  Christina,  was  declared  Regent  during  Isa- 
bella's infancy.  But  Don  Carlos,  the  brother  of  the  late 
King,  announced  himself  the  rightful  heir  to  the  throne 
on  the  ground  that  the  dynastic  laws  of  the  Bourbons  ad- 
mitted of  no  female  succession.  A  dynastic  war,  lasting 
a  decade,  followed  between  the  Carlists,  or  the  supporters 
of  Don  Carlos,  and  the  Christinos,  or  the  supporters  of  the 
Regent.  To  the  standard  of  the  pretender  flocked  the  re- 
actionaries, the  clericals,  and  the  backward  inhabitants  of 
the  mountain  districts.  To  the  support  of  Christina  came 
the  Liberals,  who  were  attracted  by  promises  of  a  consti- 
tutional regime. 

In  1834  Christina  granted  a  moderate  constitution  some- 
what like  the  charte  granted  by  King  Louis  XVIII  of  France. 
Regency  of  Three  years  later  the  constitution  was  made 
Christina  more  democratic  by  giving  the  Cortes  more 
power  in  the  Government.  As  the  Church  leaned  to  the  side 


THE   IBERIAN   PENINSULA  463 

of  the  Carlists,  Parliament  became  anti-clerical  and  sup- 
pressed some  of  the  religious  orders.  A  semi-Liberal  named 
Mendizrabel,  who  was  appointed  Prime  Minister  in  1835, 
showed  great  energy  and  ability  in  suppressing  the  Carlists 
and  reorganizing  the  finances  of  the  kingdom.  When  order 
was  finally  restored,  Christina  became  reactionary.  She 
was  thereupon  forced  to  resign  her  regency,  and  General 
Espartero  was  appointed  in  her  place. 

In  1843  the  young  Queen  was  crow^ned  as  Isabella  II.  Her 
long  reign  was  disgraced  by  scandal,  incompetency,  and  cor- 
ruption. To  satisfy  her  whims  the  Queen  fre-  Queen  Isa- 
quently  tried  to  govern  in  defiance  of  the  con-  '^^''^ 
stitution.  This  aroused  general  dissatisfaction,  and  a  Re- 
publican party  made  its  appearance,  which  gained  many 
adherents  in  the  large  cities. 

A  general  uprising  took  place  in  1868,  and  Isabella  was 
forced  to  flee.  A  provisional  go\'ernment  was  then  estab- 
lished under  General  Prim,  who,  for  a  short  time,  Establish- 
was  virtually  a  dictator.  No  regular  govern-  ment  of  a 
ment  existed  in  Spain  for  seven  years,  and  at  times 
the  country  verged  upon  anarchy.  Many  candidates  for  the 
throne,  including  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen,^ 
were  considered.  Finally,  in  November,  1870,  Prince  Ama- 
deo,  second  son  of  King  Victor  Emmanuel  II  of  Italy,  was 
chosen  King  of  Spain.  When  Amadeo  arrived  he  found 
opposition  on  all  sides.  The  Carlists  rose  in  rebellion;  the 
partisans  of  Alphonso,  son  of  Isabella,  began  plotting;  the 
Republicans  were,  of  course,  dissatisfied;  and  the  most 
powerful  element,  the  Catholic  clergy,  was  bitterly  op- 
posed to  the  son  of  the  King  who  had  destroyed  the  tem- 
poral power  of  the  Pope.  After  reigning  for  about  two  years, 
King  Amadeo  abdicated  in  disgust.  A  Republic  was  pro- 
claimed in  1873,  but  this  led  to  still  greater  opposition. 
The  country  seethed  with  revolt,  while  a  number  of  presi- 
dential dictators  followed  one  another  in  rapid  succession. 
The  most  famous  President  was  Emilio  Castelar,  an  ad- 
vanced   Liberal   and   a   remarkable  orator,  who  attracted 

1  See  p.  188. 


464     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

world-wide  attention  because  of  his  high  character  and 
eloquent  speeches.  But  the  Spanish  Republic  was  too  un- 
popular to  last.  In  1875  the  Bourbon  monarchy  was  re- 
stored in  the  person  of  King  Alphonso  XII. 

The  new  King  called  to  his  side  two  able  men,  who  guided 
and  advised  him  throughout  his  reign.  One  was  Marshal 
Campos  and  Campos,  who  Completely  suppressed  the  Carlist 
Canovas  insurgents  and  the  rebellion  in  Cuba  which  had 
been  going  on  for  ten  years;  the  other  was  Canovas  del  Cas- 
tillo who,  as  Prime  Minister,  virtually  ruled  the  country' 
from  1875  to  1885.  Canovas,  an  able  and  energetic  conserv- 
ative statesman,  reorganized  the  finances  and  administra- 
tion of  the  Government  and  suppressed  disaffection,  par- 
ticularly among  the  radical  elements,  with  a  stern  hand. 

A  new  constitution  was  proclaimed  in  1876  which  organ- 
ized Spain  as  a  limited  monarchy.  A  Parliament,  called 
Constitution  the  Cortes,  was  established  consisting  of  two 
of  1876  Houses:  a  Senate  composed  mainly  of  high  offi- 

cials and  representatives  of  educational,  religious,  and 
commercial  bodies,  and  a  Chamber  of  Deputies,  which, 
since  1890,  has  been  elected  by  practically  universal  suf- 
frage. The  executive  power  was  entrusted  to  a  cabinet 
responsible  to  the  Chamber;  but  the  King  still  exercised 
considerable  influence  and  authority  In  directing  the  poli- 
cies of  the  nation. 

Political  History  of  Spain  (i 885-1914) 

Alphonso  died  In  1885,  leaving  an  infant  son  who  suc- 
ceeded him  in  1902  as  Alphonso  XIII.  During  his  minority 
"  Rotaiiv-  his  mother,  an  Austrian  archduchess  named  Ma- 
^^"^  ria  Christina,  had  ruled  as  Regent.    The  uncer- 

tainties arising  from  the  succession  to  the  throne  had  been 
responsible  for  many  of  the  troubles  in  the  past.  To  avoid 
a  repetition  of  these  evils,  Canovas,  the  leader  of  the  Con- 
servatives, struck  hands  with  Sagasta,  the  leader  of  the  Lib- 
erals, and  reached  an  understanding  according  to  which  both 
parties  rotated  in  ofhce  by  managing  the  elections  through 
coercion   and   corruption.     Canovas   graciously  permitted 


THE   IBERIAN  PENINSULA  465 

Sagasta  to  become  Prime  Minister  several  times,  thus  giving 
the  Liberals  a  chance  at  the  spoils  of  ofFice.  This  system  of 
"rotativism"  produced  mimic  political  strife,  and  popular 
government,  though  complete  in  its  mechanism,  became 
farcical.  Naturally,  a  general  contempt  for  parliamentary 
government  was  engendered,  leading  to  the  growth  of 
radical  doctrines  such  as  republicanism,  socialism,  and 
anarchism.  In  1897  Canovas  was  assassinated  by  an  an- 
archist as  a  protest  against  this  regime. 

The  most  important  event  in  the  recent  history  of  Spain 
was  the  Spanish-American  War.  The  breaking  away  of 
South  America  brought  little  change  in  the  colo-  spanish- 
nial  policy  of  Spain,  which  continued  to  be  that  American 
prevalent  In  the  eighteenth  century,  namely,  that 
the  colonies  existed  to  be  exploited  in  the  interest  of  the 
mother  country.  In  addition,  Spanish  rule  had  become  a 
by-word  of  corruption,  tyranny,  and  incompetence,  and 
uprisings  took  place  in  Cuba  and  in  the  Philippines.  After 
ten  years  of  rebellion  the  Cubans  had  submitted  in  1878 
on  promises  of  reform;  but  these  promises  were  not  kept 
and  the  Cubans  rose  once  more  In  1895.  The  suppression 
of  this  rebellion  was  entrusted  to  General  Weyler,  whose 
savage  methods  aroused  great  indignation  in  the  Linked 
States.  War  followed  between  Spain  and  America  (1898), 
in  which  the  former  was  badly  defeated.  Spain  was  com- 
pelled to  cede  the  Philippine  Islands  and  Puerto  Rico  to 
the  United  States,  with  compensation  for  the  former,  and 
to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Cuba.  She  was  now 
completely  shorn  of  her  once  world-wide  colonial  empire. 

Alphonso  XIII  becam^e  very  popular  because  of  his  demo- 
cratic attitude  and  liberal  views.  His  marriage  to  a  grand- 
daughter of  Queen  Victoria  greatly  pleased  the  church  and 
Liberals,  who  regarded  the  introduction  of  Eng-  ^^^^^ 
lish  influence  as  a  good  augury.  A  question  arose  in  the 
course  of  his  reign  concerning  the  relations  between  Church 
and  State.  Although  almost  unanimously  Catholic  in  re- 
ligion, the  Spanish  people  have  shown  signs  of  hostility  to 
the  Church  to  which  they  have  given  such  unswerving 


466      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

devotion  for  so  many  centuries.  This  change  of  attitude  was 
due  to  several  causes.  The  radical  elements,  republicans, 
socialists,  and  anarchists,  blamed  the  Church  for  all  the 
evils  that  afflicted  Spain.  The  increasing  number  of  religious 
orders,  whose  wealth  escaped  taxation,  also  aroused  their 
hostility.  As  many  of  the  orders  were  engaged  in  business 
enterprises,  the  middle  classes  complained  bitterly  of  the 
competition  of  the  monks.  It  needed  but  a  tragedy  to  pro- 
duce an  outburst  of  fury  against  the  Church.  In  1909  a  dis- 
turbance among  the  workingmen  of  Barcelona  took  place 
as  a  protest  against  conscripting  men  to  fight  the  tribes  in 
Morocco  who  had  risen  against  Spanish  rule.  For  three  days 
terror  reigned  in  the  city.  After  many  encounters  between 
the  military  and  the  workingmen,  the  uprising  was  finally 
put  down.  Francisco  Ferrer,  well  known  as  an  anti-clerical 
educator  and  founder  of  the  Modern  School,  a  semi-an- 
archistic institution  for  children,  was  accused  of  being  the 
chief  instigator  of  the  rebellion.  He  was  seized  and  shot 
after  a  brief  trial  by  a  court-martial.  The  execution  of  Ferrer 
led  to  world-wide  demonstrations,  not  only  against  the  Span- 
ish Government,  but  also  against  the  Catholic  Church  in 
Spain,  which  was  accused  of  being  responsible  for  his  death. 

In  1 910,  the  advanced  Liberal,  Canalejas,  became  Prime 
Minister,  pledged  to  an  anti-clerical  program.  An  act,  known 
Anti-cleri-  ^^  ^^^  "  ^^.dlock  Law,"  was  passed  by  the  Cortes 
cal  legisla-  forbidding  the  establishment  of  any  more  re- 
ligious houses  without  the  consent  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. Taxes  were  laid  on  the  industrial  enterprises 
conducted  by  the  orders.  Public  worship  of  non-Catholic 
religious  bodies  was  now  expressly  permitted :  hitherto,  Pro- 
testants and  Jews  had  been  forbidden  to  make  public 
announcement  of  their  services.  Premier  Canalejas  also 
declared  himself  in  favor  of  secular  education  and  of  sep- 
aration of  Church  and  State;  but  Catholicism  in  Spain 
proved  strong  enough  to  prevent  the  adoption  of  these 
measures. 

Spain,  in  1914,  contained  a  population  of  about  twenty 
million,  most  of  whom  were  engaged  in  agriculture.   Much 


THE  IBERIAN   PENINSULA  467 

less  than  half  of  the  land  is  fit  for  cultivation.  Enor- 
mous mountain  ranges  traverse  the  country,  Economic 
which,  in  many  parts,  is  still  in  a  state  of  semi-  condition 
savagery.  The  rainfall  in  many  places  is  light,  and  the  Gov- 
ernment has  not  been  sufficiently  active  in  building  irriga- 
tion works.  Most  of  the  arable  land  is  in  the  hands  of  large 
proprietors  and  is  cultivated  by  peasants  who  barely  manage 
to  make  both  ends  meet.  Thousands  of  them  emigrate  annu- 
ally, mainly  to  South  America.  Old-fashioned  methods  of 
farming,  including  the  medieval  three-field  system,  are  still 
in  vogue. 

The  most  important  exports  of  Spain  are  wine,  cork,  and 
olive  oil.  Barcelona  and  Bilboa  are  the  only  manufac- 
turing centers,  and  they  contain  a  large  number  of  working- 
men  who  are  poorly  paid  and  miserably  housed. 

Illiteracy  in  Spain  is  widely  existent  in  spite  of  a  law, 
passed  in  1857,  which  makes  education  compulsory;  the 
Government  has  neither  enforced  the  law  nor  provided  the 
money  with  which  to  build  schools.  In  1910  fully  sixty- 
three  per  cent  of  the  population  could  neither  read  nor  write. 

Portugal 

Portugal,  like  Spain,  had  at  one  time  played  a  great  r61e 
in  the  affairs  of  the  world.    During  the  period  of  discovery, 
in  the  sixteenth  century,   Portuguese  mariners    pg^^j^g  ^j^j 
had  sailed  to  distant  seas,  circumnavigated  the    fall  of  Por- 
globe,   and  settled  in  the  New  World  and  in     "^^ 
Africa.    This  tiny  kingdom  found  herself  in  possession  of 
a  vast  colonial  empire;  but  the  rivalry,  first  of  Holland,  then 
of  France,  and  lastly  of  England  was  too  much  for  Portugal. 
In  1807  she  sank  to  the  condition  of  a  dependency  of  Na- 
poleon.  The  reigning  dynasty,  the  House  of  Braganza,  fled 
to  Brazil,  where  it  remained  after  the  French  armies  had 
been  driven  out  of  Portugal  by  the  English.  A  regency  was 
consequently  established  by  the  English  forces  in  Portugal, 
who,  however,  were  the  real  rulers  of  the  country,  greatly 
to  the  chagrin  of  patriotic  Portuguese. 

In  1820  a  revolution  led  by  the  army  overthrew  the  re- 


468     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

gency  and  a  constitution  was  adopted  similar  to  the  Spanish 
Brazil  and  Constitution  of  1 8 12.  A  Cortes  was  called  which 
Portugal  abolished  the  Inquisition  and  suppressed  many 
of  the  religious  orders,  because,  as  in  Spain,  they  were  re- 
garded as  the  main  supports  of  the  ancien  regime.  King 
John  VI,  then  reigning  in  Brazil,  was  requested  to  return 
and  govern  as  a  constitutional  monarch.  He  accepted  the 
invitation,  relinquishing  the  government  of  Brazil  to  his 
eldest  son,  Dom  Pedro.  But  Brazil,  incensed  at  the  King's 
leaving,  declared  herself  independent  of  Portugal  and,  in 
1822,  set  herself  up  as  an  Empire  with  Dom  Pedro  as  Em- 
peror; in  1889,  a  revolution  overturned  the  Empire  and 
established  the  Brazilian  Republic. 

In  Portugal  John  promptly  modified  the  constitution  in 
the  interest  of  absolutism.  A  reactionary  movement,  led 
Pj.  by    Dom    Miguel,    the   younger   son    of   John, 

ship  of  Dom  brought  on  a  civil  war  which  raged  for  several 
^^"^  years.    In  1826  King  John  died,  and  Emperor 

Pedro  of  Brazil  was  declared  King  of  Portugal;  but  the 
latter  refused  to  leave  Brazil  and  gave  the  Portuguese  crown 
to  his  daughter  Maria,  a  little  girl  of  seven,  her  uncle,  Dom 
Miguel,  acting  as  Regent  during  her  minority.  Miguel 
seized  the  reins  of  government  and,  supported  by  the  reac- 
tionaries and  clericals,  abolished  what  was  left  of  the  con- 
stitution of  1820.  He  was  virtually  dictator  of  Portugal  for 
almost  a  decade,  and  he  governed  in  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna,  gaining  the  admiration  of  the  European 
despots  because  of  his  harsh  and  tyrannical  policy.  An 
uprising  in  1834  finally  drove  Miguel  from  power,  and 
Maria  became  Queen.  A  moderate  constitution  was  again 
adopted  and  for  a  generation  there  was  quiet  in  Portugal. 

Peace  meant  that  the  various  factions  had  composed 
their  differences  and  were  now  agreed  on  dividing  the  spoils 
"  Rotativ-  of  office  among  them.  The  two  parties,  the  Re- 
ism"  •  generators,  or  Conservatives,  and  the  Progres- 

sives, or  Liberals,  adopted  the  Spanish  practice  of  "rota- 
tlvism ' ' ;  one  party  would  succeed  the  other  in  the  control 
of  the  Government,  and  the  elections  were  "made"  to  suit 


THE   IBERIAN  PENINSULA  469 

this  prearranged  game  of  "ins"  and  "outs"  by  coercing  and 
bribing  the  electorate.  This  farcical  parliamentary  rule 
naturally  led  to  the  growth  of  a  republican  party  which 
conducted  an  active  and  well-organized  propaganda,  par- 
ticularly in  the  army  and  navy.  The  Portuguese  Kings, 
like  those  of  Spain,  relied  more  on  the  priests  than  on  the 
soldiers  to  control  the  masses,  and  consequently  they  failed 
to  provide  properly  for  the  needs  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors. 
Many,  if  not  most,  of  the  latter  naturally  became  bitterly 
discontented  with  the  monarchical  regime. 

King  Carlos,  who  ascended  the  throne  in  1889,  gained 
unenviable  notoriety  as  an  extravagant  and  licentious  man. 
With  the  connivance  of  the  officials,  the  King  was  -pj^^  Repub- 
permitted  to  overdraw  his  allowance  from  the  lican  propa- 
national  treasury,  and  it  was  rumored  that  he  ^^^  ^ 
was  in  the  hands  of  financiers  who  were  bleeding  the  coun- 
try through  him.  Discontent  was  rife,  especially  in  the 
cities,  and  sporadic  revolts,  strikes,  and  conspiracies  were 
constantly  taking  place.  The  intellectual  classes  took  an 
active  part  in  the  republican  propaganda,  and  the  Uni- 
versity of  Coimbra,  the  leading  educational  institution  in 
the  country,  became  a  hotbed  of  radicalism.  Secret  socie- 
ties, like  the  Carbonari  and  the  Freemasons,  took  a  leading 
part  in  the  growing  opposition  to  the  monarchy.  It  was  gen- 
erally felt  that  Portugal  was  on  the  brink  of  a  revolution. 

In  1906  King  Carlos  resolved  on  a  new  move.    He  ap- 
pointed Joao  Franco  Prime  Minister  with  power  to  govern 
in  defiance  of  the  Cortes.   Franco  was  an  honest    oictator- 
and  able  man  and  believed  that  a  policy  of    ship  of 
benevolent  despotism  was  the  only  means  of 
ridding  Portugal  of  corrupt  politicians  and  conspiring  revo- 
lutionists. Laws  were  enacted  without  the  consent  of  Parlia- 
ment; the  press  was  gagged;  the  slightest  manifestation  of 
opposition  to  the  Government  was  severely  punished;  the 
jails  were  filled  with  political  prisoners.    This  reign  of  ad- 
ministrative terror  was  answered   by  a  widespread  con- 
spiracy to  overturn  the  entire   monarchical   regime.    On 
February  .1,  1908,  whilst  the  royal   family    were   driving 


470     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

through  the  streets  of  Lisbon,  two  men  coolly  leveled  car- 
bines at  the  royal  carriage  and  killed  the  King  and  the 
Crown  Prince. 

The  younger  son  of  the  late  monarch  succeeded  as 
Manuel  11.  Franco's  r6gime  came  to  an  end,  and  the  Prime 

Minister  was  forced  to  flee  from  the  country. 
Manuel  II        „  .  ,  .  ^^.  .  .... 

But  neither  the  new  Kmg  nor  the  politicians 

had  learned  much  from  the  recent  tragedy.  Manuel  fol- 
lowed closely  in  his  father's  footsteps;  he  was  notoriously 
extravagant  and  immoral.  The  politicians  resumed  their 
old  ways,  and  "rotativism"  once  more  became  the  prac- 
tice. 

The  opposition  now  determined  to  change  the  govern- 
ment as  well  as  the  governors,  and  definite  plans  were  made 
Revolution  by  the  secret  societies  to  abolish  the  monarchy 
of  1910  Q^^^  ^Q  establish  a  republic.     In  1910  a  sudden 

and  exceedingly  well-planned  uprising  took  place  in  Lisbon. 
The  warships  in  the  harbor  raised  the  Republican  colors 
and  began  to  shell  the  royal  palace.  The  soldiers  mutinied 
and,  aided  by  street  mobs,  took  possession  of  the  city.  King 
Manuel  fled  to  England.  A  provisional  government  was 
hastily  organized  under  the  leadership  of  a  distinguished 
scholar,  Dr.  Theophile  Braga,  which  forever  proscribed 
the  House  of  Braganza  and  decreed  the  establishment  of 
the  Republic  of  Portugal.  A  constitution  was  later  adopted 
which  abolished  all  hereditary  titles  and  privileges,  granted  , 
full  freedom  of  speech  and  association  and  complete  re- 
ligious equality.  A  Cortes  was  organized,  composed  of  a 
Senate,  elected  by  the  local  councils,  and  a  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  elected  by  universal  suffrage.  The  head  of  the 
Government  was  to  be  a  President  elected  for  a  term  of  four 
years  by  a  joint  session  of  both  Houses,  His  powers  were 
greatly  limited,  as  executive  authority  was  entrusted  to 
a  cabinet  responsible  to  the  Chamber.  The  first  President, 
Dr.  Manuel  Arriaga,  was  chosen  in  191 1. 

Almost  the  first  act  of  the  new  Republic  was  to  make  war 
on  the  Catholic  Church.  Many  of  the  Republicans  were 
strongly  anti-clerical,  having  (derived  their  inspiration  from 


THE   IBERIAN   PENINSULA  471 

the  enemies  of  the  Church  in  France.   They  regarded  the 
Church  as  the  backbone  of  royalism  and  there-  Separation 
fore  determined  to  undermine  her  influence  in  of  Church 

.,1         rj^-,  ...  ,  and  State 

every  way  possible.  1  he  rehgious  orders  were 
expelled  and  their  property  seized  by  the  Government. 
A  law  separating  Church  and  State,  modeled  on  that  of 
France,^  was  passed  which  called  forth  a  vigorous  protest 
from  Pope  Pius  X,  who  pronounced  it  null  and  void.  Bish- 
ops and  parish  priests  who  refused  to  submit  to  the  Sepa- 
ration Law  were  severely  punished. 

The  Republic  then  planned  to  remove  the  reproach  of 
illiteracy,  which  was  estimated  as  high  as  seventy  per  cent 
of  the  population.     A  school  law  was  passed  in  probierng  of 
191 1    providing  for   compulsory,    free,    secular  the  Repub- 

•  •  lie 

education.  Although  the  revolution  was  accom- 
plished with  remarkable  ease,  the  Republic  was  soon  faced 
with  great  difficulties.  Royalist  plots  were  continually  taking 
place,  and  discontent  was  manifested  by  the  workingmen 
of  Lisbon,  some  of  whom  had  expected  that  a  republic 
would  decree  their  economic  emancipation.  In  191 2  a  gen- 
eral strike  took  place  in  Lisbon  which  was  so  serious  that 
martial  law  had  to  be  declared  in  order  to  preserve  order. 

Portugal  still  has  large  colonial  possessions,  in  all  about 
eight  hundred  thousand  square  miles.  She  owns  the  Cape 
Verde  Islands,  part  of  Guinea,  various  ports  in  Asia,  and 
large  slices  of  Africa.  ^  Most  of  the  Portuguese  people,  who 
number  about  5,500,000,  are  engaged  in  agriculture  which, 
like  that  of  Spain,  is  in  a  low  state  and  largely  for  the  same 
reasons. 

^  See  p.  261.  ^  See  p.  680. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE  SCANDINAVIAN  NATIONS 

Denmark 

The  three  Scandinavian  nations,  Denmark,  Sweden, 
and  Norway,  were  united  under  the  hegemony  of  the  first 
Union  of  ^^^  more  than  a  century  after  the  Union  of 
Norway  and  Kalmar  in  1397.  Although  similar  in  origin, 
traditions,  language,  and  culture,  there  are 
enough  differences  among  the  Danes,  Swedes,  and  Nor- 
wegians to  cause  them  to  desire  independence  of  one  an- 
other. In  1524  Sweden  seceded  from  the  Union,  but  Norway 
remained  attached  to  Denmark  until  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury. Denmark  had  sided  with  Napoleon,  but  Sweden  had 
joined  the  Allies  to  oppose  him.  To  punish  the  one  and 
reward  the  other,  Norway  was  taken  from  Denmark  and 
incorporated  with  Sweden  in  181 4  by  the  treaty  of  Kiel. 

The  general  European  peace  which  followed  Waterloo 
found  Denmark  in  a  weakened  state.  Her  navy  had  been 
rp,  .      seized  by  the   English   and  Copenhagen  bom- 

tution  of         barded ;  her  commerce  was  almost  entirely  gone ; 

^^  and  Norway  had  been  taken  away.   For  an  entire 

generation  after  peace  was  established,  the  Danes  were 
so  busily  engaged  in  recuperating  from  their  losses  that 
little  attention  was  paid  to  political  reform.  The  govern- 
ment was  that  of  an  absolute  monarchy,  but  the  Danish 
Kings  ruled  in  a  more  liberal  spirit  than  the  monarchs  else- 
where in  Europe.  The  Revolutionary  movements  of  1830 
and  1848,  nevertheless,  found  an  echo  in  Denmark;  and  in 
1849  King  Frederick  VII,  in  response  to  a  widespread  and 
growing  liberalism,  granted  a  constitution  establishing  a 
Rigsdag,  or  Parliament.  The  members  of  the  Landsthing, 
or  Senate,  were  to  be  appointed  by  the  King,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Folkething,  or  Assembly,  were  to  be  elected  by 


THE  SCANDINAVIAN   NATIONS  473 

citizens  who  possessed  property.  The  King  was  to  continue 
to  exercise  full  executive  power. 

By  far  the  most  serious  problem  that  faced  Denmark 
was  that  affecting  the  duchies,  Schleswig-Holstein,  which 
had  come  to  her  many  centuries  before  through  ^^gg  ^j 
dynastic  affiliations.  In  Holstein  the  population  Schleswig- 
was  largely  German;  in  Schleswig  it  was  both 
Danish  and  German.  There  had  arisen  a  strong  nationalist 
movement  among  the  Germans  in  the  duchies,  who  wished 
to  separate  themselves  from  Denmark  and  to  form  a  state 
in  the  German  Confederation.  In  opposition  to  them  the 
patriotic  Danes  formed  a  powerful  party  called  the  Eider 
Danes,  which  demanded  the  complete  incorporation  with 
Denmark  of  the  territory  of  the  Eider  River,  which  included 
Schleswig.  Early  in  the  reign  of  Christian  IX  (i  863-1906), 
Prussia  and  Austria  intervened  in  favor  of  the  Germans 
in  Schleswig-Holstein,  and  the  War  of  1864  which  followed 
resulted  in  the  annexation  of  the  duchies  by  Prussia. ^  Natu- 
rally the  Danes  felt  bitterly  resentful  toward  Prussia  for  the 
dismemberment  of  Denmark,  and  they  entertained  hopes 
that  some  day  the  lost  provinces  would  be  recovered. 

An  important  revision  of  the  constitution  was  made  in 
1866.   Four  fifths  of  the  Senate  was  made  elective,  and  the 
suffrage  for  the  lower  House  was  extended.   The  Establish- 
King's  authority  was  still  considerable,  as  the  democratic 
Ministry  remained  responsible  to  him.  Although  government 
the  demand  for  complete  democracy  was  incessant  and  so- 
cialism grew  rapidly,  it  was  only  after  a  long  struggle  that 
Christian    IX   was    compelled    in    1901    to    relinquish  his 
authority  over  the  Ministry,  which  was  made  responsible 
to  the   Rigsdag.    Since  then  Danish  democracy  has  made 
rapid  progress.    In   1914  all  the  members  of  the  Senate 
were  made  elective;  and  in  the  following  year  the  property 
qualification  for  voting  for  the  lower  House  was  abolished, 
with  full  suffrage  granted  to  women. 

As  Denmark  possesses  no  coal  and  iron,  it  has  very  little 
industrial  life;  agriculture  is,  therefore,  the  pursuit  of  the 

^  For  further  details  see  pp.  179  ff. 


474      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

large  majority  of  her  three  million  inhabitants.  The  dairy 
T^         ,        products  of  Denmark  are  famous,  and  quantities 

Denmark  an    ^  7-1 

agricultural  of  butter,  cheese,  and  eggs  are  exported  an- 
"^*^°"  nually  to  England  and  Germany.    The  Danish 

peasants  and  dairymen  have  organized  extensive  coopera- 
tive societies  which  lend  money  to  the  members  at  low  inter- 
est, market  their  produce,  and  put  at  their  service  the  best 
machinery. 

What  now  remains  of  a  once  great  Danish  empire  are 
the  large  islands  of  Greenland  and  Iceland,  and  the  Faroe 
Islands.^  Greenland  and  Iceland  enjoy  complete  local  au- 
tonomy. 

Sweden  and  Norway 

The  Napoleonic  wars  gave  a  new  dynasty  to  Sweden  in  the 

person  of  Marshal  Bernadotte.    In  1809  Gustavus  IV,  the 

last  of  the  ancient  Swedish  dynasty  of  Vasa, 

Bernadotte  .  ,  . 

was  deposed  because  of  his  erratic  conduct,  and 
a  temporary  king,  Charles  XIII,  was  elected  in  his  place. 
In  1810,  Charles  adopted  the  Frenchman,  Bernadotte,  dne 
of  Napoleon's  marshals,  as  the  Crown  Prince,  who  in  181 8 
ascended  the  Swedish  throne  as  Charles  XIV. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  Treaty  of  Kiel  provided 
for  the  union  of  Norway  and  Sweden.  But  the  Norwe- 
The  Riksakt  gians  were  opposed  to  the  arrangement  made 
of  1815  fQj.  thgni  by  the  diplomats  of  Europe  and  rose  in 

rebellion  against  Sweden.  An  agreement,  known  as  the 
Riksakt  of  1 81 5,  was  finally  reached  by  the  two  countries. 
It  provided  for  a  personal  union  through  the  King,  but  each 
country  was  to  have  its  own  parliament,  courts,  and  admin- 
istration. Common  interests,  like  foreign  affairs,  tariffs,  and 
the  army,  were  to  be  managed  by  a  common  Ministry. 

The  union  thus  formed  was  not  a  happy  one.  Different 
conditions  among  the  people  in  each  kingdom  made  for 
different  ideals  among  the  Norwegians  and  the  Swedes 
in  spite  of  their  common  racial  origin,    Norway  was  inhab- 

^  The  Danish  West  Indies,  a  group  of  small  islands,  were  sold  to  the  United 
States  in  191 7  for  $25,000,000;  they  were  renamed  the  Virgin  Islands. 


THE  SCANDINAVIAN   NATIONS  475 

ited  by  an  Independent  population  of  fishermen,  sailors, 
merchants,  and  peasant  proprietors.  By  the  con-  Different 
stitution  of  Eidsvold  (1814),  she  had  established  Seach°"' 
a  fairly  democratic  government  through  a  pop-  country 
ularly  elected  Storthing,  or  parliament.    Sweden,  on  the 
contrary,  was  a  highly  aristocratic  country,  a  land  of  large 
landed  proprietors  and  a  dependent  peasantry.   Her  gov- 
ernment was  autocratic,  for  the  King's  power  was  scarcely 
checked  by  the  Diet  of  four  estates,  nobility,  clergy,  bur- 
ghers, and  peasants,  which,  as  in  the  Middle  Ages,  had 
merely  power  to  petition  and  to  advise  the  monarch. 

Charles  XIV,  although  a  Frenchman,  became  very  popu- 
lar In  Sweden,   because,   through  him,   she  had  been  In- 
demnified for  the  loss  of  Finland  to  Russia  by  j^^  consti- 
the  annexation  of  Norway.    In  Sweden  he  te-  tution  of 
naciously  held  to  the  principles  of  absolute  mon- 
archy, although  In  Norway  he  was  obliged  to  observe  the 
constitution.    In  1866  King  Charles  XV  granted  a  consti- 
tution, and  Sweden  became  a  constitutional  monarchy.  The 
Diet  was  abolished  and  a  parliament,  called  the  Riksdag, 
was  organized.    It  was  composed  of  two  Houses,  the  upper 
elected  by  local  bodies,  and  the  lower  by  citizens  who  pos- 
sessed property.  The  King  continued  to  exercise  full  execu- 
tive authority.    Sweden's  transition  to  constitutional  mon- 
archy was  mainly  the  work  of  the  distinguished  statesman, 
Baron  de  Geer,  on  whose  advice  the  King  greatly  relied. 

During  the  reign  of  Oscar  II  (i 872-1 907),  the  relations  be- 
tween Norway  and  Sweden,  always  strained,  finally  reached 
the  breaking  point.  A  new  national  revival  took  Quarrels  be- 
place  In  Norway,  one  of  the  leaders  being  Jj^a^fan^""^ 
the  writer-politician,  Bjornson.  Quarrels,  some  Sweden 
petty  and  some  serious,  were  continually  breaking  out.  One 
was  over  the  day  which  should  be  celebrated  as  the  national 
holiday.  Another  was  over  the  character  of  the  Norwegian 
flag;  Norway  demanded  a  "pure  flag,"  one  without  any 
symbol  of  her  union  with  Sweden.  A  far  greater  question 
arose  in  connection  with  the  consular  service.  Norway's 
commerce  and  merchant  marine  were  rapidly  expanding,  and 


476      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

this  made  independence  all  the  more  desirable.  As  most  of 
the  consuls  appointed  by  the  Government  were  Swedes, 
Norway  demanded  an  independent  consular  service.  The 
Storthing  several  times  passed  resolutions  in  favor  of  this 
proposition,  but  the  King  vetoed  them.  Finally,  on  June  7, 
1905,  the  Storthing  took  a  decisive  step  by  unanimously 
passing  a  resolution  which  declared  that  the  union  with 
Sweden  was  thereby  dissolved.  The  question  now  was 
whether  the  latter  would  permit  Norway  to  secede  or 
whether  she  would  try  to  compel  her  to  stay  in  the  Union. 
For  a  time  it  looked  like  civil  war,  but  in  the  end  better  coun- 
sel prevailed.  It  was  decided  to  allow  the  Norwegian  people 
to  settle  their  own  national  destiny  through  a  plebiscite. 

When  this  was  held,  the  result  showed  an  almost  unani- 
mous vote  in  favor  of  independence,  as  only  one  hundred 
Independ-  ^^^  eighty-four  votes  were  cast  against  it. 
ence  of  Nor-  Sweden  was  chagrined,  but  she  loyally  accepted 
the  outcome.  Norway  thereupon  became  an 
independent  nation,  and  she  chose  as  her  King,  Prince 
Charles,  the  second  son  of  King  Frederick  VIII  of  Den- 
mark, who  was  crowned  on  June  22,  1906,  as  Haakon  VII, 
successor  to  Haakon  VI,  the  last  independent  King  of 
Norway.  A  treaty  between  Sweden  and  Norway  provided 
that,  in  case  of  a  dispute  between  them,  final  resort  should 
be  to  the  Hague  Tribunal,  and  that  no  fortifications  should 
be  erected  by  either  party  on  the  frontier  separating  them. 

In  1907  Gustavus  V  ascended  the  throne  of  Sweden,  His 
reign  witnessed  the  rapid  growth  of  a  radical  movement 
Democratic  which  demanded  complete  democracy  in  gov- 
progress  in  ernment.  Universal  male  suffrage  for  the  lower 
House  of  the  Riksdag  was  adopted  in  1909,  but 
successive  attempts  to  enfranchise  the  women  were  defeated 
by  the  upper  House.  The  Cabinet  was  made  responsible 
to  the  Riksdag,  although  the  King  continued  to  exercise 
considerable  influence  on  the  policies  of  the  Government. 

Sweden  has  a  population  of  about  5,600,000,  the  majority 
of  whom  are  engaged  in  agriculture.  She  has  practically  no 
coal,  but  numerous  waterfalls  supply  abundant  electrical 


THE  SCANDINAVIAN   NATIONS  477 

energy.    In  recent  years,  as  a  result  of  the  exploitation  of 
her  forests  and  her  extensive  iron  mines,  Swedish  Economic 
industry  has  made  remarkable  progress.    Large  progress  in 
quantities  of  timber,  wooden  ware,  and  iron  are 
exported.   Wood-pulp  mills  operated  by  electricity  abound 
everywhere.    As  a  result  of  the  introduction  of  these  indus- 
tries, a  working  class  made  its  appearance  which  is  per- 
meated witlj  socialism.   A  general  strike  took  place  in  1909 
which  spread  from  the  pulp  mills  to  the  other  industries, 
and  involved  about  285,000  men.    Stockholm  was  for  a 
time  completely  tied  up,  but  the  strikers  were  finally  com- 
pelled to  return  to  their  work. 

The  Swedish  elections  in  191 1  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
one  hundred  and  two  Liberals,  sixty-four  Conservatives, 
and  sixty-four  Socialists.    Fear  of  possible  Rus-  Parliament 
sian  aggression  frequently  aroused  the  country,  opposes  the 
and  a  strong  sentiment  demanded  a  larger  army     '"^ 
and  navy.    In  1914  there  took  place  a  remarkable  demon- 
stration of  peasants,  thousands  of  whom  came  from  all 
parts  of  Sweden  to  petition  the  King  for  greater  military 
preparedness.     King  Gustavus  assured  them  of  his  warm 
sympathy,  which  gave  rise  to  a  bitter  controversy  in  the 
Riksdag.    The  Liberal  Ministry  was  opposed  to  an  increase 
in  the  military  and  naval  establishments,  and  resigned  as  a 
protest  against  the  King's  action.    A  dissolution  of  Parlia- 
ment in  1 91 4  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  the  King,  as  the 
new  Riksdag  passed  the  defense  bills  which  he  advocated. 

Norway's  government  is  one  of  the  most  democratic  in 
the  world.  The  King  merely  reigns.  All  executive  author- 
ity is  vested  in  a  cabinet  responsible  to  the  Stor-  Democracy 
thing,  which  is  essentially  a  parliament  of  one  *"  Norway 
House  elected  by  universal  suffrage.  Norway  has  the  dis- 
tinction of  being  the  first  European  nation  to  confer  full 
parliamentary  suffrage  on  women.  Women  possessing  prop- 
erty were  enfranchised  in  1907;  six  years  later  (191 3)  all 
women  citizens  were  enfranchised  and  given  complete 
political  equality  with  men. 

Norway's  wealth  is  in  her  forests.     Like  Sweden,  she 


478      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

exports  large  quantities  of  wood  and  wooden  ware.  Fish- 
Norwa  's  ^"^  ^^  another  great  industry  and  it  provides  a 
economic  livelihood  for  a  considerable  portion  of  her  people, 
progress  j^^  proportion  to  her  population,  which  is  about 

2,400,000,  Norway  has  the  largest  merchant  marine  in  the 
world,  and  she  ranks  after  Great  Britain,  Germany,  and  the 
United  States  in  the  tonnage  of  her  vessels. 

Scandinavian  Literature 

The  Scandinavian  nations  have  exercised  comparatively 
little  influence  on  the  political  and  economic  history  of 
Influence  of  Europe;  but,  from  the  point  of  view  of  their  liter- 
vianfkera-  ^^  Contributions,  they  may  be  ranked  as  first- 
ture  grade  nations.   A  race  of  literary  vikings  arose, 

who  boldly  set  sail  for  unknown  seas  of  thought,  daring  to 
face  the  storms  of  criticism  and  the  shafts  of  ridicule.  A 
veritable  literary  invasion  of  Europe  by  Scandinavian 
writers  took  place  during  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  and  the  bold  literary  adventurers  succeeded  in 
conquering  and  holding  a  great  place  in  the  cultural  life  of 
the  nations  of  Europe. 

A  unique  personality  was  the  famous  Dane,  Hans  Christian 
Andersen  (1805-75),  the  greatest  of  all  children's  story- 
tellers. His  immortal  fairy  tales  transformed 
the  nonsense  of  the  nursery  into  stories  which 
have  charmed  and  delighted  millions  of  children.  Andersen 
had  the  soul  of  a  child,  and  life  to  him  was  a  fairy-tale;  he 
therefore  wrote  with  that  naive  seriousness  and  simplicity 
that  only  children  can  appreciate.  One  can  almost  see,  hear, 
and  touch  the  characters  in  his  tales;  even  the  animals 
speak  as  animals  would  if  they  could.  Andersen  may  be 
said  to  have  discovered  the  soul  of  the  child ;  and  so  uni- 
versally beloved  is  he  that  there  is  hardly  a  person  in 
Europe  or  America  who  has  not  heard  or  read  his  tales. 

Few  modern  writers  have  exercised  so  wide  and  so  deep 
an  influence  as  the  Norwegian,  Henrik  Ibsen  (1828-1906), 
whose  dramas  were  the  literary  sensation  of  Europe  and 
America  for  many  years.   Ibsen  was  a  stern  social  moralist. 


THE  SCANDINAVIAN   NATIONS  479 

His  chief  aim  was  to  expose  the  shams  and  illusions  of 
middle-class  society,  whose  respectability  he  re-  ^^^^^ 
garded  as  a  mask  for  cowards  and  as  a  pitfall 
for  the  good  and  the  simple.  He  despised  democracy  as 
a  vulgar  middle-class  invention  intended  to  deceive  the 
masses  into  the  belief  that  they  ruled  because  they  voted, 
whereas  they  were  really  the  tools  of  the  philistine  bour- 
geois who  used  them  to  crush  those  that  were  the  true 
champions  of  freedom  and  progress.  "The  most  dangerous 
foe  to  truth  and  freedom  in  our  midst  is  the  compact  ma- 
jority," declares  one  of  his  characters.  That  the  majority 
was  always  wrong,  Ibsen  was  firmly  convinced;  and  he 
believed  that  the  true  benefactors  of  the  race  were  those 
individuals  who  proclaimed  their  independence  of  the  con- 
ventions of  the  day  and  dared  to  live  their  own  lives  in  their 
own  way.  The  more  a  man  finds  himself  in  a  minority  the 
more  apt  is  he  to  be  right;  ''the  strongest  man  in  the  world 
is  he  who  stands  most  alone."  In  Ibsen's  hands  the  theater 
became  the  means  of  social  propaganda  and  the  vehicle 
for  radical  ideas. 

His  drama,  An  Enemy  of  the  People,  is  an  exposure  of 
political  and  commercial  dishonesty  masquerading  as  de- 
mocracy. Dr.  Stockmann,  the  hero,  finds  that  the  baths  of 
his  town,  which  is  a  famous  health  resort,  are  contaminated 
by  sewage;  and  instead  of  being  a  cure  for  the  sick  they 
are  really  pest-holes.  He  so  informs  the  authorities,  who, 
fearing  that  the  town  would  be  ruined  financially  if  this  were 
generally  known,  determine  to  hush  up  the  matter.  In- 
stead of  being  regarded  as  a  benefactor,  Dr.  Stockmann 
suddenly  finds  that  he  is  being  hounded  by  all  classes  in  the 
community.  The  town  is  in  an  uproar  over  his  determina- 
tion to  expose  the  evil,  and  mass  meetings  are  held  de- 
nouncing him  "as  an  enemy  of  the  people."  He  bravely 
holds  his  own,  fully  expecting  that  the  Liberal  elements, 
"the  friends  of  the  people,"  will  come  to  his  aid.  To  his 
amazement,  "a  compact  Liberal  majority"  is  organized, 
which  incites  the  mob  to  attack  him  so  that  he  barely 
escapes  with  his  life. 


^8o      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Another  exposure  of  social  hypocrisy  is  contained  in 
The  Pillars  of  Society.  Consul  Bernick  is  a  respectable  mer- 
chant with  a  fine  reputation  among  his  neighbors  as  a 
good  citizen,  loving  father,  and  faithful  husband.  He  is  par- 
ticularly desirous  that  the  "moral  tone"  of  the  commun- 
ity be  rigorously  upheld,  and  he  is  consequently  active  in  all 
civic  duties.  But  this  pillar  of  society  is  hollow  and  rotten 
within ;  he  secretly  profits  from  his  public  activity,  oppresses 
his  workingmen,  browbeats  his  wife,  and  enters  into  shady 
commercial  transactions,  all  the  while  maintaining  an  appear- 
ance of  great  respectability.  He  always  has  a  glib  mouthful 
of  platitudes  about  "the  moral  foundations  of  society," 
"good  citizenship,"  and  "one's  duty  to  one's  neighbors." 
His  reprehensible  dealings  are  finally  discovered,  but  he 
manages  to  throw  the  blame  on  an  innocent  man  who  is 
sailing  for  America,  and  so  "the  moral  tone  of  the  com- 
munity" is  saved. 

In  The  D oil's  House  Ibsen  created  a  new  type  in  litera- 
ture, the  emancipated  woman.  This  drama  caused  a  great 
sensation  throughout  the  world,  for  it  was  a  most  bitter 
attack  on  the  conventions  of  family  life.  It  also  brought  the 
subject  of  the  rights  of  women  prominently  before  the  pub- 
lic. Torvald  Helmer  is  a  model  husband  and  father,  loving 
his  wife,  Nora,  and  his  children  most  devotedly.  Nora  be- 
comes anxious  about  her  husband's  health;  and  in  order  to 
get  money  to  enable  him  to  go  to  a  health  resort  she  forges 
her  father's  name  to  a  note,  not  realizing  the  seriousness  of 
the  offense.  She  secretly  works  to  pay  off  the  debt,  but  the 
forgery  is  discovered.  Helmer  is  roused  to  a  high  pitch  of 
moral  indignation  at  his  wife ;  he  denounces  her  for  putting 
in  jeopardy  his  future  and  his  honor,  forgetting  that  she  had 
forged  the  note  for  his  sake.  Nora  now  realizes  that  all  these 
years  she  had  been  regarded  by  her  husband,  not  as  an  in- 
dividual with  a  soul  of  her  own,  but  as  a  petted  child  living 
in  "  a  doll's  house  " ;  that  her  sole  function  had  been  to  serve 
as  wife  and  mother  in  return  for  support  and  shelter.  She 
comes  to  loathe  such  a  life  as  degrading  and  dishonorable; 
"I  believe  that  before  all  else  I  am  a  human  being,  just  as 


THE  SCANDINAVIAN   NATIONS  481 

much  as  you  are,  or  at  least  that  I  should  try  to  become 
one,"  she  tells  her  husband.  She  believes  herself  unfit  to  be 
a  true  wife  and  mother  until  she  is  able  to  share  in  the 
burdens  and  responsibilities  of  the  world  outside  the  home, 
and  proposes  to  leave  her  husband.  Helmer  is  outraged, 
and  remonstrates  with  her  on  her  duty  to  him,  to  her  chil- 
dren, and  to  God.  But  Nora's  reply  is  that  her  supreme 
duty  is  toward  herself. 

Ibsen  was  a  poet  as  well  as  a  dramatist.  His  two  poetic 
dramas.  Brand  and  Peer  Gynt,  are  highly  symbolic  inter- 
pretations of  life  and  destiny.  In  Brand  he  portrays  a  char- 
acter who  will  not  compromise  in  the  least  with  his  ideals, 
but  adheres  to  them  with  unswerving  fidelity.  As  a  con- 
sequence, he  finds  himself  a  soul  apart  from  the  rest  of  man- 
kind, for  his  ideals  are  too  high  to  be  attained.  In  Peer  Gynt, 
on  the  contrary,  is  the  type  of  weak  character,  easily  influ- 
enced, who  follows  his  whims  and  never  squarely  faces  the 
problems  of  life;  hence  his  soul  crumbles.  Brand  fails  be- 
cause of  his  strength,  Peer  Gynt  because  of  his  weakness. 

Bjornstjerne  Bjornson  (1832-1910),  the  Norwegian  poet, 

novelist,   dramatist,   and   patriot,   shared  with    Ibsen   the 

hegemony  of  Scandinavian  literature.    His  writ-  _... 

...  .      .  Bjornson 

ings  are  characterized  by  an  mtense  patriotism 

which  made  him  exceedingly  popular  in  Norway,  whose  in- 
dependence of  Sweden  he  warmly  espoused.  It  was  re- 
marked of  him  that  merely  to  mention  his  name  was  like 
running  up  the  flag  of  Norway.  Bjornson  was  greatly  in- 
terested in  the  heroic  age  of  his  country  and  wrote  many 
poems  and  dramas  about  the  old  vikings.  His  main  literary 
purpose,  however,  was  "to  create  a  new  saga  in  the  light 
of  the  peasant,"  for  he  believed  that  the  Norwegian  country 
folk  were  the  true  descendants  of  the  ancient  Norse  heroes. 
He  therefore  wrote  many  stories  of  peasant  life,  the  best 
known  of  which  are  Arne  and  Synnbve  Solbakken,  in  which 
the  virtues  of  the  peasants  are  held  up  as  models  for  the 
nation. 

August  Strindberg  (i 849-1912),  the  Swedish  writer,  is 
regarded  as  the  leading  iconoclast  in  contemporary  Euro- 


482      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

pean  literature.    Strindberg's  work  is  characterized  by  a 

^   .   „  fanatic  hatred    of   what  he    conceived    to   be 

Strindberg         ,  .  .  ,        ,     •         i  i  ,     • 

the  vices  oi  women   bred    in   them   by    their 

subordinate  position.    Fear  of  women  became  almost  an 

obsession  with  him,  and  he  passionately  insisted  that  they 

are  the  inveterate  enemies  of  men  of  genius  whom  they 

try  either  to  ruin  or  to  cheat.   Women,  he  believed,  care 

only  for  their  children  and  are  interested  in  men  only  as 

fathers  and  as  breadwinners. 

Strindberg  was  a  master  of  the  one-act  play,  a  type  of 
literary  composition  of  which  he  was  to  a  considerable  ex- 
tent the  originator.  His  characters  are  generally  brutal, 
selfish,  gross,  and  constantly  quarreling.  Although  a  seeker 
after  the  ideal,  he  was  so  much  at  odds  with  every  one  and 
with  everything  that  he  finally  arrived  at  being  a  hopeless 
pessimist.  As  he  himself  once  declared,  "To  search  for  God 
and  find  the  Devil!  —  that  is  what  happened  to  me."  He 
was  a  master  of  biting  irony,  and  his  characterizations  of 
persons  leave  a  burning  sensation  in  the  reader.  He  speaks 
of  one  man  as  "an  intellectual  cannibal"  who  devours  the 
reputations  of  his  rivals;  and  of  another  as  "a  wandering 
shame  whose  face  was  known  to  all  and  who  was  branded 
with  his  own  name."  Strindberg's  best-known  works  are 
the  dramas.  Countess  Julie,  The  Father,  The  Stronger,  and 
Comrades;  the  semi-autobiography  entitled  The  Confessions 
of  a  Fool;  and  a  volume  of  short  stories  called  Marriage. 
His  works  are  so  erratic  that  their  merit  is  still  subject 
to  much  literary  controversy. 

Little  Denmark  has  the  honor  of  producing  Georg  Morris 

Cohen  Brandes  (1842-     ),  the  greatest  literary  critic  since 

Sainte-Beuve.  Brandes's  conception  of  criticism 
Brandes  .  .      .  1111.  1  -i 

is  most  broad;  it  is  to  blend  literature,  phil- 
osophy, history,  and  sociology  in  order  to  give  a  true  and 
complete  idea  of  the  evolution  of  the  human  spirit.  In  the 
great  work,  Main  Currents  of  Nineteenth  Century  Literature, 
he  takes  all  of  Europe  for  his  province  and  writes  profoundly 
and  convincingly  on  the  writers  and  movements  of  the 
period.   Unlike  Sainte-Beuve,  whose  knowledge  was  mainly 


THE  SCANDINAVIAN   NATIONS  483 

of  the  Romance  nations,  Brandes  is  equally  at  home  in 
English,  Russian,  German,  Polish,  French,  and  Italian,  as  well 
as  in  Scandinavian  literature ;  moreover,  his  sympathies  are 
decidedly  with  the  new  men  and  the  new  ideals.  He  was 
the  first  to  discover  Nietzsche  and  to  give  this  brilliant  and 
highly  original  German  philosopher  his  place  in  the  world  of 
letters. 


CHAPTER   XX 

HOLLAND,  BELGIUM,  AND  SWITZERLAND 
The  Netherlands 

Although  ranking  as  small  nations,  Holland,  Belgium, 
and  Switzerland  occupy  an  important  place  in  the  Euro- 
Strategic  pean  political  system  because  of  their  strategic 
the'three°  geographic  locations.  Holland  is  a  window  to 
states  Germany  looking  out  on  the  North  Sea,  through 

which  invading  English  or  German  armies  might  pass.  Bel- 
gium is  essentially  a  buffer  state  between  France  and  Ger- 
many, and  "a  pistol  pointing  at  the  heart  of  England." 
Switzerland  is  wedged  in  among  four  great  nations,  Ger- 
many, France,  Italy,  and  Austria,  and  serves  the  useful 
purpose  of  preventing  them  from  being  too  near  neighbors. 

After  the  downfall  of  Napoleon,  the  House  of  Orange 
was  restored  in  the  person  of  William  I,  who  assumed  the 
Union  of  ^^^^^  ^^  King  of  the  Netherlands,  and  not  the  old 
Holland  and  title  of  Stadholder.  To  William  were  given  Hol- 
egium  l^n^  and  the  region  now  known  as  Belgium,  as 
both  countries  were  erected  into  a  single  kingdom  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna.  A  constitution  was  adopted  which 
provided  for  a  States-General,  or  parliament,  with  limited 
powers,  the  upper  House  to  be  appointed  by  the  King  and 
the  lower  to  be  elected  by  provincial  bodies.  Belgium  and 
Holland  were  given  an  equal  number  of  representatives  in 
the  lower  House. 

Like  the  other  unions  arranged  by  the  diplomats  of  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  this  one  also  proved  unhappy.  There 
were  sharp  differences  between  the  two  peoples,  which  were 
Dissatisfac-  ^11  the  more  exasperating  to  the  Belgians  because 
tion  of  the      they  occupied  an  inferior  position  in  the  union. 

Belgians  ^,  .    r  i  i-    •  t       i  •      ^.i. 

with  Dutch  Chief  among  these  was  religion.  In  the  main,  the 
^^^  Dutch   are  Protestant,  belonging  to  the  rigid 

Calvinist  sect,  while  the  Belgians  are  intensely  Catholic. 


HOLLAND,   BELGIUM,   AND  SWITZERLAND    485 

The  provision  in  the  constitution  for  equal  treatment  of 
both  faiths  was  resented  by  the  CathoHc  clergy  because 
they  had  always  enjoyed  special  privileges  in  Belgium. 
Language  was  another  dividing  line.  Dutch  was  declared  to 
be  the  only  official  language  of  the  kingdom,  but  this  was  a 
foreign  tongue  to  many  of  the  Belgians,  particularly  among 
the  educated,  who  spoke  French.  The  Belgians  complained 
of  the  unjust  system  of  representation  in  the  States-General 
which  allowed  them  only  as  many  delegates  as  Holland, 
although  their  population  was  twice  that  of  the  latter.  In 
the  States-General  the  Dutch  and  Belgian  members  were 
always  arrayed  against  each  other,  and  measures  were  car- 
ried through  by  the  King,  who  generally  managed  to  in- 
fluence a  sufficient  number  of  Belgians  to  vote  wdth  the 
Dutch.  Nearly  all  the  officials  in  the  civil  and  military 
service  were  Dutch;  and  the  Belgians  felt  that  they  w^ere 
being  discriminated  against  and  treated  like  a  conquered 
people.  In  1821  new  taxes  were  devised  which  fell  mainly 
on  the  Belgians,  who  thereupon  began  a  bitter  attack  on 
the  Government  through  the  press.  King  William,  though 
well-meaning,  was  inclined  to  be  headstrong  and  arbitrary. 
Through  his  influence  strict  censorship  laws  were  enacted 
which  led  to  the  imprisonment  of  Belgian  journalists. 

The  July  Revolution  of  1830  in  Paris  inflamed  the  dis- 
contented Belgians.   Riots  broke  out  in  the  streets  of  Brus- 
sels and  quickly  spread  throughout  the  country,  independ- 
A  provisional  government  was  organized  which  ence  of  Bel- 
declared  Belgium  a  free  and  independent  nation.  ^'"™ 
A  national  convention  was  called,  which  formally  estab- 
lished Belgium  as  a  constitutional  monarchy;  and  in  July, 
1 83 1,   Prince  Leopold   of  Saxe-Coburg  was   chosen    ruler 
with  the  title  of  Leopold  I,  King  of  the  Belgians. 

The  Belgian  revolution  was  a  matter  of  international 
concern.   The  question  arose,  What  was  to  be  the  status  of 
this  new  kingdom,  which  occupied  so  important  Neutraliza- 
a  strategic  position?  A  conference  of  the  Powers  tion  of  Bel- 
took  place  in  London,  at  which  Great  Britain,  ^'" 
Austria,  Prussia,  and  Russia  were  represented,  to  decide 


486      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

on  the  future  of  Belgium.  On  November  15,  1831,  a 
treaty  was  signed  by  these  four  Powers  which  declared 
that  Belgium  "shall  form  an  independent  and  perpetually 
neutral  state"  which  was  to  observe  the  same  neutrality 
toward  all  the  other  states.  But  Holland  stubbornly  re- 
fused to  agree  to  this  arrangement,  and  a  Dutch  army 
under  King  William  invaded  Belgium  and  won  several 
battles.  A  French  army  was  now  sent  to  meet  the  victori- 
ous Dutch,  who  thereupon  decided  to  come  to  terms  and 
to  recognize  Belgium,  which  they  did  in  1839.  Another 
international  conference  took  place  in  London  which,  on 
April  19,  1839,  adopted  a  treaty  similar  to  the  one  of  1831, 
and  which  was  signed  by  Great  Britain,  Austria,  Prussia, 
Russia,  France,  and  Belgium.  The  last  agreed  not  to  make 
any  treaty  of  alliance  with  any  other  nation  and  to  refuse 
at  all  times  to  allow  her  neutrality  to  be  violated. 

For  centuries  Belgium  had  been  the  battle  ground  of 
Europe.  This  choice  morsel,  with  its  fine  harbors  and 
Advantage-  extensive  manufactures,  had  been  coveted  by 
ous  position  the  nations  of  Europe.  At  various  times  Spain, 
Austria,  France,  and  Holland  had  possessed  it. 
Now,  in  the  interest  of  European  peace,  it  was  decided  that 
Belgium  should  belong  to  herself;  and  for  the  first  time  in 
all  her  history  she  became  an  independent  nation.  The  new 
kingdom  was  given  a  peculiarly  advantageous  position  in 
the  state  system  of  Europe ;  not  only  was  her  existence  rec- 
ognized like  that  of  any  other  nation,  but  her  territory  was 
especially  guaranteed  against  invasion.  The  former  battle 
ground  was  to  be  forever  at  peace,  and  she  therefore  had  no 
need  to  enter  into  "entangling"  alliances  with  her  neighbors 
in  order  to  protect  herself.   Europe  was  to  be  her  protector. 

The  separation  of  Belgium  from  the  Netherlands  pro- 
duced among  the  Dutch  general  dissatisfaction  with  their 
Constitution  government.  In  1840  William  abdicated,  and  his 
of  1848  successor,  William  H,  was  faced  by  a  powerful 

Liberal  opposition  led  by  the  distinguished  Dutch  jurist 
and  statesman,  Johan  Rudolf  Thorbecke.  The  European 
revolution  of  1848  had  a  marked  effect  in  accelerating  the 


HOLLAND,   BELGIUM,   AND   SWITZERLAND    487 

Liberal  movement  in  Holland.  In  that  year  a  constitu- 
tion was  promulgated  which  radically  changed  the  char- 
acter of  the  States-General.  The  upper  House  was  made 
electi\'e  by  the  provincial  assemblies,  and  the  lower  by  citi- 
zens possessing  property  qualifications.  The  Cabinet  was 
made  responsible  to  the  States-General,  though  the  King 
continued  to  exercise  considerable  influence  on  the  conduct 
of  the  Government. 

During    the    long  reign  of  William    III   (1849-90),  the 
Liberals  under  Thorbecke  were  in  almost  complete  control. 
They  reorganized  the  administration,  reformed  Rule  of  the 
the  electoral  laws,  and  built  great  public  works,  Liberals 
such  as  canals,  docks,  and  railways.  The  Haarlem  Lake  was 
drained  and  turned  into  a  huge  meadow. 

The  two  most  important  questions  before  the  Dutch 
people  since  1848  have  been  those  regarding  popular  edu- 
cation and  suffrage.  The  Catholics  and  Calvin-  The  school 
ists  strongly  favored  the  control  of  the  public  question 
schools  by  the  religious  bodies;  this  was  opposed  by  the 
Liberals,  who  wished  to  keep  the  schools  free  from  secta- 
rian influences.  The  Catholics  and  Calvinists,  in  1889,  were 
able  to  pass  a  law  giving  state  support  to  their  denom- 
inational schools  and  introducing  religious  instruction  in  the 
public  schools. 

The  constitution  of  1848  did  not  give  the  vote  to  the  lower 
classes,  and  an   agitation  for  universal   male  suffrage  was 
started  that  resulted  in  the  electoral  reform  of  Extension 
1887  which  trebled  the  vote,  though  it  did  not  of  the  suf- 
establish  universal  manhood  suffrage.    A  strong 
socialist  movement  began  to  appear,  and  the  fear  of  revo- 
lution led    to    the   formation    of   the   Anti-Revolutionary 
Party,  which,  although  strongly  Calvinist,  yet  combined 
with  the  Catholics  to  oppose  radicalism  in  general  and  uni- 
versal suffrage  in  particular.    In  1896  a  further  extension 
of  the  suffrage  was  made  as  a  result  of  the  socialist  agita- 
tion that  gave  the  vote  to  all  householders  and  lodgers  as 
in  England;  hence  it  did  not  establish  complete  universal 
manhood  suffrage. 


488      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

King  William  died  in  1890,  and  he  was  succeeded  by  his 
little  daughter,  Wilhelmina,  who  came  of  age  in  1898,  when 
Anxiety  of  ^^e  was  crowned  Queen  of  the  Netherlands.^ 
the  Dutch  Her  marriage  to  the  German  Prince  Henry  of 
their  inde-  Mecklenburg-Schwerin  caused  anxiety  among 
pendence  ^j^g  Dutch,  for  they  feared  that  it  might  cause 
their  country  to  fall  under  German  influences.  But  the 
birth  of  an  heiress  to  the  throne  in  1909  somewhat  quieted 
their  fears.  In  recent  years  there  has  been  a  growing  un- 
easiness among  the  Dutch  lest  their  great  colonial  posses- 
sions, fine  harbors,  and  rich  trade  might  tempt  their  pow- 
erful neighbors  to  acts  of  aggression.  It  was  also  feared 
that,  in  case  of  war  between  England  and  Germany,  Hol- 
land's neutrality  might  be  violated  by  either  or  by  both. 
As  a  result  army  reforms  were  made  in  1898  and  in  191 2, 
which  introduced  compulsory  military  service  on  the  Swiss 
model. ^  A  coast-defense  law,  passed  in  1913,  provided  for 
elaborate  fortifications  at  Flushing  and  at  Amsterdam. 

The  population  of  the  Netherlands  in  191 2  was  about 
six  million,  most  of  whom  depended  upon  commerce. 
Economic  dairy  farming,  and  fishing  for  their  livelihood, 
conditions  There  is  little  manufacturing  in  Holland  because 
of  a  lack  of  coal  and  iron;  hence  she  is  practically  a  free- 
trade  country.  Holland  has  become  an  entrepot  for  the  manu- 
factures of  the  Continent  on  their  way  to  England  or  over- 
seas. Much  of  her  prosperity  depends  on  her  shipments 
from  Germany  with  whom  she  has  close  economic  ties. 

Until  1848  the  colonial  possessions^  of  the  Netherlands 
were  under  the  personal  rule  of  the  King,  but  in  that 
The  colo-  year  the  States-General  assumed  control.  The 
"^^^  East  India  colonies  are  exceedingly  valuable  for 

their  coffee,  tea,  sugar,  tobacco,  and  spices.  In  order  to  get 

^  Holland  is  the  name  generally  given  by  English-speaking  people  to  the 
Netherlands,  the  official  name  of  the  country. 

2  See  p.  496. 

'  Holland  possesses  a  great  colonial  empire  containing  a  population  esti- 
mated at  forty  million.  The  most  important  colonies  are  in  the  East  Indies, 
Java,  Sumatra,  half  of  Borneo,  part  of  New  Guinea,  and  the  Celebes  group  of 
islands. 


HOLLAND,   BELGIUM,   AND  SWITZERLAND    489 

as  much  as  possible  of  these  products  the  Dutch  estab- 
lished in  Java  a  unique  system  of  taxation.  The  natives 
were  compelled  to  set  aside  one  fifth  of  their  land  on  which 
to  raise  these  tropical  products  exclusively  for  the  Govern- 
ment, by  whom  they  were  bought  at  prices  fixed  by  itself 
and  shipped  to  Amsterdam,  where  they  were  sold  at  market 
prices.  In  this  way  the  Government  was  able  to  obtain 
large  revenues.  This  system  of  forced  labor  was  de- 
nounced in  Holland  as  establishing  a  condition  of  semi- 
slavery,  but  it  was  defended  on  the  ground  that  the  natives 
were  lazy  and  would  produce  only  sufficient  for  their  own 
sustenance  unless  compelled  to  do  more.  In  1870  the  system 
was  abolished.  On  the  whole  the  Dutch  colonies  have  been 
well  governed  and  a  source  of  prosperity  for  the  mother 
country. 

Belgium 

As  we  have  just  seen,  Belgium  became  an  independent 
nation  in  1830.  There  being  no  hereditary  dynasty,  the 
problem  of  monarchy  was  settled  at  the  outset  _ 

111-  f         1  •  '111  Government 

by  the  choice  of  a  kmg,  with  the  clear  under- 
standing that  the  government  of  the  kingdom  was  to  be 
strictly  constitutional.  There  has  never  been  any  friction 
between  the  Belgian  kings  and  the  people,  as  the  former 
have  not  tried  to  dominate  the  country.  According  to  the 
constitution,  executive  authority  is  lodged  in  a  Cabinet  re- 
sponsible to  Parliament  for  its  existence.  The  latter  is  bi- 
cameral, consisting  of  a  Senate  ^  and  a  Chamber  of  Deputies, 
both  of  which  are  elected  by  the  people. 

The  people  of  Belgium  are  divided  into  two  distinct 
races  who  differ  from  each  other  in  language,  in  manner 
of  life,  and  in  political  and  cultural  ideals.     In  -pj^^  Flem- 
the  northern  provinces  live  about  four  million  ings  and 
Flemings,  a  people  of  Teutonic  stock,  who  speak 
a  language  akin  to  Dutch  and  whose  main  source  of  liveli- 
hood is  agriculture.     The  Flemings  are  devout  Catholics, 
and  it  was  through  their  influence  that  the  constitutional 
^  One  quarter  of  the  Senate  is  elected  by  provincial  bodies. 


490      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

position  of  the  Church  was  made  most  favorable.  The  Bel- 
gian Catholic  Church  has  all  the  privileges  and  none  of  the 
burdens  of  an  established  church ;  it  receives  public  support 
and  official  recognition,  but  the  State  has  no  control  over  its 
officials  or  administration.  The  southern  provinces  are 
inhabited  by  about  three  and  a  half  million  Walloons,  of 
Celtic  origin,  whose  language  is  French,  and  who  are  en- 
gaged in  industrial  pursuits.  Although  Catholic  in  religion, 
these  Walloons  have  shown  themselves  hostile  to  the  Church, 
for  they  are  inspired  by  the  anti-clerical  spirit  of  their  neigh- 
bors, the  French. 

These  two  elements  combined  in  1830  to  overthrow 
Dutch  domination;  but  once  this  was  accomplished,  a  sharp 
Catholics  division  arose  between  them.  Two  parties  ap- 
and  Liberals  peared,  the  Catholics  representing  the  Flemings 
and  the  Liberals  the  Walloons,  who  fought  over  three 
questions,  popular  education,  the  suffrage,  and  the  offi- 
cial language.  The  Catholics  favored  the  control  of  the 
schools  by  the  Church,  high  property  qualifications  for  vot- 
ing, and  the  equality  of  Flemish  with  French  as  an  official 
language.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Liberals  favored  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  system  of  free  popular  education  on  a  secu- 
lar basis,  the  broadening  of  the  suffrage,  and  the  mainte- 
nance of  French  as  the  only  official  language. 

During  the  greater  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
Liberals  were  in  control  of  the  Government  under  the  able 
Rule  of  the  leadership,  first  of  Charles  Rogier,  and  later  of 
Liberals  Walthere  Frere-Orban.  During  the  reign  of 
Leopold  II  ( 1 865-1 909)  important  reforms  were  instituted 
by  the  Liberals.  An  education  law,  passed  in  1879,  estab- 
lished a  public-school  system  on  a  secular  basis  to  be  sup- 
ported by  the  communes  with  subventions  from  the  Govern- 
ment ;  no  public  support  was  to  be  given  to  schools  other  than 
those  recognized  by  the  Government.  This  law  greatly 
angered  the  Catholics,  who  denounced  it  as  "  perverse,  im- 
pious, and  contrary  to  divine  law";  and  they  established  a 
rival  school  system  under  Church  influence  for  which  they 
demanded  public  support. 


HOLLAND,    BELGIUM,   AND   SWITZERLAND    491 

In  1848  a  reform  In  the  electoral  law  had  nearly  doubled 
the  number  of  voters,  but  universal  suffrage  had  not  been 
established.  The  Liberals  split  into  two  factions,  Rule  of  the 
a  conservative  one  that  wished  to  maintain  the  Catholics 
property  qualification  in  order  to  insure  the  control  of  the 
Government  by  the  middle  classes,  and  a  radical  one  that 
desired  universal  manhood  suffrage.  Mainly  as  a  result  of 
this  division,  the  Catholic  Party  triumphed  in  the  elections 
of  1884  and  has  been  in  power  ever  since.  Almost  immedi- 
ately a  law  was  passed  reversing  Belgium's  educational 
policy.  The  school  law  of  1884  provided  that  a  commune 
could  adopt  either  a  "neutral"  or  a  "free"  school.^  In  the 
Catholic  districts  this  meant  that  public  support  would  be 
given  to  the  Church  schools.  Later  (1895)  religious  instruc- 
tion was  made  compulsory  in  all  the  public  schools.  The 
policy  of  the  Catholic  Government  was  to  favor  the  "free" 
schools  in  every  way  possible,  with  the  result  that  they 
rapidly  began  to  supplant  the  "neutral"  schools.  It  also 
passed  many  laws  for  the  benefit  of  the  working  classes,  such 
as  factory  reforms  and  social  insurance. 

The  rapid  industrialization  of  Belgium  gave  birth  in  1885 
to  the  Labor  Party,  a  Socialist  organization  which,  since  the 
decline  of  the  Liberals,  has  been  the  backbone  of  Extension 
the  opposition  to  the  Catholics.    The  Socialists  of  the  suf- 
began  a  widespread  agitation  for  universal  male 
suffrage  with  which  many  of  the  Liberals  sympathized.    A 
series  of  strikes  were  organized    in   protest  against    the 
property  suffrage,  which  culminated  in  the  general  strike 
of  1893  in  which  thousands  of  workingmen  participated. 
The  Government  was  forced  to  take  up  the  electoral  ques- 
tion, and  the  law  of  1893  was  passed,  establishing  universal 
suffrage,  but  with  plural  voting. 

Belgium  has  the  distinction  of  having  an  electoral  sys- 
tem which  is,  at  the  same  time,  the  most  and  the  least  demo- 
cratic in  Europe.    Every  citizen  is  entitled  to  one  vote;  an 

^  The  public  schools  in  Belgium  are  known  as  "neutral"  because  they  are 
neutral  in  religion;  the  Catholic  schools  are  known  as  "free"  because  free  from 
government  control. 


492   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

additional  vote  is  given  to  those  who  are  fathers  of  families, 
^,     .      .      or  who  own  land,  or  who  derive  an  income  from 

Plural  voting    . 

nivestments;  two  additional  votes  are  given  to 
those  who  are  graduates  of  higher  institutions  of  learning, 
or  to  professional  men  or  high  officials.  No  citizen  can  have 
more  than  three  votes. ^  The  main  purpose  of  this  law  was 
to  outvote  the  working  classes  in  the  cities  by  giving  elec- 
toral privileges  to  the  well-to-do,  with  the  result  that  a  kind 
of  political  caste  system  was  established,  as  in  Prussia, 
which  insured  the  supremacy  of  the  propertied  classes. 

In  order  to  counterbalance  the  evil  effects  of  plural  vot- 
ing, the  system  known  as  "proportional  representation" 
Proportional  ^^^  adopted  in  1899.  Weighty  objections  have, 
representa-  in  recent  times,  been  made  to  the  modern  sys- 
tem of  single-member  constituencies,  according 
to  which  the  candidate  having  a  majority  or  plurality  of  the 
votes  in  his  district  is  declared  elected.  From  this  method, 
it  is  claimed,  follow  serious  evils.  In  the  first  place,  the  mi- 
nority in  a  district,  no  matter  how  large,  is  unrepresented, 
and  the  majority  or  plurality,  no  matter  how  small,  is  over- 
represented;  hence  the  size  of  the  parties  in  the  legislature 
is  generally  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  votes  cast  for  them. 
When  a  candidate  is  elected  by  a  plurality,  as  is  frequently 
the  case  in  the  United  States  and  in  England,  the  injustice 
is  most  glaring,  for  then  minority  rule  is  established;  and 
more  than  once  has  the  party  in  control  of  Parliament  been 
elected  by  a  minority  of  the  voters  in  the  country.  In  order 
to  get  the  small  number  of  votes  necessary  to  make  the 
majority  or  plurality  in  a  district,  all  kinds  of  corrupt  de- 
vices are  resorted  to,  gerrymandering,  bribery,  and  coercion. 
What  is  necessary,  say  the  advocates  of  proportional  repre- 
sentation, is  to  arrange  a  system  that  will  give  each  party 
its  rightful  representation  in  Parliament  by  having  candi- 
dates elected  only  by  those  who  vote  for  them.  This  can  be 
accomplished  by  enlarging  the  single-member  constituency 
into  one  of  three  or  more  members  to  be  voted  for  on  a 

^  In  the  elections  of  1912,  fifty-eight  per  cent  of  the  electorate  cast  one  vote, 
twenty-four  per  cent  two  votes,  and  f  jghteen  per  cent  three  votes. 


HOLLAND,   BELGIUM,  AND  SWITZERLAND    493 

general  ticket ;  and  those  candidates  that  receive  the  num- 
ber of  votes  required  for  election  will  be  declared  elected. 
There  are  many  different  schemes  of  proportional  repre- 
sentation; the  one  used  in  Belgium  is  known  as  the  "list" 
system.  There,  each  of  the  three  parties,  Catholic,  Liberal, 
and  Labor,  selects  a  list  of  candidates  equal  to  the  number 
of  representatives  allotted  to  the  district;  each  voter  then 
casts  his  ballot  for  the  list  of  his  choice,  and  seats  are  as- 
signed to  each  party  in  proportion  to  its  electoral  strength. 

Proportional  representation  has  given  general  satisfac- 
tion in  Belgium,  and  the  political  problem  would  have  been 
solved  were  it  not  for  plural  voting  which,  it  is  The  general 
asserted,  tends  to  keep  the  Catholic  Party  in  equaUuf- 
power;  for  the  bulk  of  its  supporters,  the  Flemish  ^''^g^ 
peasant  proprietors,  are  entitled  to  two  votes  because  of 
their  ownership  of  land.  An  alliance  was  formed  between 
the  Liberals  and  the  Socialists  to  demand  the  abolition  of 
plural  voting  and  the  establishment  of  an  electoral  system 
based  on  the  principle  of  "one  man,  one  vote."  On  April 
4,  1913,  there  took  place  an  extraordinary  demonstration, 
a  political  general  strike:  about  375,000  men  of  all  trades 
stopped  work,  not  for  better  wages  or  shorter  hours,  but  for 
equal  manhood  suffrage.  Thousands  of  shopkeepers  volun- 
tarily closed  their  shops  out  of  sympathy  with  the  move- 
ment, which  was  characterized  as  a  "strike  with  folded 
arms,"  for  no  violence  of  any  kind  took  place.  After  ten 
days  the  general  strike  came  to  an  end,  but  only  on  the  as- 
surance of  the  Government  that  it  would  revise  the  entire 
electoral  system. 

The  most  significant  fact  about  Belgium  is  its  extra- 
ordinary economic  development.  Splendid  coal  and  iron 
mines  and  oil  fields  have  made  possible  exten-  Economic 
sive  mining  and  manufacturing  which  give  little  development 
Belgium  the  position  of  a  great  economic  power.  In  in- 
dustrial importance  she  ranks  after  England,  the  United 
States,  Germany  and  France.^ 

^  In  191 1  Belgium  produced  about  5,500,000  tons  of  steel,  which  was  more 
than  twenty  times  the  output  in  1880.  Her  production  of  coal  in  191 1  was  about 


494     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

King  Leopold  II  (i  865-1 909),  who  was  an  able  business 
promoter,  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  exploitation  and 
The  new  partitioning  of  Africa.^  He  acquired  a  huge  re- 
army  law  gjQj^  called  the  Congo  Free  State  which  was 
under  his  personal  rule  until  1908,  when  it  was  formally 
annexed  to  Belgium.  At  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  King 
Albert  (1909-  )  the  possibility  of  a  general  European  war 
arose,  and  fears  were  entertained  by  the  Belgians  that  their 
neutrality  might  be  violated  in  spite  of  the  guarantees  of 
the  powers.  A  new  army  law  was  therefore  passed  in  191 3 
which  made  military  service  compulsory  for  all  citizens. 
Fortifications  were  built,  particularly  along  the  German 
frontier  because  of  greater  fear  from  that  quarter. 

The  little  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg,  once  a  member 

of  the  Germanic  Confederation,  was  not  incorporated  in 

the  German  Empire.   It  was  united  in  a  personal 

Luxemburg  ,  •  ,       ,       at     i       i        i  mi 

union  with  the  JNetherlands  until  the  accession 
of  Queen  Wilhelmina  in  1890,  when  the  personal  union  was 
dissolved,  and  Luxemburg  became  an  independent  nation, 
with  its  neutrality  guaranteed,  like  that  of  Belgium,  by  the 
European  Powers. 

The  Swiss  Confederation 

Until  the  nineteenth  century  Switzerland  was  no  more 
than  a  geographical  expression  for  a  group  of  tiny  communi- 
The  Hel-  *^^^  *^^^  were  practically  independent  of  one 
vetic  repub-  another.  The  first  step  toward  Swiss  unity  was 
the  establishment  by  the  French,  in  1798,  of 
the  Helvetic  Republic,  which  unified  the  various  cantons 
into  a  highly  centralized  state.  At  the  Congress  of  Vienna, 
Switzerland  was  once  more  divided  into  semi-independent 
cantons;  the  only  bond  of  union  was  a  Federal  Diet  with 
very  limited  powers,  like  the  American  Continental  Con- 
gress under  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

During  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  Switzer- 

25,400,000  tons.   Her  total  foreign  trade  in  191 1  was  valued  at  about  $l,6i8,- 
000,000,  an  increase  of  three  hundred  per  cent  over  that  of  1880. 
^  See  p.  677. 


HOLLAND,   BELGIUM,   AND   SWITZERLAND    495 

land  was  torn  by  revolts,  civil  wars,  and  quarrels  among 
the  cantons.  Everything  seemed  to  make  for  The  Sonder- 
division  and  disunion.  The  people  were  of  three  *""^ 
different  races,  German,  French,  and  Italian;  they  were 
also  sharply  divided  by  religion  into  Protestants  and  Catho- 
lics; they  differed  in  political  ideals,  as  some  of  the  cantons 
were  democratic  and  others  aristocratic ;  there  was  also  the 
traditional  rivalry  of  the  various  cantons.  In  1847  Switzer- 
land was  in  the  throes  of  a  general  civil  war.  Seven  of  the 
Catholic  cantons  organized  a  separate  union  called  the 
Sonderbund,  and  seceded  from  the  Confederation.  This 
awakened  a  sense  of  nationalism  among  the  Swiss,  and  the 
Federal  Diet  resolved  to  crush  the  rebellion.  The  armies  of 
the  Sonderbund  were  defeated,  and  the  Catholic  cantons 
were  compelled  to  rejoin  the  Confederation. 

The  Swiss,  now  fully  realizing  that  the  loose  nature  of  their 
union  invited  secession,  adopted  an  entirely  new  constitu- 
tion in  1848  which  organized  Switzerland  as  a  Constitu- 
federal  union  closely  modeled  on  that  of  the  *^°"  °^  ^^48 
United  States.  This  constitution  preserved  the  historic  local 
government  of  the  cantons,  but,  at  the  same  time,  it  estab- 
lished a  strong  central  government  with  ample  power  to 
enforce  its  will  over  them.  Freedom  of  speech  and  of  asso- 
ciation, religious  toleration,  and  the  rights  of  the  various 
races  were  guaranteed.  The  constitution  was  revised  in 
1874  ii^  the  direction  of  greater  centralization,  as  more 
powers  were  given  to  the  Federal  Government. 

For  many  decades  the  Swiss  political  parties  divided  on 
the  issue  of  "state  rights."  The  Conservatives  held  out 
for  greater  cantonal  self-government  and  the  old  and  new 
Liberals  for  a  stronger  nationalism.  In  recent  Problems 
years  new  issues  have  come  to  the  fore  which  are  mainly 
economic  and  cultural.  The  chief  political  parties  are  the 
Catholics,  the  Liberals,  the  Radicals,  and  the  Socialists,  who 
differ  on  matters  affecting  education,  religion,  and  social 
reform. 

The  Swiss  Government,  both  federal  and  cantonal,  pre- 
sents unique  and  interesting  features.    The  federal  legisla- 


496   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

ture,  called  the  Federal  Assembly,  Is  bicameral;  the  upper 
„  House,  or  Council  of  the  States,  is  composed, 

Government     ,.,  i         a  •  r  r-  ' 

like  the  American  Senate,  of  two  representa- 
tives from  each  state  or  canton,  of  which  there  are  twenty- 
two;  the  lower  House,  or  National  Council,  is  elected  by 
direct  universal  male  suffrage.  Executive  authority  is  lodged 
in  a  board  of  directors,  called  the  Federal  Council,  composed 
of  seven  men  elected  by  the  Federal  Assembly.  The  Fed- 
eral Council  is  purely  an  administrative  body,  not  a  cabi- 
net, as  the  members  are  generally  chosen  irrespective  of 
party  affiliations.  Its  chairman  is  known  as  the  President 
of  the  Swiss  Confederation. 

The  cantons  enjoy  considerable  local  autonomy.  Direct 
rather  than  representative  government  is  the  historic  tradi- 
tion in  Switzerland,  and  a  few  of  the  cantons  continue  to 
Initiative  maintain  their  Lands gemeinden,  or  town  meet- 
and  refer-  ings.  The  Others  have  adopted  a  new  form  of 
direct  government  called  the  "initiative  and  ref- 
erendum." By  the  initiative  is  meant  that  a  measure  may  be 
proposed  by  a  specified  number  of  voters  and  presented  to 
the  cantonal  legislature  for  adoption;  if  the  latter  defeats 
the  measure,  it  must  be  submitted  to  a  popular  vote,  or  refer- 
endum, for  adoption  or  rejection.  A  kind  of  popular  veto  is 
contained  in  another  form  of  referendum,  which  provides 
that  if  a  specified  number  of  voters  so  petition,  a  law  en- 
acted by  a  cantonal  legislature  must  be  submitted  to  a  popu- 
lar vote  for  ratification  or  rejection.  In  1891  this  form  of 
referendum  was  made  operative  in  the  case  of  laws  passed  by 
the  Federal  Assembly.  Contrary  to  general  expectation, 
direct  Government  in  Switzerland  has  shown  conservative 
tendencies,  as  radical  proposals  have  been  defeated  by 
popular  vote. 

The  neutrality  of  Switzerland  was  guaranteed  by  the 
powers  in  181 5,  but  her  strategic  position  caused  the  Swiss 
The  military  to  fear  a  possible  violation  of  their  territory  in 
system  (^a,se  of  war.    In  order  to  defend  their  country 

from  attack,  they  devised  a  unique  military  system  that  may 
be  described  as  a  standing  national  militia.  Military  service 


HOLLAND,   BELGIUM,   AND   SWITZERLAND    497 

is  obligatory  upon  all  citizens  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and 
forty-eight.  From  twenty  to  thirty-two,  a  citizen  is  in  the 
Auszug,  or  Elite.  During  the  first  year  he  is  required  to  be  in 
training  sixty-five  days,  and  during  the  remaining  years  he  is 
called  upon  to  train  six  times  for  a  period  of  about  two  weeks 
each.  A  high  physical  development  is  required  for  serv- 
ice in  the  Auszug;  and  those  who  are  rejected  must  pay  a 
special  tax  or  serve  in  the  auxiliary  forces.  From  thirty- 
two  to  forty,  he  is  in  the  La?idwehr,  or  militia;  during  this 
period  he  is  called  for  training  only  once,  for  eleven  days. 
From  forty  to  forty-eight,  he  is  in  the  Landsturm ;  during 
this  period  he  must  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  respond  to 
a  call  to  the  colors,  but  he  is  no  longer  subject  to  training. 
The  Swiss  army  is  efificiently  organized,  and  a  well-trained 
force  of  three  hundred  thousand  men  can  easily  be  put  into 
the  field  to  defend  the  country  from  invasion. 

Switzerland  is  inhabited  by  about  3,800,000  people,  sixty- 
five  per  cent  of  whom  are  German-speaking,  twenty-three 
per  cent  French,  and  twelve  per  cent  Italian.  Switzerland 
Since  the  secession  movement  of  1848,  they  have  and  inter- 

1    ,  ,      t  11    1  11  nationalism 

managed  to  get  along  very  well,  largely  because 
of  mutual  toleration.  As  the  three  languages  have  equal 
standing,  and  as  the  laws  are  printed  in  all  three  languages 
and  members  of  the  Federal  Assembly  may  speak  in  any 
one  of  them,  the  division  into  political  parties  is  not  along 
race  lines.  Switzerland  has  played  a  humanitarian  role  in 
the  world,  as  she  is  the  center  for  international  meetings, 
congresses,  and  associations  of  all  sorts.  She  has  also  been 
a  house  of  refuge  for  those  fleeing  from  political  tyranny; 
Italian  nationalists  of  the  Risorgimento,  Hungarian  patriots, 
French  communists,  German  socialists,  and  Russian  nihil- 
ists, all  have  found  an  asylum  in  this  tiny  Alpine  republic, 
Switzerland's  greatest  economic  asset  is  the  Alps.  The 
chief  national  industry  of  the  Swiss,  from  which  they  reap 
golden  harvests,  consists  in  providing  for  the  Economic 
comfort  and  the  needs  of  the  thousands  of  conditions 
tourists  from  all  over  the  world  who  flock  to  these  w^on- 
derful  mountains.    In  spite  of  the  lack  of  coal  and  iron, 


498   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Switzerland  has  made  marked  industrial  progress,  for  her 
factories  are  run  by  electrical  power  obtained  from  the 
many  rapid  water-courses  of  the  country.  A  considerable 
portion  of  the  population  is  engaged  in  farming  and  cattle- 
raising  in  the  fertile  valleys.  Switzerland  exports  large 
quantities  of  cheese,  butter,  milk,  and  milk  chocolate. 


CHAPTER   XXI 

RUSSIA 
1815-1881 

Introduction 

For  many  centuries  Russia  had  stood  almost  apart  from 
the  general  current  of  European  history.  Her  size  is  so 
very  great  and  her  development  has  been  so  Backward- 
very  different  from  that  of  her  sister  nations  that  "ess  of  Rus- 
it  may  be  said,  with  some  degree  of  truth,  that  ^'^ 
Russia  constitutes  a  separate  continent  wedged  in  between 
Europe  and  Asia.  This  great  empire  has  lagged  far  behind 
the  other  European  nations  in  civilization  and  in  political 
development.  During' the  thirteenth  century,  when  West- 
ern Europe  had  succeeded  in  establishing  some  degree  of 
stable  civilization  under  feudalism,  Russia  was  still  semi- 
barbaric;  during  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries, 
when  Western  Europe  was  passing  from  feudalism  toward 
national  monarchy,  Russia  was  moving  toward  a  kind  of 
feudalism;  during  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries, 
when  Western  Europe  was  shaping  constitutional  govern- 
ments, Russia  was  establishing  absolute  monarchy;  for  a 
generation  preceding  the  World  War,  when  Western  Eu- 
rope was  rapidly  putting  government  on  a  thoroughly 
democratic  basis,  be  it  in  royal  or  republican  form,  Russia 
was  desperately  trying  to  establish  a  constitutional  regime 

The  explanation   for  this  backwardness  must  not    be 
sought  in  the  character  of  the  Russian  people,  for  it  is  no 
more   the   nature  of   the   Russian  to  be  con-  Reasons  for 
servative  than  it  is  the  nature  of  the  Frenchman  her  back- 
to  be  progressive.    In  the  highest  forms  of  hu- 
man   endeavor,    art,    literature,    and  science,  Russia  has 
given  striking  evidence  of  a  high  degree  of  culture  and  origi- 
nality.   Tolstoy,  Turgeniev,  and  Dostoievsky  in  literature; 


500     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Tschaikovsky  and  Rubinstein  in  music;  Antokolsky  and 
Verestchagin  in  art;  Mendeleiev  and  Metchnikov  in  science, 
are  names  of  which  the  most  civiUzed  nations  could  be 
proud.  The  answer  or  answers  must  be  sought  elsewhere.  In 
the  first  place,  Russia  had  never  been  a  part  of  the  ancient 
Roman  Empire;  hence  it  did  not  receive  the  blessings  of 
the  classical  civilization,  the  inestimable  heritage  of  the 
nations  of  Western  Europe.  Secondly,  Russia  was  outside 
of  the  pale  of  the  great  Catholic  civilization  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  for  the  Slavic  barbarians  were  first  Christianized  well 
along  in  the  eleventh  century  by  missionaries  from  Con- 
stantinople, who  did  not  spread  Greek  civilization  as  ef- 
fectively as  the  missionaries  from  Rome  had  spread  Latin 
civilization.  Thirdly,  the  Russians,  unfortunately,  were 
conquered  early  in  the  thirteenth  century  by  the  semi- 
barbarous  Tartars,  who  ruled  the  country  for  almost  three 
centuries,  and  did  their  part  in  keeping  Russia  backward. 
In  her  early  history  the  country  consisted  of  what  is  now 
called  Great  Russia,  an  inland  region  of  which  the  city 
of  Moscow  is  the  center.  Having  no  seacoast,  she  could  not 
get  into  close  communication  with  the  Mediterranean 
civilization  of  the  South  or  with  the  Atlantic  civilization  of 
the  West.  Russia  was  a  vast,  landlocked,  undulating  plain 
over  which  barbarians  roamed,  a  land  so  wild  that  it 
was  hard  to  tell  where  "man  left  off  and  nature  began." 
Cut  off  as  she  was  from  Western  Europe,  Russia  missed 
the  enlightenment  and  stimulus  of  the  Renaissance  and 
the  vigorous  shock  of  the  Protestant  Revolution.  Even 
the  waves  of  the  French  Revolution,  which  rolled  over 
and  flooded  the  lands  of  the  Western  nations,  dashed  in 
vain  against  the  granite  breakwater  of  Russian  conserva- 
,tism. 

Russian  history  during  the  nineteenth  century  has  been 
largely  concerned  with  two  great  movements,  one  toward 
Russia's  democracy,  or  the  establishment  of  constitu- 
needof  sea-  tional  government,  and  the  other,  expansion,  or 
the  annexation  of  new  regions  in  Europe  and 
Asia.   At  first  sight  it  seems  strange  that  the  Empire  of  the 


RUSSIA  501 

Tsars,  with  its  8,660,000  square  miles,  covering  about  one 
sixth  of  the  land  surface  of  the  globe,  stretching  from  the 
Baltic  Sea  to  the  Pacific,  with  its  base  near  the  Mediterra- 
nean and  its  head  towering  above  the  Arctic  Circle,  should 
be  desirous  of  more  land.  In  truth,  it  is  rather  more  water 
than  more  land  that  Russia  wants,  for  she  has  the  smallest 
coast-line  in  proportion  to  her  size  of  any  great  nation  of  the 
world.  In  Europe  her  only  free  outlet  to  the  open  sea  is 
Archangel,  a  port  on  the  White  Sea  which  is  frozen  over 
for  half  of  the  year.  The  other  great  ports  are  no  more  ad- 
vantageously situated.  Odessa  harbor,  on  the  Black  Sea,  is 
at  the  mercy  of  Turkey,  which  may  close  the  Dardanelles 
in  time  of  war;  Riga  harbor,  on  the  Baltic,  freezes  over  on 
the  a\-erage  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  days  a  year; 
and  Petrograd  ^  harbor,  on  the  Gulf  of  Finland,  freezes 
over  on  the  average  of  one  hundred  and  forty-seven  days 
a  year;  both  Riga  and  Petrograd  are,  moreover,  at  the 
mercy  of  whatever  power  controls  the  Baltic  during  war. 
Russia,  therefore,  has  not  a  single  port  on  the  open  sea 
which  is  ice-free  all  the  year  round. 

Reign  of  Alexander  I  (1801-25) 

Alexander  I,  who  was  crowned  Tsar  in  1801,  had  been 
brought  up  in  the  free-thinking  court  of  his  grandmother, 
Catherine  II,  and  had  been  greatly  influenced  by  character  of 
his  tutor,  a  liberal  Swiss  named  Frederic  La-  Alexander  I 
harpe.  The  Tsar  was  a  man  of  a  mystical  turn  of  mind,  much 
given  to  morbid  musings  and  easily  susceptible  to  appeals 
to  his  dreamy  nature.  Some  one  characterized  him  as  hav- 
ing "all  the  gifts  of  Heaven  except  common  sense."  As 
we  have  already  seen,  he  fell  under  the  spell  of  Madame 
Kriidener,  under  whose  influence  he  issued  the  remarkable 
statement  proposing  the  Holy  Alliance.^  Alexander  was 
sincerely  interested  in  the  welfare  of  his  subjects  and  in  that 
of  Europe  generally.    As  his  ideal  of  government  was  a 

^  The  former  name  of  the  capital  was  St.  Petersburg,  which  is  German  in 
origin;  in  1914,  on  the  outbreak  of  the  World  War,  the  name  was  changed, 
for  patriotic  reasons,  to  Petrograd,  its  Russian  equivalent. 

*  See  p.  23. 


502     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 


benevolent  despotism,  he  was  constantly  busy  reforming 
flagrant  abuses,  removing  corrupt  officials,  and  rehabilitat- 
ing the  administrative  bureaus.  He  was  deeply  concerned 
about  the  condition  of  the  serfs,  and  favored  their  emanci- 
pation, which,  however,  he  realized  was  difficult  to  accomp- 


lish. So  he  was  constantly  urging  masters  to  be  kind  to 
their  bondsmen;  and,  as  the  master  of  about  sixteen  millions 
of  serfs  on  the  Crown  lands,  he  introduced  liberal  methods 
in  the  payment  of  dues  and  services. 

A  Tsar's  general  tendency  was  frequently  tested  by  his 
attitude  toward  the  subject  peoples  of  the  Empire.  Toward 
the  Poles  Alexander  was  very  liberal.     Poland  had  been 


RUSSIA  503 

partitioned  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  by  Prussia, 
Austria,  and  Russia.^     In  181 5  Russian  Poland  Liberal  atti- 
was  declared  a  kingdom  and  granted  a  constitu-  ^"^^  °oward 
tion  which  gave  her  almost  complete  autonomy,  the  Poles 
remaining  united  with  Russia  only  through  the  Tsar,  who 
was  also  King  of  Poland.    A  Diet,  chosen  by  the  nobles  and 
burghers,  was  established,  with  full  power  over  legislation 
and   taxes.    In   matters  of   religion  and   education   Polish 
desires  were  paramount.    Polish  officials  were  appointed  to 
administer  the  affairs  of  the  Kingdom,  and  a  Polish  army 
was  even  organized.    Curiously  enough,  conquered  Poland 
became  a  limited  monarchy,  while  the  predominant  part- 
ner, Russia,  remained  an  autocracy,  greatly  to  the  anger  of 
the  Russians  who  disliked  the  Poles  as  hereditary  enemies. 

Alexander's  attitude  toward  Finland  was  likewise  gener- 
ous. As  a  result  of  a  war  with  Sweden,  this  region  was  ceded 
to  Russia  in  1809.   It  was  not,  however,  annexed  His  liberal 
as  a  conquered  province,  for  the  status  of  the  ^arcTFin-"' 
Grand  Duchy  of  Finland  under  Russia  was  almost  land 
that  of  an  independent  nation.   Finland  was  given  the  right 
to  have  her  own  parliament,  administration,  code  of  laws, 
coinage,  army,  and  even  official  language.    The  Tsar  sol- 
emnly swore  to  uphold  the  constitution  of  the  Grand  Duchy 
which  he  himself  was  forbidden  to  change.    The  only  con- 
nection between  Russia  and  Finland  was  a  personal  union 
through  the  Tsar,  who  was  the  Grand  Duke. 

It  has  been  true  of  the  history  of  many  Tsars  that  they 
began  as  liberals  and  ended  as  reactionaries.    Alexander's 
fears  were  aroused  by  a  series  of  events  which  Alexander 
turned  him  from  his  liberal  course.    A  regiment  becomes  re- 
in Petrograd  mutinied ;  his  agent  Kotzebue  was  ^^  '°"^^y 
assassinated  in  Germany;  secret  societies   multiplied;  the 
Poles  manifested  a  desire  for  complete  independence.  These 

^  There  were  three  partitions  of  Poland,  in  1772,  1793,  and  1795.  In  the 
first  partition  Russia  got  the  territory  between  the  Diina  and  the  Dnieper 
Rivers;  Prussia,  West  Prussia  except  the  city  of  Dantzig;  Austria,  Galicia  and 
the  city  of  Cracow.  In  the  partitions  of  1793  and  1795,  Russia  got  Curland, 
nearly  all  of  Lithuania  and  Ruthenia;  Prussia,  the  lower  valley  of  the  Vistula 
River;  Austria,  the  upper. 


504     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

events  inclined  him  to  turn  an  attentive  ear  to  the  arch- 
enemy of  democracy,  Metternich,  who  convinced  him  that 
the  path  of  Hberahsm  would  lead  to  revolution  and  an- 
archy. Reaction  followed,  and  once  more  Russia  felt  the 
heavy  hand  of  oppression.  The  censorship  of  the  press  be- 
came more  severe;  university  teaching  was  hampered;  re- 
straints were  placed  on  the  Polish  Diet ;  and  the  Government 
became  harsh  and  oppressive.  Alexander  took  a  prominent 
part  in  the  Congresses  of  Troppau  and  Laibach,  called  by 
Metternich  to  suppress  the  revolutionary  movements  in 
Spain  and  Italy.  ^ 

Reign  of  Nicholas  I  (1825-55) 

Alexander  I  died  in  1825,  and  as  he  left  no  son  his  suc- 
cessor was  to  be  his  brother  Constantine.  But  the  latter 
^,    Pj  had  married  a  Polish  lady,  and  so  had  renounced 

cembrist  the  right  to  the  throne  in  favor  of  a  younger 
conspiracy  ^j-Qther,  Nicholas.  A  conspiracy  was  fomented 
among  some  of  the  troops  by  a  group  of  Liberals  to  over- 
throw the  autocracy  by  declaring  in  favor  of  Constantine 
as  a  constitutional  monarch.  Several  regiments  did  revolt, 
shouting,  "Long  live  Constantine  and  the  Constitution!" 
So  deeply  ignorant  were  the  soldiers  of  the  forms  of  free 
government  that  they  actually  believed  that  "Constitu- 
tion" was  Constantine's  wife.  This  uprising  of  December, 
1825,  ended  in  a  fiasco.  It  was  ruthlessly  and  speedily 
crushed  by  Nicholas,  and  the  Decembrists,  as  they  were 
called,  w^ere  executed,  imprisoned,  or  exiled  to  Siberia. 

Nicholas  I  was  a  typical  Russian  Tsar.  A  man  of  magni- 
ficent physique,  a  soldier  by  temperament  and  training. 
Character  lovIng  nothing  SO  much  as  the  battle  field  and 
of  Nicholas  I  parade  ground,  strong  and  masterful,  he  natur- 
ally regarded  government  as  military  discipline  in  another 
form.  Criticism  of  policies  was  insubordination ;  a  desire  for 
self-government  was,  like  mutiny,  not  to  be  tolerated  for 
a  moment.  He  was,  on  the  other  hand,  straightforward, 
frank,  and  honorable  to  a  high  degree,  loyal  to  his  friends,  and 

^  See  p.  21. 


RUSSIA  505 

quite  blameless  in  his  private  life.  Nicholas  loved  Russia 
sincerely  and  desired  above  all  things  to  make  her  happy 
and  glorious.  It  was  his  profound  conviction  that  Russia 
had  a  special  mission  in  the  world;  therefore  it  behooved 
her  to  shun  the  ideals  of  other  nations  and  steadfastly  to 
maintain  her  own  which,  according  to  him,  were  absolutism 
in  government  and  Orthodoxy  in  religion. 

During  his  reign  there  was  established  what  was  called 
the  ''Nicholas  System,"  which  had  for  its  object  the  eradi- 
cation of  all  liberalism  from  the  country.  He  Suppression 
resolved  also  to  seal  Russia  hermetically  from  of  Western 
the  pestilential  air  of  Western  ideas.  Foreign 
books  and  foreign  visitors  entering  Russia  were  carefully 
examined  at  the  frontiers  to  prevent  the  smuggling  in  of 
contraband  ideas.  Russians  were  forbidden  to  emigrate 
or  to  travel  in  foreign  countries  without  special  permission. 
So  severe  a  censorship  was  established  that  the  utterance  of 
an  unguarded  word  or  the  reading  of  a  forbidden  book 
brought  swift  and  terrible  punishment.  Even  musical  com- 
positions were  censored,  as  it  was  feared  that  the  notes  might 
be  used  as  a  cipher  code  by  revolutionists.  Teaching,  es- 
pecially, was  under  strict  surveillance,  for  the  universi- 
ties w^ere  regarded  as  hotbeds  of  revolution.  Police  spies 
were  sent  into  classrooms  to  watch  the  teachers  and 
students.  Attendance  at  the  universities  was  so  restricted 
that,  in  1853,  there  were  only  about  three  thousand  stu- 
dents in  a  population  of  fifty  million.  Russians  were  for- 
bidden to  study  in  foreign  universities.  Even  private  read- 
ing clubs  were  suppressed.  In  order  to  carry  on  this  policy 
of  repression,  an  enormous  number  of  censors  and  spies 
was  employed.  There  was  organized  a  remarkable  body  of 
secret  political  police,  known  as  the  "Third  Section,"  to 
which  was  given  extensive  powers  to  arrest  without  war- 
rant and  to  punish  without  trial.  This  body  was  a  kind 
of  political  inquisition  which,  in  time,  became  so  powerful 
that  even  high  officials  were  afraid  to  antagonize  it. 

Nicholas  was  a  loyal  adherent  of  the  established  Orthodox 
Church,  which  he  regarded  merely  as  another  phase  of  the 


5o6      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Russian  State ;  in  his  eyes  Church  and  State  were  one  and 
Religious  indivisible.  An  attempt  to  convert  an  Orthodox 
persecution  believer  to  any  other  faith  was  made  punish- 
able by  imprisonment,  and  if  the  attempt  were  repeated, 
by  exile  to  Siberia;  the  convert  himself  was  sentenced  to 
prison  for  eight  to  ten  years.  Roman  Catholics,  Jews, 
and  dissenters  were  harried  by  hostile  laws  and  persecuting 
officials.  In  Lithuania  members  of  the  Uniate  Church  ^ 
were  fined,  imprisoned,  or  forced  into  Orthodoxy.  Prosely- 
tizing among  non-Orthodox,  however,  was  greatly  encour- 
aged by  rewards  and  special  privileges. 

As  long  as  Nicholas  lived,  his  ideal  of  a  "frozen  Russia" 
was,  to  a  great  extent,  realized.  But  toward  the  end  of  his 
reign  there  began  the  inevitable  breaking-up  of  his  iron 
system  of  repression,  and  he  himself  is  said  to  have  de- 
clared that  "my  successor  may  do  as  he  pleases,  but  I  can- 
not change." 

The  Poles  were  restive  even  under  their  liberal  consti- 
tution, and  in  1831  they  made  a  formidable  attempt  to  re- 
Rebellion  gain  their  lost  independence  by  a  rebellion  against 
siinSXe^'"  th^  Russian  Government.  The  Polish  Diet  for- 
Poles  mally  deposed  the  Romanov  dynasty  and  de- 

clared for  the  annexation  of  Lithuania,  which  was  once  a 
part  of  the  old  Kingdom  of  Poland,  although  the  mass  of 
the  inhabitants  were  not  Poles  but  Lithuanians  and  Rus- 
siams.  This  aroused  the  "Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias,"  who 
sent  a  large  army  into  Poland  which  ruthlessly  suppressed 
the  rebellion,  and  "Peace  reigned  in  Warsaw."  As  a  punish- 
ment, Nicholas  revoked  the  constitution  of  181 5  and  an 
ukase,  or  imperial  decree,  issued  in  1832,  declared  that "  Po- 
land shall  be  henceforth  a  part  of  the  Empire  and  form  one 
nation  with  Russia."  The  Diet  was  abolished,  and  a  Rus- 
sian Governor-General  was  appointed  with  almost  abso- 
lute power.  Polish  officials  were  displaced  in  the  adminis- 
tration by  Russians,  and  Russian  was  declared  the  official 
language  of  the  conquered  land.    Terrible  punishpient  was 

^  These  are  Catholics  who,  although  they  use  the  Greek  liturgy  and  have  a 
married  priesthood,  are  in  communion  with  the  Church  of  Rome. 


RUSSIA  507 

meted  out  to  the  rebels:  their  property  was  confiscated, 
and  many  were  imprisoned,  exiled,  or  executed.  To  break 
up  their  soUdarity  forty-five  thousand  Polish  families  were 
forcibly  transplanted  and  scattered  all  over  Russia.  Thou- 
sands of  Poles,  in  order  to  escape  the  Tsar's  tyranny,  be- 
came refugees  in  Western  Europe,  where  they  excited  the 
greatest  sympathy.  Crushed  to  earth,  Poland  yet  dared  to 
dream  of  a  restored  fatherland,  for,  deep  in  their  hearts, 
the  people  still  believed  "Poland  is  not  yet  lost." 

Nicholas's  foreign  policy  had  two  important  objects,  the 
suppression  of  the  revolutionary  movement  abroad  and  the 
extinction  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  in  Europe,  poreign  pol- 
The  revolutions  of  1848,  which  overthrew  abso-  icies  of 

...  •       T-  1    r      Nicholas 

lutism  m  nearly  every  country  m  Europe,  leit 
Russia  unshaken.  Nicholas,  the  sole  monarch  at  peace  with 
his  subjects,  planted  himself  in  the  midst  of  a  revolutionary 
continent  and  became  the  efficient  cause  of  the  reaction 
which  followed  in  1850  by  assuming  the  role  of  an  interna- 
tional policeman.^  He  waged  two  wars  against  Turkey,  one 
in  1828,2  and  another,  the  famous  Crimean  War,  in  1854.^ 
Greatly  to  the  chagrin  of  Nicholas,  who  regarded  the  na- 
tions of  Western  Europe  with  dislike  and  even  with  con- 
tempt, England,  France,  and  Sardinia  came  to  the  aid  of 
Turkey  in  1854,  ^^^  succeeded  in  defeating  the  redoubtable 
Russian  armies.  Disappointed  and  broken-hearted  by  his 
defeat,  the  Tsar  died  in  1855  during  the  great  siege  of 
Sebastopol,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Alexander  II. 
The  defeat  of  Russia  in  the  Crimean  War  was  a  severe 
blow  to  the  "Nicholas  System,"  which  was  doomed  when 
Sebastopol  fell.  Indirectly  it  led  to  great  reforms  in  the 
following  reign,  particularly  to  the  abolition  of  serfdom. 

Abolition  of  Serfdom 

The  new  Emperor  was  quite  different  temperamentally 

from  his  father,  for  he  resembled  the  benevolent  Character  of 

despots  of  the  eighteenth  century.    Alexander  Alexander  II 

determined  to  rule  in  the  spirit  of  the  age  and  not  in  the 

1  See  p.  135.  2  See  p.  628.  '  See  p.  629. 


5o8  MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

spirit  of  his  predecessor.  Impressionable,  yet  gifted  with 
prudence  and  common  sense,  he  generally  tried  to  steer  a 
middle  course  between  revolution  and  reaction.  Although 
he  was  not  himself  a  great  constructive  statesman,  he  fre- 
quently followed  the  enlightened  counsels  of  the  liberal 
statesmen,  Loris-Melikov  and  Dmitri  Miliutin,  and  the 
poet  Zhukovsky,  and  his  reign  is  therefore  distinguished 
in  Russian  history  as  an  era  of  reform  and  progress. 

It  is  as  the  emancipator  of  the  serfs  that  Alexander  won 
fame  as  an  enlightened  ruler.  Serfdom  had  been  wide- 
Serfdom  in  spread  in  Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
Russia  |3y^  [^  j^g^(^  begun  to  disappear  in  England  and 

France  by  the  fourteenth  century  and  was  entirely  abol- 
ished in  Western  Europe  by  the  French  Revolution  and  by 
Napoleon.  In  Russia  alone  this  institution  continued  to 
flourish.  Under  serfdom,  the  tiller  of  the  soil  is  legally  bound 
to  the  land  which  he  cultivates.  He  cannot  leave  the  estate 
of  the  lord  without  the  latter's  permission,  but  neither  can 
he  be  sold  away  from  his  home ;  for,  like  the  trees  and 
crops,  he  is  rooted  to  the  soil  and  changes  masters  only 
when  the  estate  changes  hands.  In  1859  there  were  in  Rus- 
sia about  23,000,000  male  serfs;  of  these,  about  12,800,000 
were  in  a  state  of  semi-bondage  on  the  Crown  lands  belong- 
ing to  the  State,  and  the  remainder,  about  10,200,000,  were 
serfs  on  the  estates  of  the  landed  proprietors.  The  wealth 
of  a  Russian  aristocrat  was  not  measured  by  the  amount 
of  land,  stock,  buildings,  or  personal  property,  but  by  the 
number  of  male  "souls"  that  he  owned.  Female  "souls" 
were  not  counted  as  wealth. 

The  Crown  peasants  were  fairly  well  treated  by  the  offi- 
cials; their  holdings  were  larger  and  their  dues  and  serv- 
ices lighter  than  those  of  the  peasants  on  the  private  es- 
tates. The  system  in  vogue  in  the  latter  divided  the  land 
into  two  parts:  one  was  under  the  immediate  ownership  and 
cultivation  of  the  lord,  while  the  other  was  cultivated  by 
the  serfs,  dvorovye,  who  had  the  use  but  not  the  ownership 
of  enough  land  to  support  their  families.  There  were  also 
the  common  lands,  consisting  of  the  meadows  to  which  the 


RUSSIA  509 

peasants  sent  their  cattle  and  the  forests  from  which  they 
cut  wood.  The  methods  of  cultivation  then  practiced  by 
the  Russian  peasants  were  very  primitive.  Farms  consisted 
of  strips  in  various  fields;  the  three-field  system,  with  one 
field  lying  fallow  every  three  years,  was  still  the  custom;  the 
villagers  worked  in  common  largely  under  the  direction  of 
the  mir,  or  village  community.  Scientific  agriculture  and 
the  use  of  farming  machinery,  already  advanced  in  Western 
Europe,  was  as  yet  entirely  unknown  in  Russia. 

For  the  right  to  cultivate  his  strips  of  land  the  serf  paid 
the  proprietor  dues  and  services.  This  was  paid  partly  in 
money,  called  obrok,  and  partly  in  labor,  gener-  p^^g  ^^^ 
ally  limited  to  three  days  a  week  on  the  pro-  services  of 
prietor's  private  estate.  If  the  master  had  no 
need  of  a  serf's  labor,  he  would  put  him  on  obrok  in  town; 
that  is,  hire  him  out  as  a  wage-earner  and  get  part  of  his 
wages  as  dues.  ' '  The  proprietor, ' '  so  declared  the  law,  * '  may 
impose  on  his  serfs  every  kind  of  labor,  may  take  from  them 
money  dues,  and  demand  from  them  personal  service,  with 
this  one  restriction,  that  they  shall  not  be  thereby  ruined, 
and  that  the  number  of  days  fixed  by  law  shall  be  left  to 
them  for  their  own  work."  In  addition,  the  proprietor  could 
transfer  his  peasants  to  domestic  ser\'ice,  inflict  upon  them 
corporal  punishment  short  of  death,  have  them  sent  to 
Siberia  if  he  deemed  them  incorrigible,  or  have  them  drafted 
into  the  army.  In  order  to  marr^^  the  serf  had  to  have  the 
consent  of  his  master,  and  he  could  be  ordered  to  marry 
whomever  and  whenever  the  master  wished.  Although  the 
law  tried  to  protect  the  serf  from  the  extreme  of  tyranny, 
its  enforcement  was  difficult  in  a  country  so  poorly  organ- 
ized as  Russia  and  so  completely  under  the  influence  of 
the  landed  aristocracy.  The  lord  was  generally  the  local 
justice  of  the  peace,  and  the  peasant,  having  few  rights  any- 
way, was  legally  at  his  mercy.  The  power  to  draft  into  the 
army  was  a  terrible  weapon  in  the  hands  of  a  tyrannical 
master  who  could,  by  this  means,  summarily  remove  a  re- 
fractory peasant  from  his  farm,  home,  and  family.  It  was 
not  unusual  to  sell  a  serf  away  from  the  estate  in  spite  of 


5IO     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

law  and  custom  which  forbade  such  practices.  Corporal 
punishment  was  a  common  form  of  chastisement  in  Russia 
for  all  sorts  of  offenses.  The  peasant  was  unmercifully 
beaten  on  all  possible  occasions,  by  the  proprietor  when  he 
was  behind  in  dues,  by  the  government  officials  when  he  was 
behind  in  taxes,  by  the  judge  when  he  was  disorderly.  His 
only  refuge  was  to  get  drunk.  As  in  the  case  of  the  American 
slave-owners  in  the  South  before  the  Civil  War,  there  were 
many  kind-hearted  and  generous  masters;  but  the  absolute 
control  of  human  beings,  made  possible  by  the  institution 
of  serfdom,  inevitably  led  to  outrageous  abuses.  The  only 
barrier  to  the  rapacity  of  a  tyrannical  master  was  the  won- 
derful spirit  of  passive  resistance  developed  by  the  Russian 
peasants,  who  would  be  beaten  almost  to  death  without  re- 
vealing the  hiding-place  of  the  little  money  that  they  might 
have  saved.  The  peasants  often  resorted  to  robbery,  mur- 
der, house-burning,  and  even  to  rebellion  to  revenge  them- 
selves on  the  proprietors.  Many  ran  away  to  become  tramps 
on  the  highways  or  pilgrims  wandering  to  the  numerous 
holy  places  in  Russia.  About  two  millions  of  serfs  were 
domestics  in  household  service,  and  these  were  slaves  in  all 
but  name ;  for  over  them  even  the  law  gave  the  master  un- 
controlled power. 

Unlike  the  negro  in  America,  the  serf  in  Russia  was  of  the 
same  race  as  his  master;  hence,  ardent  patriots  as  well  as 
Alexander's  liberal  humanitarians  were  in  favor  of  his  eman- 
w^°rdeman-  cipation.  It  was  felt  by  thoughtful  Russians 
cipation  that  the  institution  of  serfdom  was  a  blot  on 
their  country,  and  a  powerful  movement  was  started  early 
in  the  nineteenth  century  to  abolish  it.  Even  Nicholas  I 
himself  fully  recognized  serfdom  as  a  great  evil ;  but  fearing 
that  complete  emancipation  might  violate  the  principle 
of  property  rights,  he  favored  a  'gradual  transition  from 
bondage  to  freedom.  Alexander  II,  soon  after  his  accession, 
determined  on  a  policy  of  immediate  emancipation,  not  only 
because  he  was  liberal  and  humane,  but  also  because  he 
thought  that  it  was  "better  to  abolish  serfdom  from  above 
than  to  wait  until  it  will  be  abolished  by  a  movement  from 


RUSSIA  511 

below."  A  secret  investigation  of  the  matter  was  entrusted 
by  the  Tsar  to  a  Chief  Committee  for  Peasant  Affairs. 
A  circular  was  also  sent  by  the  Government  to  leading  ofd- 
cials  all  over  the  Empire  in  which  emancipation  was  openly 
broached.  These  efforts  of  Alexander  were  received  with 
great  enthusiasm  among  the  Liberals,  and  found  favor  even 
among  many  landed  proprietors.  To  those  who  opposed 
emancipation  Alexander  frankly  stated  that  "serfdom  was 
instituted  by  absolute  power.  Only  absolute  power  can 
destroy  it;  and  to  do  so  is  my  will."  Acting  under  the  in- 
spiration of  the  Tsar,  a  committee  composed  of  officials  and 
nobles  drew  up  the  Emancipation  Law,  which  was  then  is- 
sued as  an  ukase  on  March  3,  1861.  This  Magna  Charta 
of  the  Russian  peasants  freed  the  serfs  on  the  private  es- 
tates only;  two  years  later,  those  in  domestic  service  were 
freed;  and  in  1866  the  work  of  emancipation  was  com- 
pleted by  the  freeing  of  the  Crown  serfs. 

It  is  important  to  examine  the  main  provisions  of  this 
famous  law.  These  were:  (i)  that  the  serfs  should  at  once 
receive  full  rights  of  citizenship  and  be  subject  The  Eman- 
to  the  authority  of  the  Government  and  not  to  ^ip^tion  Law 
that  of  the  proprietor;  (2)  that  the  cottages,  farm  buildings, 
and  implements  which  they  had  been  using  should  belong 
to  them;  and  (3)  that  allotments  of  land  should  be  given 
to  the  freedmen  in  order  to  guarantee  them  the  means  of 
a  livelihood.  To  have  given  the  serfs  freedom  without  land 
would  have  brought  into  existence  an  agricultural  prole- 
tariat working  for  wages  and  therefore  economically  de- 
pendent upon  their  former  owners,  "Liberation  without 
land,"  declared  the  Tsar,  "has  always  ended  in  an  increase 
of  the  proprietor's  power."  Moreover,  the  peasants  them- 
selves would  have  strenuously  objected  to  a  landless  free- 
dom, because,  through  generations  of  cultivating  the  soil, 
they  had  come  to  believe  that  they  were  actually  its  owners. 
"We  are  yours,  but  the  land  is  ours,"  they  used  to  say  to 
the  proprietors. 

How  to  apportion  the  land  and  on  what  terms  were  prob- 
lems very  difficult  to  solve  justly.    About  one  half  of  the 


512     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

arable  land  of  Russia  passed  from  the  lords  to  the  peas- 
Division  of  ants;  but  in  order  to  prevent  the  ruin  of  the 
the  lands  former,  who  were  considered  the  bulwark  of  the 
State,  the  Government  compensated  them  in  full.  To  pay 
this  enormous  sum  special  taxes  were  laid  on  the  freedmen 
who  were  to  pay  by  this  means  for  their  newly  gotten  farms 
in  yearly  installments  for  a  period  of  forty-nine  years.  ^ 
The  peasants  were  freed  at  their  own  cost,  for  they  had  to 
pay  the  price  of  emancipation  by  their  own  toil.  To  become 
in  a  sense  the  "serfs  of  the  State"  was  not  what  they  had 
bargained  for;  they  had  fondly  imagined  that  emancipa- 
tion would  give  them  land  free  of  all  charges.  They  also 
complained  that  the  allotments  came  from  the  poorest  por- 
tions of  the  estate,  that  the  prices  paid  to  the  lords  were 
too  high,  and  that  the  portions  of  land  given  to  them  were 
too  small. 2  The  Government  had  indeed  dealt  rather  gen- 
erously with  the  proprietors  and  rather  niggardly  with  the 
peasants.  There  was  great  disappointment  at  the  outcome, 
and  rumors  spread  that  a  second  emancipation  was  coming. 
In  many  places  uprisings  occurred  which  were,  however, 
speedily  suppressed. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  emancipation  created  a 
vast  number  of  small  peasant  proprietors  in  Russia.  Owner- 
^.       .  ship  of  the  allotments  was  vested  in  the  mir,  or 

village  community,  as  a  whole,  which  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  payments  to  the  Government  and  which 
divided  the  land  among  the  various  families.  It  was  the 
Russian  custom  to  have  a  redistribution  of  the  land  by  the 
mir  whenever  two  thirds  of  its  members  so  desired.^  The 
mir  is  not  an  institution  peculiar  to  Russia  alone,  as  Rus- 
sian patriots  have  so  often  and  so  enthusiastically  declared, 
but  a  belated  form  of  the  village  community  which  had 
once  flourished  all  over  Western  Europe.  Its  membership 
is  composed  of  the  heads  of  families  in  the  village,  who  elect 

^  The  domestic  serfs  were  given  no  land ;  hence  they  did  not  have  to  pay  the 
special  tax.   Many  remained  in  their  old  positions  on  wages. 

^  On  the  average,  a  peasant's  allotment  was  from  eight  to  eleven  acres.  The 
Crown  serfs  got  larger  portions  and  on  more  liberal  terms. 

*  By  a  law  of  1893  this  could  be  done  only  once  in  twelve  years. 


RUSSIA  513 

an  elder  called  the  starotsa,  an  official  who  represents  the 
village  in  relation  to  the  central  Government,  particularly 
in  the  matter  of  taxes.  The  mir  decides  when  to  plow,  when 
to  sow,  and  when  to  reap,  and  no  one  can  leave  the  village, 
even  for  a  short  time,  without  its  consent  on  pain  of  having 
his  holding  confiscated. 

The  main  results  of  the  Edict  of  Emancipation  were  not 
seen  for  another  generation.    Many  of  the  former  serfs,  es- 
pecially the  domestics,  left  the  estates  to  be-  Outcome  of 
come   factory   workers   in   the   cities,    and   this  emancipa- 
greatly  accelerated  the  industrial  development 
of  Russia.    The  peasant,  becoming  free,  became  more  dis- 
contented, and  he  was  therefore  prepared  to  play  a  great 
part  in  the  Revolutions  of  1905  and  191 7.    As  Russia  is 
largely  a  peasant  nation,  a  change  in  the  status  of  the  mass 
of  the  population  was  bound  to  influence  the  entire  country 
for  the  better  and   to  become  the  starting-point  of  many 
other  reforms. 

Political  Reforms 

The  Tsar-Liberator  was  also  willing  to  play  the  part  of 
Tsar- Reformer.  In  1 864  Alexander  made  important  changes 
in  the  judicial  and  administrative  systems  of  the  New  code 
Empire.  The  administration  of  justice  in  Russia  °^  ^^^'^ 
had  been  arbitrary,  stupid,  and  corrupt.  Emancipation  had 
brought  new  lawsuits  as  well  as  new  citizens,  which  necessi- 
tated the  reorganization  of  the  courts.  A  new  code  of  laws 
was  issued  based  largely  on  Western  European  models,  espe- 
cially on  the  judicial  practices  of  England  and  France,  which 
decreed  equality  of  all  classes  before  the  law,  introduced 
trial  by  jury  in  criminal  cases  with  the  exception  of  trials 
for  political  crimes,  and  guaranteed  the  independence  of 
the  magistrates  by  making  them  irremovable  except  for 
cause. 

The  growth  of  city  life,  due  to  the  advance  of  commerce 
and  industry,  and  the  growth  of  communal  life.  The 
due  to  emancipation,  made  necessary  the  intro-  ^emstvos 
duction  of  some  kind  of  local  self-government.    An  ukase 


514     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

in  1864  called  Into  existence  local  assemblies  called  the 
Zemstvos,  made  up  of  representatives  of  the  various  classes 
in  the  community.  These  bodies  sent  delegates  to  the  pro- 
vincial Zemstvos  which  had  jurisdiction  over  larger  areas. 
The  Zemstvos  had  charge  of  the  schools,  roads,  asylums, 
hospitals,  and  agricultural  improvements  of  the  locality; 
but  their  powers  were  rather  limited  in  scope,  as  the  real 
authority  rested  in  the  hands  of  the  government  officials. 

Alexander  was  also  liberal  in  educational  matters.  The 
restrictions  placed  by  his  father  Nicholas  on  teaching  were 
Educational  removed.  More  students  were  admitted  to  the 
Reform  universities,  which  were  given  large  powers  of 

self-government.  Secondary  education  was  organized  on 
the  German  model,  with  Realschule,  or  scientific  schools, 
and  Gymnasia,  or  classical  schools.  The  censorship  of  the 
press  was  greatly  relaxed,  and  Russia  began  to  breathe 
freely. 

The  Polish  Rebellion 

Poland  had  been  conquered  in  1832,  but  her  national 
spirit  had  by  no  means  been  suppressed.  It  was  kept  alive 
Th  Polish  iT^^'ij^^y  by  the  nobles  and  the  Catholic  clergy, 
Rebellion  of  who  were  constantly  agitating  for  a  restored 
^    ^  Polish  nationality.    Alexander  was  inclined   to 

be  liberal  with  the  Poles,  but  he  refused  unconditionally 
to  restore  the  constitution  of  181 5  demanded  by  the  Pol- 
ish patriots.  Disaffection  was  rife  and,  as  political  organi- 
zations were  forbidden,  agricultural  societies  were  formed 
which  became  centers  of  an  anti-Russian  agitation.  In  1863 
an  untimely  and  badly  organized  rebellion  broke  out, 
armed  bands  of  patriots  under  the  direction  of  a  secret 
committee  In  Warsaw  conducting  a  guerrilla  warfare  against 
the  Russian  forces.  This  second  uprising  of  the  Poles  was 
crushed  by  the  Government  without  much  difficulty. 

It  was  now  determined  to  Russify  Poland  completely,  and 
the  policy  was  mercilessly  carried  out.  The  use  of  the  Polish 
language  was  forbidden  except  in  private  conversation ;  even 
religious  services  had  to  be  conducted  In  the  Russian  Ian- 


RUSSIA  515 

guage.  To  prevent  a  future  recurrence  of  rebellion,  the 
Tsar  determined  to  destroy  the  influence  of  the  confiscation 
clergy  and   nobility.     Many   monasteries   were  ^l  '^"^^  °^ 

111-  r  1         A     *"^  Church 

suppressed  and  their  property  confiscated.  A  and  of  the 
commission  formed  in  Petrograd  was  given  the  ^^'^tocracy 
power  of  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  Catholic  Church  in 
Poland.  The  heaviest  blow  fell  upon  the  Polish  aristocracy, 
who  were  regarded  as  the  instigators  of  rebellion.  Their 
tenants  were  given  outright  the  lands  which  they  culti- 
vated, without  compensation  to  the  proprietors;  in  addition, 
they  were  given  the  right  to  pasture  cattle  and  to  gather 
wood  on  the  lord's  estate.^  Many  of  the  nobles  were  ruined 
by  these  wholesale  confiscations,  and  they  failed  to  recover 
their  once  paramount  influence.  This  radical  legislation 
in  favor  of  the  Polish  peasants  had  its  desired  result:  they 
became  cold  to  the  idea  of  rebellion,  although  they  were  by 
no  means  reconciled  to  Russian  domination. 

Unfortunately,  the  Polish    rebellion    had    the   effect   of 
frightening  Alexander  into  a  policy  of  reaction.     Like  his 
predecessor,  Alexander  I,  he  was  becoming  con-  Alexander 
vinced  that  a  policy  of  liberalism,  instead  of  becomes 

...  in-  '         'j.     rr-i  reactionary 

quietmg  rebellion,  was  encouraging  it.  The  rev- 
olutionary movement  in  Russia  was  growing  and  becoming 
more  and  more  violent.  Several  attempts  were  made  to  as- 
sassinate the  Tsar,  which  convinced  him  all  the  more  that 
repression  was  the  only  true  policy.  Moreover,  the  Russo- 
Turkish  War  of  1877  ^  caused  Alexander  to  revive  the 
old  dream  of  acquiring  Constantinople  and  to  forsake  the 
new  dream  of  an  enlightened  Russia.  Reaction  gained  full 
swing.  A  strict  censorship  of  the  press  was  again  estab- 
lished and  the  universities  were  once  more  put  under  sur- 
veillance. Suspects  were  seized  and  sentenced  to  prison, 
exile,  or  death  with  hardly  a  pretence  of  a  regular  trial. 
The  "Nicholas  System"  was  thus  partially  restored. 

^  The  Polish  peasants  had  been  serfs  until  1807,  when  they  were  liberated 
through  Napoleon's  influence;  but,  not  having  been  given  land,  they  remained 
on  the  estates  as  laborers  or  tenants. 

2  See  p.  633. 


5i6     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

The  Revolutionary  Movement 
During    the    period    of    the    Restoration    in   Western 
Europe  there  had  existed  a  sharp  divergence  between  re- 
Absolutism     stored  absolutism  and  the  new  system  of  so- 
harmonized     ciety  that  had  come  into  being  as  a  result  of  the 

with  Rus-  TT-  1  1       1 

sian  social  French  and  the  Industrial  Revolutions.  The 
conditions  political  system  based  upon  absolute  monarchy 
was  of  the  ancien  regime  but  the  social  changes  made  by  the 
French  Revolution  and  the  economic  changes  made  by  the 
Industrial  Revolution  were  modern.  Absolute  monarchy 
was  therefore  an  anachronism  which  could  be  maintained 
only  by  military  force  and  was  bound  to  go  as  soon  as  the 
new  elements  in  society,  the  capitalists  and  the  workingmen, 
made  their  power  felt,  which  they  did  in  the  Revolution  of 
1848.  But  no  such  divergence  existed  in  Russia  during  the 
early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century.  There  absolute  mon- 
archy harmonized  perfectly  with  an  agricultural  society 
based  on  serfdom,  general  ignorance,  legal  inequality,  and 
religious  persecution.  In  other  words,  Russia  still  had  to 
go  through  her  period  of  enlightenment  as  well  as  through 
her  political  and  industrial  revolutions  before  she  could 
become  a  truly  modern  nation. 

During  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  a  move- 
ment appeared  in  Russia  which  goes  by  the  general  name 
,,.,.,.  of  Nihilism.     Many  Russians  had  traveled  and 

Nihihsm  ,  1       1   •      t  -1 

studied  abroad,  and  so  had  imbibed  the  ideas  of 
the  radical  thinkers  of  Western  Europe.  When  they  con- 
templated their  own  country,  with  its  autocratic  govern- 
ment and  medieval  society,  they  recoiled  in  indignation, 
horror,  and  disgust.  Nothing  that  was  modern,  nothing  that 
was  good,  seemed  to  be  present  in  Russia;  on  the  contrary, 
everything  was  old  and  bad.  It  is,  therefore,  not  surprising 
that  they  came  to  believe  in  Nihilism  (from  the  Latin,  nihil, 
nothing).  "A  Nihilist,"  says  one  of  the  characters  in  Tur- 
geniev's  famous  novel,  Fathers  and  Sons,  "is  a  man  who 
does  not  bow  before  any  authority  whatsoever,  does  not 
accept  a  single  principle  on  faith,  with  whatever  respect 


RUSSIA  517 

that  principle  may  be  endowed."  For  the  Nihilist,  there- 
fore, every  institution  in  Russia  had  to  be  destroyed  in  order 
to  establish  a  new  and  better  society. 

The  most  brilliant  figure  of  this  early  revolutionary  move- 
ment was  Alexander  Herzen,  the  son  of  a  noble  who,  in  1857, 
founded  a  paper  called  the  Kolokol  (Tocsin),  Alexander 
which  he  edited  in  London,  where  he  was  living  H^^zen 
in  exile.  Herzen  attacked  the  Russian  ancien  regime  with 
bitter  satire,  sparkling  wit,  and  glowing  eloquence.  His  pro- 
gram contemplated,  as  he  expressed  it,  the  freeing  of  speech 
from  the  censor,  the  peasant  from  the  landowner,  and  the 
taxpayer  from  the  knout.  Like  most  of  the  early  Nihilists, 
he  was  opposed  to  violent  methods,  and  hoped  to  gain  the 
desired  reforms  through  peaceful  agitation  among  the  in- 
fluential classes.  The  Kolokol  was  widely  read  among  edu- 
cated Russians;  even  the  Tsar  saw  it  daily,  as  a  copy  was 
regularly  laid  on  his  table  by  an  unknown  hand.  A  book 
which  profoundly  stirred  the  Russian  youth  was  a  kind  of 
novel  entitled  What  is  to  be  Done?  written  by  a  Nihilist 
named  Tchernesevsky,  who  preached  the  gospel  of  revolu- 
tion in  vague,  mystic  terms,  and  for  which  he  served  a  sen- 
tence of  fourteen  years  at  hard  labor  in  Siberia.  In  the  early 
seventies  groups  of  highly  educated  men  and  women  were 
organized  under  the  inspiration  of  Nicholas  Tchaikovsky 
to  study  history,  economics,  and  sociology  for  the  purpose 
of  finding  a  peaceful  solution  of  Russia's  problems. 

Nihilism  was  essentially  a  literary  and  philosophic  move- 
ment among  the  intelligentsia,  as  the  Russian  Intellectuals 
are  called,  and  among  the  "penitent  noblemen,"   Revolution- 
or  those  wealthy  aristocrats  who  were  conscience-  ^^\^l^^^' 
stricken  at  the  evil  state  of  affairs  from  which  among  the 
they  profited.   It  did  not,  however,  satisfy  many  p^^^^"*^ 
ardent  spirits  who  longed   to  be   doing  things    Instead  of 
talking  about   them.     It   was  generally   understood   that 
Russia  would  not  progress  very  far  unless  the  bulk  of  her 
people,  the  peasants,  realized  their  own  and  their  country's 
condition.    Emancipation  had  freed  them  civilly,  but  they 
were  still  steeped  In  moral  serfdom,  as  centuries  of  bond- 


5i8     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

age  had  left  their  evil  impress  on  their  minds  and  charac- 
ters. During  the  decade  following  1870,  there  began  the 
V  Narod,  or  "  Go- to- the- People  "  movement/  which  aimed  to 
leaven  the  mass  by  a  revolutionary  propaganda  among  the 
peasants.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  self-sacrifice  and  daring 
of  these  enthusiasts,  mainly  young  men  and  women  of  the 
upper  classes,  who  longed  to  "melt  into  one"  with  the 
people  and  who  became  village  doctors,  school  teachers,  and 
even  laborers,  in  order  to  spread  the  gospel  of  freedom. 

The  Government  was  panic-stricken  at  the  new  activities 
of  Young  Russia  and  began  making  wholesale  arrests, 
sparing  nobody  and  stopping  at  nothing  in  order  to  destroy 
the  movement.  Hundreds  of  men  and  women  of  the  finest 
type  languished  in  prison  or  spent  a  lonely  exile  in  the  wilds 
of  Siberia.  Many  fled  to  Switzerland,  which  became  a 
haven  for  the  Russian  refugee.  The  conduct  of  the  peas- 
ants toward  their  would-be  liberators  was  anything  but 
friendly.  These  simple  people  were  shocked  and  angered  by 
the  denunciation  of  the  Tsar,  whom  they  loved  and  re- 
vered as  the  "Little  Father,"  and  would  often  themselves 
hand  the  propagandists  over  to  the  police. 

Disappointed  with  the  attitude  of  the  peasants  and 
exasperated  by  police  persecution,  Young  Russia  resolved 
.  upon  a  short  cut  to  its  hopes  by  a  "propaganda 

of  deed,"  and  the  revolutionary  movement  en- 
tered on  a  new  phase,  terrorism.  In  1879  was  organized 
the  Narodnaya  Volya,  or  the  "People's  Will"  movement, 
which  issued  a  stirring  manifesto  demanding  complete 
democracy  in  government,  full  freedom  of  speech  and  of 

1  It  is  vividly  described  by  Stepniak  in  the  following  way:  "With  the  spring 
of  1874  all  discussion  abruptly  ceased  among  the  circles  of  the  revolutionary 
youth.  The  time  for  talking  was  over:  actual  'work'  was  in  contemplation. 
The  working-people's  gear  —  boots,  shirts,  etc.  —  were  hurriedly  being  pre- 
pared. Short  greetings  and  laconic  answers  were  heard:  'Whither?'  'To  the 
Urals,'  'To  the  Volga,'  'To  the  South,'  'To  the  river  of  Don,'  and  so  on.  .  ,  . 
There  were  warm  wishes  for  success,  and  robust  squeezings  of  hands.  .  .  . 
'The  spring  is  ending;  it  is  high  time.'  .  .  .  And  so  like  an  electric  spark,  the 
cry,  'To  the  people,'  ran  through  the  youth.  Sure  of  themselves,  daring  and 
wide-awake,  though  unarmed  and  unorganized,  they  dashed  in  full  sight  of 
the  enemy  into  the  storm."  (Quoted  in  Russia  and  its  Crisis,  by  Paul  Miliu- 
kov,  p.  406.) 


RUSSIA  519 

association,  the  maintenance  of  the  mir  as  an  independ- 
ent communal  institution,  and  the  giving  of  the  land  to  the 
peasants  and  of  the  factories  to  the  workingmen.  It  openly 
declared  war  to  the  death  against  the  Government,  and  it 
resolved  to  employ  all  methods,  peaceful  and  violent,  for  it 
believed  that  to  destroy  tsarism  all  means  were  permissible. 
Terrorism  was  based  on  the  idea  that  the  Government  could 
be  frightened  into  making  concessions  by  terrorizing  the 
officials.  A  war  of  assassination  was  initiated  by  a  daring 
group  of  cool,  determined,  and  utterly  fearless  men  and  wo- 
men who  resolved  neither  to  take  nor  to  give  quarter.  High 
officials,  both  civil  and  military,  especially  those  of  the 
Third  Section,  were  assassinated,  and  every  one  connected 
with  the  Government  stood  in  danger  of  bomb,  bullet,  and 
dagger.  Like  all  violence,  Russian  terrorism  was  the  coun- 
sel of  desperation  and,  as  we  shall  see,  it  led  not  to  re- 
form but  to  reaction.  It  was,  however,  the  expression  of 
the  natural  exasperation  of  intelligent  men  and  women  with 
an  unintelligent  Government. 

The  most  fanatical  of  the  terrorists  was  Michael  Ba- 
kunin,  the  "apostle  of  destruction,"  who  desired  nothing 
less  than  the  complete  overturn  of  all  govern-  Activities  of 
ment  in  order  to  establish  a  new  society  based  the  terror- 

•       ists 

upon  anarchist  ideals.^  He  spent  many  years  m 
prison  and  in  exile.  He  was  once  condemned  to  death,  but 
he  managed  to  escape  to  foreign  countries,  where  he  was 
active  in  organizing  popular  revolts.  Another  terrorist, 
who  went  by  the  name  of  Sergius  Stepniak,  assassinated  the 
chief  of  the  Third  Section  and  escaped  to  Italy,  where  he 
wrote  his  interesting  volume.  Underground  Russia,  which 
gives  a  vivid  description  of  the  activities  of  the  revolu- 
tionists. Another,  Vera  Zasulitch,  who  became  a  terrorist 
while  a  high-school  girl,  attempted  to  assassinate  General 
Trepov,  the  chief  of  the  Petrograd  police.  Her  arrest 
aroused  widespread  interest,  and  she  was  acquitted  chiefly 
because  it  was  discovered  that  Trepov  was  unscrupulous 
and   corrupt.    Secret   societies   that  hatched  conspiracies, 

1  See  p.  597. 


520     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

circulated  books  and  pamphlets,  and  organized  demonstra- 
tions flourished  in  the  face  of  police  vigilance.  The  Govern- 
ment finally  took  vigorous  action  against  "Underground 
Russia."  A  state  of  siege  was  practically  declared  for  the 
entire  country.  Liberty  of  speech  was  rigidly  suppressed, 
and  any  one  suspected  of  being  in  the  slightest  way  sym- 
pathetic with  revolution  was  imprisoned,  exiled,  or  execu- 
ted without  trial.  Alexander  II  became  the  shining  mark  for 
the  conspirators,  because  in  their  opinion  he  had  betrayed 
the  cause  of  political  freedom  by  not  going  far  enough  in  his 
reform  measures.  Three  unsuccessful  attempts  were  made 
upon  his  life.  In  one  of  these,  a  terrorist  disguised  as  a  car- 
penter blew  up  a  part  of  the  Winter  Palace,  killing  ten  per- 
sons ;  the  Tsar  escaped  only  because  he  came  late  to  dinner. 
Compelled  to  action  by  these  events,  he  was  seriously  consid- 
ering a  plan  to  convoke  a  Russian  parliament.  He  had 
already  commissioned  his  Minister,  Loris-Melikov,  to  draw 
up  a  constitution,  when  he  was  assassinated,  on  March  31, 
1 88 1,  by  two  terrorists  who  threw  bombs  at  his  carriage 
as  he  was  driving  through  the  streets  of  the  capital. 

The  Russian  Novel 

It  was  not  until  the  nineteenth  century  that  great  writers 
began  to  appear  in  Russia,  which,  until  then,  had  made 
Late  ap-  little  or  no  contribution  to  the  world's  literature. 
Rus^slan^iit-  Like  unknown  planets  suddenly  flashing  forth 
erature  their  brilliance  in  the  heavens,  a  group  of  Rus- 

sian novelists  appeared  who  astounded  the  world  by  their 
striking  originality,  moral  depth,  and  literary  art.  "Rus- 
sian literature,"  declares  a  well-known  critic,  "is  the  voice  of 
a  giant,  waking  from  a  long  sleep,  and  becoming  articulate. 
It  is  as  though  the  world  had  watched  this  giant's  deep  slum- 
ber for  a  long  time,  wondering  what  he  would  say  when  he 
awakened.  And  what  he  has  said  has  been  well  worth  the 
thousand  years  of  waiting."  ^ 

It  is  in  the  domain  of  prose  fiction  that  these  authors  ex- 
cel, and  the  novels  of  Turgeniev,  Dostoievsky,  and  Tolstoy 

1  W.  Lyon  Phelps,  Essays  on  Russian  Novelists,  p.  2. 


RUSSIA  521 

almost  immediately  took  first  rank  as  works  of  literature. 
Fiction  has  been  the  best  medium  for  analyz-  Russian 
ing  human  motives  and  describing  social  con-  ^'^tion 
ditions ;  and  the  Russian  writers  displayed  such  freedom  and 
largeness  in  portraying  man  as  an  individual  and  as  a  social 
being  that  they  have  been  given  an  undisputed  place  as 
the  masters  of  Realism.  No  motive  is  so  hidden  that  they 
cannot  reveal  it  to  the  pitying  gaze  of  humanity ;  no  society 
is  so  complex  that  they  cannot  unravel  its  strands  of  good 
and  evil.  They  rise  to  the  loftiest  heights  of  moral  grandeur 
and  sublime  idealism,  and  they  shrink  at  nothing  in  strip- 
ping bare  the  human  soul  in  its  deepest  degradation. 

Ivan  Turgeniev  (1818-83)  lived  most  of  his  life  in  France 
and  Germany  and  was  greatly  influenced  by  the  culture 
of  Western  Europe,  above  all  by  that  of  France.   ^ 

.   .         1  urgeniev 

His  work  is  characterized  by  a  most  exquisite 
art,  and  few  writers  in  any  language  have  equaled  Turge- 
niev's  power  of  evoking  a  whole  society  by  a  delicate  touch 
or  suggestion,  so  that  the  moral  is  brought  home  with  strik- 
ing effect.  This  is  notably  true  in  The  Diary  of  a  Sports- 
man, which  consists  of  sketches  of  peasant  life  before  the 
Emancipation.  Instead  of  denouncing  the  evils  of  serfdom, 
the  author  merely  portrays  the  serfs  in  their  ordinary  rou- 
tine life ;  but  so  real  and  true  were  these  portraits  that  the 
book  was  a  powerful  influence  in  the  freeing  of  the  serfs. 
In  Rudin  the  Russian  national  type  finds  its  classical  ex- 
pression. Keen  in  thought,  eloquent  in  word,  the  hero, 
Rudin,  yet  remains  incapable  of  sustained  effort,  for  he  can 
be  roused  to  action  only  by  sudden  passion.  An  atmos- 
phere of  "tender  gloom"  pervades  Turgeniev's  master- 
piece. Fathers  and  Sons,  in  which  is  described  the  struggle 
between  the  older  and  the  younger  generations.  The  hero, 
Bazarov,  is  a  brilliant  Nihilist  at  war  with  the  ideals  of  the 
older  generation,  but  who  has  no  plans  or  even  constructive 
ideas  for  a  new  society. 

Feodor  Dostoievsky  (i 821-81),  the  painter  of  saints, 
outcasts,  criminals,  and  madmen,  was  pursued  by  poverty 
and  ill-health  all  his  life.  At  the  age  of  twenty-eight  he  was 


522     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

condemned  to  death  on  the  charge  of  rebelHon,  but  just 
^      .     ,      as  he  was  about  to  be  executed  the  sentence 

Dostoievsky  •         j    ^      r  .  -i       •       cu      • 

was  reprieved  to  tour  years  exile  in  Liberia. 
Dostoievsky  is  the  creator  and  supreme  master  of  the  psy- 
chologic novel  which  aims  to  diagnose  the  mind  as  a  phy- 
sician does  the  body.  His  most  famous  book,  Crime  and 
Punishment,  tells  the  story  of  a  poor  student,  Raskolni- 
kov,  who  deliberately  murders  an  old  woman  because  he 
feels  that  he  is  able  to  put  her  money  to  better  use  than 
she  can.  The  planning  and  execution  of  the  crime  and  the 
attempts  of  the  murderer  to  escape  detection  are  described 
with  a  minuteness  and  a  piercing  analysis  of  motives  that 
border  on  the  morbid.  Raskolnikov  feels  no  remorse,  but 
only  regret  for  his  crime,  which  he  considers  a  misfortune 
deserving  of  sympathy,  not  condemnation.  In  this  book  the 
author  shows  extraordinary  mastery  over  the  emotions  of 
terror  and  pity.  His  most  frequent  theme  is  the  sublimity 
of  human  suffering,  which  to  his  "mystic  Slavic  soul" 
means  the  redemption  of  mankind. 

Count  Leo  Tolstoy  (i  828-1 910)  was  the  literary  colossus 
of  Russia  during  the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

^  ,  His  extraordinary  art,  his  views  on  life  and  re- 

Tolstoy  ,.  .  1  ,  .      ,  1 

Iigion,  and  his  character  as  a  man  made  a  pro- 
found impression  on  the  whole  world,  and  he  has  been  the 
most  widely  read  of  all  the  Russian  authors.  A  novel  by 
this  author-preacher  consists  of  a  series  of  incidents  rather 
than  of  a  continuous  narrative,  with  a  great  theme  instead  of 
a  plot  as  the  connecting  link.  Tolstoy  is  at  his  best  in  describ- 
ing critical  moments  in  the  life  of  a  nation  or  of  an  individ- 
ual. His  historical  novel.  War  a?id  Peace,  is  a  colossal  prose 
epic,  a  modern  Iliad,  which  treats  of  Russian  conditions  in 
the  time  of  the  Napoleonic  invasion.  Like  that  of  a  Greek 
tragedy,  the  leading  theme  of  this  book  is  that,  when  ele- 
mental forces  are  let  loose,  individuals  are  only  the  play- 
things of  fate.  Circumstances,  not  leaders,  determine  the 
outcome  of  great  combats;  therefore  a  true  leader  is  one 
who,  like  the  Russian  general,  Kutusov,  does  not  attempt 
to  hinder  the  inexorable  laws  of  destiny,  but  allows  them 


RUSSIA  523 

free  play.  Tolstoy's  masterpiece  is  undoubtedly  ^?z7?a  Kare- 
nina,  the  theme  of  which  is  that  happiness  comes  only  to 
those  who  are  engaged  in  doing  good  to  others.  The  novel 
tells  the  story  of  two  couples:  in  one  case,  the  lovers,  pas- 
sionately devoted  to  each  other  and  seeking  their  own 
happiness  only,  find  their  fate  in  misery  and  death;  in 
the  other,  the  lovers,  devoting  themselves  to  the  welfare 
of  the  community  in  which  they  live,  find  that  happiness 
which  they  sought  to  bring  to  others.  With  amazing  art  the 
author  reveals  the  souls  of  men  and  women  as  they  drift 
onward  to  their  destiny,  himself  moved  by  compassion 
almost  as  great  as  that  found  in  the  Gospels. 

A  profound  change  gradually  came  into  the  life  of  Tol- 
stoy. The  novelist  turned  preacher  and  reformer.  He  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  modern  civilization  is  a  failure,  that 
religion  has  been  corrupted  by  the  Church,  law  by  govern- 
ment, teaching  by  schools,  and  love  by  marriage.  Simpli- 
fication of  life  became  his  first  aim,  but  his  solution  of  the 
problem  was  not  a  return  to  nature  as  preached  by  Rousseau, 
but  a  return  to  the  Christianity  that  Christ  preached.  He 
then  became  a  "seeker  after  God,"  and  sought  salvation  in 
poverty,  humility,  and  peace.  Tolstoy  was  a  thorough  be- 
liever in  the  doctrine  of  non-resistance  and  in  the  theory 
that  bloodshed,  whether  of  manor  of  animal,  is  wicked  under 
any  and  all  circumstances.  He  strongly  opposed  war,  capital 
punishment,  and  the  slaughter  of  animals  for  food.  The 
common  peasant  alone,  according  to  this  Russian  seer,  had 
achieved  true  happiness  and  understanding;  therefore  he  de- 
termined to  live  the  life  of  a  common  peasant.  He  deeded 
all  of  his  property  to  his  wife  but  continued  to  live  in 
his  old  home.  He  dressed  in  the  rough  blouse  of  a  peas- 
ant, worked  daily  in  the  fields  or  in  the  shop,  and  ate  the 
simple  fare  of  the  common  man.  His  home,  lasnaya  Poly- 
ana,  became  a  place  of  pilgrimage  for  people  from  all  over 
the  world. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

RUSSIA  AT  THE  END  OF  THE  NLNETEENTH  CENTURY 
Reign  of  Alexander  III  (1881-94) 

The  assassination  of  the  Tsar-Liberator  shocked  the 
liberals  no  less  than  it  did  the  conservatives.  In  spite  of 
Manifesto  the  reaction  during  the  latter  part  of  his  reign, 
ofrevolu-  Alexander  II  had  done  almost  as  much  as  his 
the  new  great  ancestor,  Peter  the  Great,  to  make  Russia 
^^^  a  true  member  of  the  European  family  of  civilized 

nations.  If  this  was  to  be  the  fate  of  a  liberal  Tsar,  what 
then  was  in  store  for  a  reactionary  one?  To  the  new  Em- 
peror, Alexander  III,  the  revolutionists  issued  a  warning 
manifesto,  which  declared  that  imprisonment,  exile,  and 
death  would  not  stop  them  from  prosecuting  their  aim  of 
establishing  democratic  government  in  Russia;  that  auto- 
cracy was  an  evil,  whether  the  autocrat  was  good  or  bad; 
that  there  were  only  two  ways  of  establishing  democracy: 
one,  through  a  bloody  revolution  which  would  result  in 
needless  waste  of  blood  and  energy  that  could  be  better 
used  for  the  welfare  of  Russia;  the  other,  through  the  volun- 
tary action  of  the  Tsar  in  granting  a  general  amnesty  for  all 
political  crimes,  and,  especially,  by  summoning  a  repre- 
sentative assembly.  The  revolutionists  promised  to  submit 
unconditionally  to  the  will  of  a  constitutional  government. 
In  a  manifesto,  issued  March  23,  1881,  the  new  Tsar  indi- 
cated plainly  enough  what  his  future  policies  were  to  be. 
"The  Voice  of  God,"  he  declared,  "orders  us  to  stand  firm  at 
the  helm  of  government  .  .  .  with  faith  in  the  strength  and 
truth  of  the  autocratic  power,  which  we  are  called  upon  to 
strengthen  and  preserve  for  the  good  of  the  people."  Shortly 
afterwards,  he  called  upon  his  faithful  subjects  "to  strive 
for  the  extirpation  of  the  heinous  agitation  which  has  dis- 
graced the  land."  "Gentlemen,  rise!  A  government  is  now 
coming  in!"  exclaimed  the  reactionary  Katkov. 


RUSSIA   AT   END   OF   NINETEENTH   CENTURY    525 

Alexander  III  resembled  in  many  ways  his  grandfather, 
Nicholas  I.  Like  him,  he  was  a  soldier  both  by  training 
and  by  temperament;  and  like  him,  also,  he  was  Alexan- 
a  man  of  unimpeachable  personal  integrity,  a  ^^^^^^ 
devoted  husband  and  father,  and  a  loyal  friend.  Although 
Alexander  possessed  the  will  power,  he  did  not  have  the 
ability  of  his  despotic  grandfather.  He  was  moderately 
educated,  rather  dull,  narrow-minded,  and  stubborn,  but 
intensely  Russian  in  his  sympathies  and  prejudices.  Men- 
tally, the  new  Tsar  was  a  peasant  raised  to  the  royal  estate. 

The  power  behind  the  throne  and  the  most  influential 
man  in  the  Russian  Government  during  his  reign  was 
the  former  tutor  of  the  Tsar,  Pobiedgnostsev,  Pobiedo- 
who  was  appointed  Procurator  of  the  Holy  Synod,  "o^tsev 
or  civil  head  of  the  official  Orthodox  Church.  This  power- 
ful official  hated  democracy  in  any  and  all  forms,  thoroughly 
and  consistently.  According  to  Pobiedonostsev,  who  was  a 
very  highly  educated  and  intelligent  man,  the  institutions  of 
Western  Europe  and  of  America  ought  to  serve  as  a  warn- 
ing, and  not  as  a  model,  for  Russia.  Democracy,  he  declared, 
was  a  sham  employed  by  the  rich  and  the  cunning  with 
which  to  ensnare  the  simple-minded :  a  free  press  meant  the 
free  dissemination  of  lies  and  calumnies;  religious  toleration 
meant  division  in  the  Church  and  rebellion  in  the  State.  Of 
all  the  nations  of  the  world  Russia  alone  had  remained  un- 
spoiled; under  the  protecting  care  of  her  benevolent  auto- 
cracy and  of  the  Orthodox  Church  reigned  peace,  love,  and 
true  religion. 

In  this  connection  it  is  important  to  understand  the  ideas 
of  a  small  but  powerful  group  of  Russian  thinkers  who 
called  themselves  Slavophiles.^    As  we  have  al-   Russian 

,  -r>         •       1  CI  '  interpreta- 

ready  seen,  Russia,  because  01  adverse  circum-  tjons  of  Rus- 
stances,  had  lagged  behind  the  other  nations  of  ^^^ 
Europe  in  the  march  of  civilization.    What  was  a  misfor- 
tune became  a  philosophy.    To  some  Russians  the  peculiar 

1  Among  the  adherents  of  Slavophilism  were  Karamzin,  the  noted  historian; 
Katkov,  the  popular  editor  of  the  Moscow  Gazette;  Miliutin,  the  adviser  of 
Alexander  II;  and  Pobiedonostsev. 


526      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

history  of  their  country  meant  that  she  was  destined  to  de- 
velop a  civiHzation  wholly  different  from  Western  Europe; 
therefore,  she,  too,  had  a  "mission"  in  the  world.  Early 
in  the  nineteenth  century  discussion  raged  over  the  ques- 
tion, "What  is  Russia?"  The  .Nihilists  declared  that  she 
was  "virgin  soil,"  a  land  fortunate  in  having  no  history; 
hence  a  tabula  rasa  upon  which  the  future  was  free  to  write. 
"Not  at  all,"  replied  the  Slavophiles;  "we  are  an  old  na- 
tion with  a  distinct  type  of  government,  benevolent  auto- 
cracy, with  a  distinct  type  of  religion,  the  Orthodox  Church, 
and  with  a  distinct  type  of  communal  life,  the  mir.  Western 
Europe  is  decadent,  rotting  from  rationalism  in  religion, 
revolution  in  politics,  and  class  hatred  in  society;  hence 
Russia  can  borrow  nothing  from  other  nations  except  their 
vices."  "You  are  both  wrong,"  replied  the  Zdpadniki,  or  the 
champions  of  Western  culture;  "Russia  is  merely  back- 
ward in  her  development;  those  institutions  which  she 
thinks  original  and  peculiar  to  her  are  like  those  which 
existed  in  the  rest  of  Europe  in  times  past,  and  the  more  she 
progresses  the  more  like  Western  Europe  she  will  become." 
Because  of  national  vanity  and  the  support  of  the  Govern- 
ment, Slavophilism  had  the  best  of  the  situation,  even  if 
it  did  not  have  the  best  of  the  argument.  This  movement 
later  on  assumed  a  more  militant  form  known  as  Pan- 
Slavism,  or  the  union  of  all  the  Slavic  peoples  under  the 
hegemony  of  Russia.  By  their  opponents  the  Slavophiles 
were  ridiculed  as  a  small  group  of  "Old  Believers"  in  pol- 
itics, who  tried  to  cover  up  an  evil  system  of  government 
and  society  by  romantic  appeals  to  an  imaginary  past.  The 
one  great  service  of  the  Slavophiles  was  helping  in  the 
emancipation  of  the  peasants,  whom  they  regarded  as  the 
only  true  Russian  people. 

Alexander  III  surrounded  himself  with  a  group  of  re- 
actionary Ministers,  chief  among  whom  were  Count  Igna- 
Reactionary  ^^^^  ^^^  Count  Dmitri  Tolstoy.  Loris-Melikov 
measures  of  was  dismissed  and  his  constitution  was  rejected. 
War  to  the  death  was  now  declared  by  the  Gov- 
ernment against  terrorism,   and    the  "Nicholas  System" 


RUSSIA  AT  END   OF  NINETEENTH   CENTURY     527 

was  fully  restored.  All  of  Russia  was  practically  placed 
under  martial  law.  The  assassins  of  Alexander  II  were  exe- 
cuted, and  revolutionists  were  sentenced  to  imprisonment, 
exile,  or  death  by  ''administrative  process,"  a  form  of 
court-martial  which  superseded  the  regular  court  trials. 
Thousands  found  in  Siberian  wilds  their  eternal  abiding- 
place;  thousands  more  fled  to  Switzerland,  France,  and 
America.  Education  in  particular  felt  the  heavy  hand  of 
reaction.  The  universities  were  deprived  of  the  self-govern- 
ment granted  to  them  by  Alexander  II.  To  the  Minister 
of  Education,  the  reactionary  Count  Tolstoy,  was  given 
almost  complete  power  of  appointing,  promoting,  and  dis- 
missing professors  and  of  regulating  the  conduct  of  the  stu- 
dents inside  and  outside  of  the  classrooms.  A  severe  press 
law  was  enacted  which  practically  prohibited  the  existence 
of  any  but  conservative  journals.  After  three  warnings  a 
refractory  newspaper  was  suppressed.  Even  the  moderate 
Zemstvos  were  suspected,  and  some  of  the  powers  hitherto 
enjoyed  by  these  assemblies  were  given  to  "land  captains" 
appointed  in  each  district.  By  these  methods  the  revolu- 
tionary and  liberal  elements  were  either  driven  "under- 
ground" into  secret  agitation,  or  harried  out  of  the  coun- 
try. During  the  entire  reign  of  Alexander  III  terroristic 
activities  were  in  abeyance,  agitation  ceased,  and  Russia 
was  once  more  "frozen." 

Next  to  the  revolutionaries  the  non-Russians  in  the 
Empire  provoked  Alexander's  strong  resentment.  "One 
Russia,  one  Creed,  one  Tsar,"  was  to  him  a  liv-  Persecutions 
ing  motto,  and  there  began  a  ruthless  Russifi-  Prussia"nTin 
cation  of  the  subject  races  by  means  of  force  the  Empire 
and  coercion.  The  first  to  suffer  were  the  Jews,  who  aroused 
Alexander's  fury  because  of  their  resistance  to  assimilation 
and  conversion.  In  1890  an  attack  was  made  on  the  au- 
tonomy of  Finland  by  attempts  to  make  the  postal,  mone- 
tary, and  fiscal  systems  of  the  Grand  Duchy  comply  with 
those  in  Russia.  All  Finnish  officials  were  henceforth  obliged 
to  have  a  knowledge  of  the  Russian  language.  In  the  Baltic 
Provinces  where  German  culture  was  dominant,  Russian 


528     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

was  likewise  made  the  official  language,  and  the  University 
of  Dorpat  was  converted  from  a  German  to  a  Russian  insti- 
tution. In  Poland,  the  use  of  the  native  language  was  pro- 
hibited in  all  the  educational  institutions. 

Alexander  prided  himself  on  being  a  "Peasants'  Tsar," 
and  he  did,  to  some  extent,  interest  himself  in  the  welfare 
Favorable  of  the  peasants.  The  Emancipation  Law  was 
fo?the'peas-  faithfully  carried  out,  and  during  some  years  the 
ants  redemption    tax   was   remitted.       In    1883    the 

Government  founded  the  Peasants'  Bank,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  advance  money  at  low  rates  of  interest  to 
peasants  in  order  to  enable  them  to  tide  over  bad  years. 
A  Nobles'  Bank  was  also  founded  with  the  similar  object 
of  helping  the  landed  proprietors  out  of  financial  difficulties. 
In  1894  the  Government  established  a  state  monopoly  in 
the  manufacture  and  sale  of  liquor,  primarily  for  the  pur- 
pose of  having  a  new  source  of  revenue,  but  also  with  the 
object  of  limiting  the  sale  of  a  particularly  intoxicating 
liquor  called  vodka,  to  which  the  peasants  were  greatly 
addicted. 

Races  in  Russia 

Russia,  called  the  "adopted  child"  of  Europe,  has  been 
and  still  is  the  enigma  of  Western  civilization.  Her  archaic 
social  system,  her  devout  attitude  toward  religion,  the 
amazing  simplicity  of  her  masses,  and  the  still  more  amaz- 
ing idealism  and  originality  of  her  intellectual  classes  have 
made  Russia  a  land  of  mystery  and  of  wonder  to  West- 
ern Europeans  and  Americans.  As  a  recent  traveler  well 
says:  "Russia  possesses  the  variety  of  the  ages.  Men  and 
women,  with  the  thoughts  of  the  fourth  century,  the  fif- 
teenth or  the  eighteenth  in  their  hearts,  jostle  others  who 
are  eager  to  cure  the  ills  of  mankind  with  the  latest  political 
and  social  nostrums  of  the  twentieth.  People  of  all  periods 
rub  shoulders,  like  the  dancers  in  a  masquerade.  If  one 
wants  to  know  what  an  Anglo-Saxon  villein  was,  it  is  more 
to  the  point  to  talk  to  a  Russian  peasant  than  to  rummage  in 
the  libraries.   The  pilgrimS;  dressed  like  Tannhauser  in  the 


RUSSIA  AT   END   OF   NINETEENTH   CENTURY    529 

third  act,  with  sta\'es  in  their  hands  and  wallets  at  their 
sides,  who  w^ander  through  Russia  on  their  way  to  pray  at 
the  Holy  Sepulcher,  belong  to  the  age  of  the  Crusades.  The 
ascetic  who  spends  his  life  in  prayer  and  fasting  and  wears 
chains  about  his  body  seems  to  have  found  his  way  into 
modern  Russia  from  the  Egyptian  Thebaid  of  the  fourth 
century."    So  writes  one,  Rothay  Reynolds. 

Russia,  unlike  England  and  France,  is  not  a  homogeneous 
nation;  it  is  an  empire  inhabited  by  a  conglomeration  of 
many  national  groups,  varying  from  Mongolian  The  Slavic 
tribes  on  the  Pacific  Coast  to  Germans  living  on  ^habitants 
the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  all  bound  together  by  a  highly  cen- 
tralized Government  under  an  autocratic  Tsar.  The  bulk 
of  the  inhabitants  are  the  Russian  Slavs,  who  number  about 
84,000,000  out  of  a  total  population  of  about  129,000,000.^ 
These  Russian  Slavs  are  divided  into  three  branches,  the 
Great  Russians,  the  Little  Russians,  or  Ukrainians,  and  the 
White  Russians.  The  first,  numbering  about  55,500,000,  is 
the  largest  group  and  inhabits  the  great  central  plain  known 
as  "Great  Russia."  This  region,  of  which  Moscow  was  once 
the  capital  and  is  now  the  principal  city,  is  the  ancient 
home  of  the  Russian  people.  The  Ukrainians,  numbering 
over  22,000,000,  live  in  that  part  of  the  south  known  as 
"Little  Russia,"  of  which  the  principal  city  is  Kiev.  Al- 
though they  are  of  the  same  racial  stock  as  the  Great  Rus- 
sians, the  Ukrainians  speak  a  slightly  different  language,  or 
dialect.  The  White  Russians  are  a  group  of  about  6,000,000 
who  live  in  some  of  the  western  provinces,  intermingled 
largely  with  Lithuanians,  Poles,  and  Jews. 

The  inhabitants  of  Siberia,  numbering  about  10,000,000, 
are  mainly  the  native  Mongolian  tribes  and  Russian  colo- 
nists.  In  Central  Asia,  or  Russian  Turkestan,  the  Non-Slavic 
people,  chiefly  nomads,  are  closely  related  to  the  races  in  the 
Afghans.     In  European  Russia  there  are  about 
14,000,000  Tartars,  Mohammedans  in  religion,  who  inhabit 
Crimea  and  the  southeastern  provinces.    In  the  Govern- 

1  The  figures  here  given  are  from  the  census  taken  in  1897:  to-day  (1918)  the 
total  population  of  the  Empire  is  reckoned  at  about  175,000,000. 


530     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ments  of  Bessarabia  and  Kherson,  near  the  Rumanian 
frontier,  there  are  over  a  million  Moldavians,  who  are 
closely  allied  in  language,  religion,  and  customs  with  the 
people  of  Rumania.  In  the  Caucasus  there  are  about  2,000,- 
000  Georgians  and  Armenians,  with  distinctive  customs 
and  traditions  of  their  own.  The  Lithuanians  number  about 
1,500,000,  and  are  to  be  found  principally  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Lithuania,  which  also  contains  large  numbers  of 
Jews  and  Poles. 

The  population  of  the  Baltic  Provinces  Esthonia,  Li- 
vonia, and  Courland  are  Letts  and  Esths,  who  are  the 
Races  in  Original  inhabitants  of  the  country,  and  Germans, 
the  Baltic  who  are  descendants  of  the  German  colonists 
that  came  to  conquer  and  to  Christianize  this 
region  during  the  Middle  Ages.  The  latter  belong  to  the 
upper  and  middle  classes  and  dominate  the  Letts  and  Esths 
upon  whom  they  imposed  the  Lutheran  faith.  Between 
the  native  peasants  and  their  German  landlords  there  has 
been  constant  friction,  which  has  at  times  resulted  in  riots 
and  which  led  to  a  civil  war  on  a  small  scale  during  the 
Revolution  of  1905.  These  Baltic  Germans  form  a  small 
but  highly  important  element  in  Russian  life.  From  their 
ranks  came  many  of  the  high  officials  in  the  Empire,  both 
civil  and  military,  who  gave  loyal  service  to  the  Tsar  rather 
than  to  Russia,  and  for  which  they  were  amply  rewarded. 

Finland,  as  we  have  seen,  was  acquired  from  Sweden  in 

1808.     The  bulk  of  the  inhabitants,  who  number  about 

3,000,000,   are   Finns,   a  race  supposedly  non- 

The  Finns        z^  .  .    .  a-i  •it-.i* 

European  m  origm.  As  is  the  case  m  the  Baltic 
Provinces,  an  alien  race,  the  Swedes,  dominate  the  native 
Finns,  upon  whom  they  imposed  the  Lutheran  faith.  Be- 
tween the  Finns  and  the  Swedes  an  unfriendly  feeling  has 
existed,  of  which  the  Russian  Government  frequently  took 
advantage  in  order  to  control  the  province. 

The  population  of  Russian  Poland  is  about  10,000,000, 

of   whom   the    Polish   Slavs,   who   are   Roman 

The  Poles  „      ,     ,.      .  ...  ^.^    ^        ,i 

Catholic  in  religion,  constitute  three  quarters; 
the  rest  are  Jews  and  Russians.     The  great  change  in  the 


RUSSIA  AT   END   OF   NINETEENTH   CENTURY    531 

system  of  landholding  in  Poland  which  came  as  a  result 
of  the  rebellion  of  1863  has  already  been  described.^  It 
resulted  in  creating  over  four  millions  of  peasant  proprietors, 
whose  average  holding  is  about  twenty  acres,  a  quantity 
far  larger  than  that  of  the  Russian  peasant. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  there 
began  an  industrial  development  in  Poland  which  has  trans- 
formed the  country  from  a  purely  agricultural  industrial 
to  a  semi-manufacturing  region.  This  was  due  development 
partly  to  the  geographical  position  of  Poland 
which  makes  her  a  convenient  trade  route  between  Western 
Europe  and  Russia,  partly  to  her  coal  and  iron  deposits, 
and  partly  to  the  commercial  activities  of  the  large  Jewish 
population  settled  within  her  borders.  During  the  first 
decade  of  the  twentieth  century  Poland  produced  one 
seventh  of  the  entire  industrial  output  of  the  Russian  Em- 
pire, Russia  proper  constituting  a  large  market  for  Polish 
manufactures.  The  cities  of  Lodz  and  Sosnovice  are  great 
cotton  centers,  almost  rivaling  in  importance  some  of  the 
textile  cities  of  Lancashire,  in  England.  The  engineering 
works  and  beet-sugar  refineries  of  Warsaw,  as  well  as  its  tex- 
tile mills,  have  made  that  historic  city  an  industrial  beehive. 

These  great   changes   called   into  existence   a   powerful 
middle  class  which  favored  local  autonomy  under  Russia 
rather  than  national  independence.    They  feared  Friendliness 
that  a  separation  from  the  Empire  might  lead  of  Poles  to- 
to   hostile   tariff   legislation   by  Russia,    which 
would  ruin  Polish  industries.     In  1896,  when  Tsar  Nicholas 
II  visited  Warsaw,  he  was  accorded  a  warm  welcome,  quite 
an  unusual  thing  for  a  Russian  Tsar  to  receive  in  Poland. 
In  1907  the  Polish  members  in  the  Duma  openly  declared 
themselves  in  favor  of  Poland  as  "an  inseparable  part  of 
the  Russian  Empire." 

Anti-Jewish  Legislation 

Fully  five  million  Jews,  nearly  a  half  of  the  entire  Jewish 
race,  live  under  the  Russian  flag.    Russia  acquired  this  large 

1  See  p.  515- 


532     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Jewish  population  largely  as  a  result  of  the  partition  of 
the  old  Kingdom  of  Poland  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century;  the  parts  which  fell  to  her  share  had  been  a  Jewish 
settlement  for  centuries. 

Almost  from  the  very  start,  repressive  measures  began, 
and  the  Jews  were  soon  aware  that  the  semi-tolerance  of 
Repressive  the  Polish  kings  was  giving  place  to  the  intoler- 
^alnsrthe  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  Russian  Tsars.  It  was  the  policy 
Jews  of  the  latter  to  restrict  the  Jews  to  certain  west- 

ern provinces,  which  became  known  as  the  "Pale  of  Jewish 
Settlement."  During  the  reign  of  Nicholas  I  harsh  laws 
were  continually  enacted  against  the  Jews.  Most  of  these 
laws  were  repealed  or  not  enforced  under  the  mild  rule  of 
Alexander  II,  and  the  Jews  enjoyed  some  of  their  former 
freedom.  Many  became  assimilated  completely  in  the 
general  life  of  the  Russian  people  and  almost  forgot  that 
they  were  Jews. 

When  Alexander  III  ascended  the  throne  a  definite  anti- 
Jewish  policy  was  inaugurated  which  wa.s  followed  consist- 
Harsh  atti-  ently  for  over  a  generation.  The  declared  ob- 
tude  of  Alex-  jg^t  of  this  policy,  ascribed  to  Pobiedonostsev, 
ward  the  was  to  solve  the  Jewish  problem  by  forcing  one 
J^^^  third  to  emigrate,  by  converting  one  third  to  the 

Orthodox  Church,  and  by  harrying  the  remaining  third  to 
destruction.  This  attitude  was  inspired  by  the  Slavophile 
idea  that  the  Jew  was  and  would  ever  be  an  alien  in  religion, 
race,  and  traditions.  Although  they  constituted  only  four 
per  cent  of  the  population  of  the  Empire,  it  was  feared 
by  the  Government  that,  under  a  system  of  equal  rights, 
the  Jews  would  soon  rise  to  power  and  influence  because  of 
their  intellectual  attainments  and  their  extraordinary  ca- 
pacity for  business.  As  the  Jews  were  inclined  to  be  liberal 
in  politics,  their  influence  threatened  to  undermine  abso- 
lute government;  hence  they  were  regarded  with  uncon- 
cealed enmity  by  the  autocracy. 

In  1 88 1  a  series  of  sporadic  anti-Jewish  riots  took  place 
which  caused  Alexander  III  to  appoint  a  commission  to 
study  the  Jewish  question.     The  recommendations  of  this 


RUSSIA  AT   END   OF   NINETEENTH   CENTURY    533 

commission  were  embodied  in  the  celebrated  "May  Laws" 
of  1882  which  were  enacted  through  the  influence  The  "May 
of  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  Count  Ignatiev.  Laws" 
.  This  anti-Jewish  code  contained  many  restrictions  on  Jews 
in  regard  to  residence,  occupation,  and  education. 

The  "Pale,"  consisting  of  fifteen  Governments  in  western 
and  southwestern  Russia  and  the  ten  Governments  of  Po- 
land, was  declared  to  be  the  only  place  of  legal  ^,  ,,„  ,  „ 
residence  in  the  Empire  for  Jews.  An  immense 
ghetto  was  thus  constituted  in  which  dwelt  ninety-five  per 
cent  of  the  Jews  of  Russia.  Deprived  of  the  elementary  hu- 
man right  of  living  where  they  pleased,  thousands  were  torn 
from  their  homes  in  all  parts  of  the  country  and  confined  to 
the  "Pale."  ^  Residence  within  the  "Pale"  itself  was  not 
altogether  unrestricted.  Jews  were  forbidden  to  move  from 
cities  to  villages;  they  were  thus  compelled  to  live  in  cities, 
where  they  congregated  in  large  numbers.  Those  who  had 
already  been  settled  in  villages  were  permitted  to  remain 
there  under  many  petty  and  annoying  restrictions. 

The  special  privilege  of  living  outside  of  the  "Pale"  was 
granted  only  to  Jews  who  were  graduates  of  higher  institu- 
tions of  learning,  to  professional  men,  wealthy  j^^^g  ^^^_ 
merchants,  artisans,  and  "Nicholas  soldiers."  ^  side  the 

•         .  "Pale" 

Except  in  the  case  of  the  last  class,  this  privilege 
did  not  extend  to  their  children,  who  were  obliged  to  leave 
their  homes  as  soon  as  they  came  of  age,  unless  they  could 
qualify  under  the  law  on  their  own  part.   Foreign  Jews  were 
forbidden  to  travel  in   Russia  regardless  of  passports  ob- 
tained from  the  Government  of  which  they  were  citizens.* 
Jews  were  denied  the  opportunity  for  higher  education 
even  though  they  might  have  the  means  to  obtain  it.    En- 
trance of  Jews  to  the  Gymnasia  and  universities  Educational 
was  limited  to  a  definite  proportion  of  the  student  restrictions 
body.  Within  the  "Pale"  it  was  ten  per  cent;  outside  of  the 
"Pale"  it  was  five  per  cent,  except  in  Petrograd  and  Mos- 

^  In  1 89 1  over  ten  thousand  Jews  were  expelled  from  Moscow. 
*  Jews  who  had  enlisted  in  the  army  in  the  reign  of  Nicholas  I. 
'  The  failure  to  recognize  the  American  passport  caused  the  United  States  to 
abrogate  the  existing  treaty  with  Russia  in  191 1. 


534     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

cow,  where  it  was  three  per  cent.  Those  who  had  the  means 
went  to  Germany  or  to  France  for  their  higher  education; 
the  others  entered  into  fierce  competition  with  one  another 
for  the  few  coveted  places  available  in  Russian  institutions 
of  learning.  Although  the  laws  were  more  liberal  as  regards 
the  elementary  schools,  few  Jews  attended  them;  the  large 
majority  were  taught  in  semi-religious  schools  maintained 
by  the  Jews  themselves,  where  they  received  religious  train- 
ing and  a  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew  and  Yiddish  languages. 

All  public  employments  of  whatever  nature  were  closed 
to  the  Jews.^  Even  in  those  cities  where  they  constituted  a 
Civil  dis-  majority,  they  did  not  have  the  right  to  vote 
abilities  £qj.  members  of  the  town  council;  the  Governor 

of  the  district  usually  appointed  a  limited  number  of  Jews 
to  these  bodies  to  represent  the  Jewish  community.  No 
Jew  could  become  a  lawyer  unless  he  got  special  permis- 
sion from  the  Minister  of  Justice;  very  few  received  this 
permission.  In  these  ways  the  Jews  were  deprived  of  the 
elementary  right  of  citizenship,  although  they  were  later 
permitted,  with  certain  restrictions  to  vote  for  mem- 
bers of  the  Duma. 

No  Jew  was  permitted  to  buy  or  lease  land  in  the  rural 
districts  anywhere  in  Russia.  The  purpose  of  this  was 
Economic  to  prevent  the  Jews  from  becoming  competitors 
disabilities  q£  ^^^  peasants  in  the  cultivation  of  the  land. 
Hindrances  to  their  industrial  progress  were  also  created 
by  laws  limiting  the  number  of  Jewish  stockholders  in  in- 
dustrial corporations. 

In  the  matter  of  rights,  the  Jews  were  regarded  as  aliens 
by  the  Russian  law;  but  when  it  came  to  duties,  they  were 
Duties  of  full  citizens.  They  were  required  to  serve  in  the 
J^^^  army  although  they  were  not  permitted  to  be- 

come officers.  In  addition  to  the  ordinary  taxes,  they  were 
required  to  pay  special  taxes  on  meat  prepared  according 
to  the  Jewish  rite  and  on  candles  used  for  the  Sabbath 
service. 

Not  only  did  the  laws  weigh  heavily  on  the  Jews,  but 

^  Exception  was  made  in  the  case  of  army  doctors,  many  of  whom  were  Jews. 


RUSSIA  AT   END  OF   NINETEENTH   CENTURY    535 

they  were  capriciously  enforced,  because  every  official  in- 
terpreted them  as  he  saw  fit.  In  fact,  it  was  often  How  the 
well-nigh  impossible  to  enforce  the  innumerable  fa ws  were 
exceptional  laws;  hence  they  were  frequently  enforced 
evaded,  and  so  became  a  prolific  source  of  corruption. 
Bribery  of  officials  was  the  only  possible  relief  from  this 
intolerable  situation.  Outside  of  the  "Pale"  there  were 
many  "unlicensed"  Jews  and  others  with  doubtful  claims 
to  residence,  who  lived  in  constant  fear  of  being  driven 
ofi^.  The  status  of  the  Jew  being  that  of  a  semi-outlaw,  he 
led  a  precarious  existence  under  the  watchful  eye  of  the 
police.  When  the  anti-Jewish  feeling  was  particularly  acute, 
raids  would  be  organized  against  "unlicensed  Jews"; 
homes  were  invaded  by  the  police  at  night,  and  men  and 
women  torn  from  their  slumber  and  driven  out  of  town. 
Some  were  later  allowed  to  return  on  payment  of  a  bribe. 
Sometimes  a  town  within  the  "Pale"  would  be  declared  a 
"village,"  and  a  wholesale  expulsion  of  Jews  would  follow. 

To  this  fearful  persecution  the  Jews  opposed  a  policy 
of  passive  resistance.    "Infirm  of  body,  but  firm  of  mind," 
they  resolved  to  weather  this  storm  as  they  had  passive  re- 
so  many  others  by  clinging  all  the  more  firmly  sistance  of 
to  their  religion  and  traditions,  and  by  relying 
upon  their  solidarity  to  break  the  force  of  the  laws  meant 
for  their  destruction.    Thousands  fled  to  foreign  lands,  par- 
ticularly to  America,  cherishing  undying  hatred  for  the  Rus- 
sian Government.^ 

Crowded  in  the  cities  of  the  "Pale,"  these  five  million 
Jews  lived  in  a  condition  of  wretched  poverty.  Most  of 
them  gained  a  meager  livelihood  as  small  shop-  Poverty  of 
keepers,  pedlers,  tailors,  and  cobblers.  So  the  Jews 
small  were  many  of  the  shops  and  so  keen  the  competition 
that  there  developed  among  the  Russian  Jews  a  proletarian 
middle  class  who  eked  out  an  existence  from  their  "stores," 
which  often  consisted  of  a  few  articles  placed  on  a  counter. 

The  Russian  persecution  had  the  effect  of  turning  the 

1  Between  1880  and  1900  over  a  million  and  a  half  Jews  left  Russia,  most  of 
them  going  to  the  United  States. 


536      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

thoughts  of  Jews  the  world  over  to  the  idea  of  estabUshing 
.  an  independent  Jewish  nation  in  a  territory  of 

their  own.  Under  the  leadership  of  Theodor 
Herzl,  a  Viennese  Jew,  an  interesting  movement,  known  as 
"Zionism,"  was  launched,  which  aims  to  create  in  Palestine 
a  legally  secured  home  for  the  Jewish  people,  where  they 
may  be  free  to  develop  their  national  ideals.  Since  1897 
international  Zionist  Congresses  have  been  held  annually 
to  promote  this  project.  Agricultural  colonies  and  educa- 
tional institutions  have  been  established  in  Palestine  by  the 
Zionists,  who  hope  in  this  manner  to  prepare  the  way  for 
the  return  of  the  Jewish  people  to  their  ancient  home. 

The  Orthodox  Church 

No  people  in  Europe  are  so  devoutly  religious  as  the 
Russians.  Almost  every  home  contains  an  ikon,  or  saint's 
The  Rus-  image,  before  which  prayers  are  said  daily.  All 
sians  an  in-     Qyer  the  country  there  are  innumerable  shrines 

tensely  re-  i  •   i  •   •       ^     ^ 

ligious  peo-  which  are  visited  by  thousands  of  pilgrims. 
P^  Holy  days  are  faithfully  observed  and  church 

services  are  rarely,  if  ever,  neglected.  The  simplicity  and 
the  unquestioning  faith  of  the  peasants  in  particular  often 
find  expression  in  acts  of  supreme  kindness  and  devotion 
as  well  as  in  superstitious  practices  and  beliefs.  In  191 1 
the  world  was  startled  by  a  public  trial  in  Russia  of  a  Jew 
named  Mendel  Beiliss  on  the  charge  of  murdering  a  Christian 
boy,  in  order  to  use  his  blood  for  the  purposes  of  a  rite  sup- 
posedly required  by  the  Jewish  faith.  Although  Beiliss  was 
acquitted,  the  case  was  an  indication  that  the  "ritual  mur- 
der" myth,  long  exploded  in  Western  Europe,  was  still  be- 
lieved by  many  Russians  in  the  twentieth  century. 

The  official  Orthodox  Church  is  an  offshoot  of  the  By- 
zantine Church  of  ancient  times,  from  which  it  derived  most 
of  its  doctrines  and  ritual.  The  services  are  conducted  in 
The  Ortho-  a  language  known  as  Church  Slavish,  an  old 
dox  Church  Slavic  dialect  resembling  modern  Bulgarian.  It 
is  governed  by  a  commission  of  high  ecclesiastical  officials 
known  as  the  Holy  Synod,  presided  over  by  a  layman  called 


RUSSIA  AT   END  OF  NINETEENTH   CENTURY     537 

the  Procurator,  who  is  a  direct  appointee  of  the  Govern- 
ment. To  be  a  member  of  the  Orthodox  Church  was  to  the 
average  Russian  the  only  true  test  of  patriotism;  to  him, 
Church  and  State  were  not  merely  united,  they  were  one 
and  the  same  thing  in  different  aspects.  Time  and  again 
had  Russia  championed  the  cause  of  Orthodox  believers, 
particularly  those  in  the  Balkans  and  in  Austria. 

All  high  officials  in  the  Church  are  appointed  by  the  Holy 
Synod  from  the  ranks  of  the  celibate  "black  clergy,"  or 
monks,  who  live  ascetic  lives  in  secluded  monas-  ^, 

i  he  cisrgy 

teries.  The  "white  clergy,"  or  ordinary  parish 
priests,  constitute  almost  a  priestly  caste.  They  are  per- 
mitted to  marry;  and  generally  the  son  of  a  parish  priest, 
or  "pope,"  as  he  is  called  by  the  people,  succeeds  his  father 
in  that  office.  The  "white  clergy"  are  supported  partly  by 
subventions  from  the  Government  and  partly  by  fees  from 
the  parishioners  for  christenings,  weddings,  and  funerals.^ 
Among  the  Russians  themselves  there  are  many  Dis- 
senters who  formerly  were  persecuted  by  the  Government 
for  their  disbelief  in  Orthodoxy.  Chief  among  Russian 
these  are  the  Raskolniki,  or  Old  Believers,  who  ^^'^^^ 
agree  with  the  Orthodox  Church  in  its  main  tenets,  but  differ 
very  sharply  on  slight  matters  of  ritual.  This  numerous  sect 
arose  as  a  result  of  a  revision  of  the  holy  books  by  the 
Patriarch  Nikon  in  the  sixteenth  century.  The  Old  Be- 
lievers stand  by  the  old  editions,  believing  that  the  altera- 
tion of  certain  words  meant  the  alteration  of  the  original 
pure  faith.  There  are  also  many  sects  that  have  no  relation 
whatever  with  the  Orthodox  Church,  such  as  the  Dukhobors, 
or  spirit  wrestlers,  whose  faith  is  similar  to  that  of  the 
Quakers;  the  Stundists,  whose  faith  is  similar  to  that  of  the 
Baptists;  and  the  Molokanye,  who  model  themselves  rigidly 
on  the  primitive  Church. 

The  Peasants 

Russia  is  essentially  a  peasant  empire,  as  fully  three 
quarters  of  her  population  are  engaged  in  tilling  the  soil. 

^  During  the  Revolution  of  1917  Church  and  State  were  separated. 


538      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Since  the  time  of  Emancipation  the  average  holding  of  the 
Peasants  peasant  has  actually  diminished,  for  the  reason 
and  the  that   the  Same  quantity  of  land  has  been  di- 

vided among  a  greatly  increased  population.^ 
Vast  as  are  the  stretches  of  fertile  soil  in  Russia,  there 
has  been  a  land  famine  because  so  much  of  it  was  in  the 
possession  of  the  State  and  the  nobility.  "More  land!" 
has  been  the  constant  cry  of  the  peasantry,  who  firmly  be- 
lieve that  the  day  is  coming  when  all  the  land  in  Russia 
will  be  given  to  them  gratis.^  It  was  this  desire  for  free 
land,  not  for  free  government  or  for  free  speech,  that  was  to 
make  the  peasant  the  powerful  ally  of  the  revolutionary 
forces  in  1905  and  in  191 7. 

As  he  was  unable  to  make  a  living  from  his  land,  the 
mujik,  or  peasant,  was  forced  to  supplement  his  farming  by 
Poverty  of  Working  part  of  the  time  on  the  estate  of  the 
the  peasants  ^Q^ig  qj-  ^y  becoming  a  factory  "hand"  in  the 
city  during  the  winter.  It  is  impossible  to  exaggerate  the 
poverty  of  the  Russian  masses,  who  live  in  straw-thatched 
huts,  housing  beasts  and  family  under  the  same  roof,  and 
whose  main  diet  consists  of  cabbage  soup  and  black  bread. 
It  is  not  unusual  for  large  regions  to  be  "under  famine." 
During  the  great  famine  of  1891  thousands  starved  to  death 
and  many  were  driven  to  eat  the  straw  roofs  of  their  houses. 
Because  in  normal  times  only  ten  per  cent  of  the  peasants 
raise  enough  food  for  themselves  and  for  their  cattle,  chronic 
underfeeding  and  slow  starvation  have  been  general. 

Most  onerous  were  the  taxes  which  were  collected  from 
the  peasant.  In  addition  to  the  regular  taxes,  he  had  to  pay 
o        ,  the  annual  redemption  dues  for  the  land  acquired 

Peasantry  ^  .         . 

heavily  at  the  time  of  the  Emancipation.     Moreover, 

^^^^  there  were  heavy  indirect  taxes  on  those  articles 

which  the  peasant  must  buy,  like  tea,  sugar,  matches,  and 

1  In  i860  the  average  peasant  holding  was  about  13  acres;  in  1900,  it  had 
decreased  to  8.1  acres. 

2  It  is  related  that  shortly  after  the  Emancipation,  Alexander  II  himself  ad- 
dressed a  crowd  of  the  peasants,  telling  them  that  no  more  land  would  be  given 
to  them.  The  peasants  simply  refused  to  believe  that  the  person  speaking  was 
the  Tsar,  but  that  he  was  a  "general"  who  was  induced  to  impersonate  the 
Tsar  by  the  officials. 


RUSSIA  AT   END   OF   NINETEENTH   CENTURY   539 

kerosene.  Knowing  that  almost  everything  that  he  pro- 
duced would  go  to  the  tax  collector,  the  mnjik  was  not 
over-ambitious  to  improve  his  holding;  he  even  preferred  to 
receive  the  brutal  flogging  for  arrears  in  taxes  rather  than 
work  to  pay  them.  Like  the  Poles  and  Jews  who  emigrated 
to  America  to  improve  their  lot,  many  Russian  peasants 
emigrated  to  Siberia,  where  they  obtained  large  homesteads 
from  the  Government  on  easy  terms.  ^ 

The  Intelligentsia 

Although  the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  Russia  are 
illiterate,  a  cultivated  class  has  emerged  from  the  ranks  of 
the  middle  class  and  the  nobility.  The  Intel-  character  of 
ligentsia,  as  the  educated  class  is  generally  the  Russian 
called  in  Russia,  has  no  counterpart  anywhere 
in  the  world.  It  is  composed  of  men  and  women,  mostly 
university  students,  who  have  a  love  for  philosophic  ideas 
amounting  to  a  passion,  and  to  whom  the  traditions  and 
conventions  of  their  country,  and  for  that  matter  of  the 
world,  count  for  naught.  "An  intellectual  Russian,"  once 
wrote  Herzen,  "is  the  most  independent  being  in  the  world. 
.  .  .  We  are  independent  because  we  have  no  possessions  — 
nothing  to  lose.  All  our  memories  are  full  of  gall  and  bitter- 
ness. .  .  .  We  have  no  traditions ;  therefore,  far  from  being 
inferior  on  that  account  to  countries  who  possess  them,  we 
are  superior  to  them." 

To  show  their  contempt  for  conventions,  the  men  wore 
their  hair  long,  and  the  women,  short,  an  outward  and 
visib'2  sign  of  their  spirit  of  revolt.  Dressed  as  The  intel- 
peasants  out  of  love  for  the  people,  the  intelli-  ^^^^^^sia 
gentsia  would  gather  in  secret  meeting-places,  where  they 
sat  far  into  the  night,  drinking  hot  tea,  smoking  cigarettes, 
and  discussing  philosophic  ideals.  From  that  to  hatching 
plots  against  the  Government  was  but  an  easy  and  quick 
transition.  Many,  if  not  most,  of  the  terrorists  came  from 
this  class,  to  whom  the  assassination  of  tyrants  was  the 

1  The  Trans-Siberian  Railroad  greatly  aided  this  emigration.   During  1906- 
10  fully  a  million  Russian  peasants  became  colonists  in  Siberia. 


540      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

first  moral  duty  of  a  freedom-loving  individual.  Although 
not  all  the  educated  Russians  were  counted  among  the 
intelligentsia,  the  latter  became  the  spokesmen  of  the  dis- 
content of  educated  Russia  with  the  autocracy.  From  their 
ranks  came  the  leaders  of  the  workingmen  and  of  the  peas- 
ants during  the  Revolutions  of  1905  and  1917. 

System  of  Government 

The  vast  region  known  as  the  Russian  Empire,  compris- 
ing one  half  of  Europe  and  one  half  of  Asia,  was  governed 
by  a  highly  centralized  administration  located  at  the  capital, 
Petrograd.  So  complete  was  the  centralization  that  even 
small  matters  were  frequently  referred  to  the  capital  from 
the  uttermost  parts  of  the  Empire. 

All  power  and  authority  radiated  from  the  Tsar,  the 
"Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias,"  who  ruled  by  "divine 
Power  of  right."  All  laws  had  to  have  his  sanction  and  all 
the  Tsar  officials  held  their  posts  through  his  grace.  The 
chief  governing  bodies  were  the  Senate,  which  was  not,  as 
its  name  implies,  a  legislative  body,  but  a  high  court  of 
justice;  and  the  Council  of  the  Empire,^  which  was  the 
center  of  imperial  administration. 

Because  of  great  distances  and  variety  of  population, 
Russia  is  well  adapted  to  a  federal  system.  But  very  lit- 
r^    ^   y         tie  local  self-government  was  permitted  lest  it 

L.entraliza-  °  ,  '^ 

tion  of  the  should  disrupt  the  unity  of  the  Empire.  It 
government  ^^^  divided  into  seventy-eight  "governments," 
which  corresponded  to  the  French  departements;  ^  in  each  a 
governor  and  an  administrative  council  were  appointed  by 
the  Tsar.  Sometimes  there  was  also  a  governor-general,  who 
had  supreme  military  authority  over  a  historic  entity,  such 
as  Poland  or  Finland.  There  were  also  eighteen  "provinces" 
in  the  sparsely  settled  regions  of  Asia,  each  under  the  rule 
of  a  military  governor.  To  the  elected  bodies  in  the  country 
districts,  known  as  Zemstvos,  and  to  the  city  councils, 
only  limited  power  was  given  to  legislate  on  local  affairs. 
The  two  most  powerful  supports  of  the  Government  were 

*  For  the  reorganization  of  this  body,  see  p.  556.         2  gee  p.  234. 


RUSSIA   AT   END   OF   NINETEENTH   CENTURY    541 

the  bureaucracy  and  the  poHce.  By  the  bureaucracy  is  meant 
the  large  number  of  civil  officials,  about  half  a  Corruption 
milHon,  called  the  tchinovniki,  who  conducted  of  the  of- 
the  business  of  the  Empire.  Its  members  were 
recruited  from  the  ranks  of  the  aristocracy  and  the  middle 
class.  Many  of  the  highest  positions  were  given  to  the  Ger- 
mans of  the  Baltic  Provinces  because  of  their  administra- 
tive capacity  and  because  of  their  excessive  loyalty  to  the 
autocracy.  The  pay  of  the  officials  being  small,  they  com- 
monly accepted  bribes  in  order  to  raise  their  salaries.  So 
prevalent  was  bribery  among  the  Russian  officials  that 
more  than  once  it  broke  the  force  of  tyrannical  laws.  The 
Russian  Government  was  once  described  as  "a  despotism 
tempered  by  corruption."  "The  administration's  inertia 
or  duplicity,  duly  paid  for,"  writes  Anatole  Leroy-Beaulieu 
in  his  famous  work.  The  Empire  of  the  Tsars  and  the  Russians, 
"  paralyzed  bad  laws  as  well  as  good  ones.  The  functionary 
sold  liberty  to  one,  tolerance  to  another;  he  sold  immu- 
nity to  both  innocent  and  guilty.  The  Russian  Dissenters 
{Raskolniki)  could  not  have  weathered  two  centuries  of  per- 
secution but  for  the  police's  and  the  clergy's  willingness 
to  ignore  them  —  for  a  consideration.  The  Russian  spirit 
could  never  have  withstood  the  pressure  put  on  it  under 
Nicholas  but  for  the  connivance  of  the  employes,  who  se- 
cretly suffered  the  forbidden  books  and  the  revolutionary 
papers  of  Herzen  and  the  other  emigrants  to  be  circulated 
—  for  a  consideration."  ^ 

By  far  the  most  important  element  in  the  administration 
was  the  police,  who  formed  the  Praetorian  Guard  of  the 
autocracy;  for  the  Russian  Government  under  ^, 

,       ^  ,,  1-1  •      The  police 

the  1  sars  was  really  a  police  department  writ 
large.  There  were  three  kinds  of  police:  the  civil,  used  for 
the  ordinary  purposes  of  keeping  the  peace;  the  military, 
or  gensdarmes,  to  quell  riots;  and  the  political,  or  a  body 
of  spies,  to  ferret  out  conspiracies  against  the  Tsar.  In 
each  "government"  there  was  a  chief  of  police  called  the 
ispravnik   with   large   and  ill-defined  powers.    Everybody 

1  Vol.  II,  p.  97- 


542      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

traveling  in  Russia,  natives  and  foreigners  alike,  had  to  be 
provided  with  a  passport,  or  official  paper,  describing  mi- 
nutely the  traveler's  appearance,  faith,  errand,  and  occupa- 
tion, in  order  to  enable  the  police  to  apprehend  those  who 
might  be  on  errands  of  mischief  to  the  Government.  The 
janitor,  or  dvornik,  of  almost  every  house  was  enlisted  in  the 
service  of  the  police;  it  was  his  duty  to  mount  guard  over 
the  house  and  to  report  any  suspicious  persons  frequent- 
ing it. 

The  political  police  of  Russia  were  widely  known  as  the 
Third  Section.  The  name  was  officially  suppressed  in  1880, 
The  Third  but  their  functions  were  continued  and  even 
Section  enlarged.     They  were  made  independent  of  the 

other  police,  and  almost  of  the  administration  itself,  by 
extra-legal  powers;  and,  in  order  that  they  might  work  si- 
lently and  swiftly,  they  were  supported  from  secret  funds 
and  made  responsible  only  to  the  Tsar  himself.  Between 
the  secret  service  and  the  terrorists  there  was  a  duel  to  the 
very  death;  both  sides  neither  asked  nor  gave  quarter.  So 
efficient  was  the  spy  system  that  police  agents  were  received 
even  in  "Underground  Russia."  They  would  ingratiate 
themselves  with  the  revolutionists  by  pretending  to  be 
violent  enemies  of  the  Tsar;  and  frequently  the  very  inciters 
to  deeds  of  terrorism  and  the  organizers  of  conspiracies 
were  themselves  spies  who  would  betray  their  "comrades" 
to  the  Government. 

The  Industrial  Revolution 

It  was  not  till  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century  that  the 
great  economic  transformation,  known  as  the  Industrial 
Reasons  for  Revolution,  began  in  Russia.  The  reason  for 
Russia's  in-  Russia's  backwardness  in  this  respect  was  not 
backward-  due  to  her  lack  of  natural  resources,  for  she  is 
"^^^  unusually  rich  in  coal,  iron,  and  oil;  nor  to  her 

lack  of  labor  supply,  for  her  teeming  population  constitutes 
an  almost  inexhaustible  source  of  cheap  labor;  but  to  her 
lack  of  capital  and  to  the  conservatism  of  a  Government 
which  discouraged  business  enterprise. 


RUSSIA  AT  END   OF  NINETEENTH   CENTURY    543 

In  1 89 1  Sergius  J.  Witte,  a  former  railway  manager, 
became  Minister  of  Finance  under  Alexander  III.  This  was 
an  event  of  prime  importance  in  the  history  of  Witte  and 
Russia,  for  he  was  to  be  the  Colbert  of  his  coun-  trial  Revolu- 
try,  the  initiator  and  director  of  new  economic  ti°" 
policies.  Witte  was  a  totally  new  type  of  Russian,  a  keen 
business  man  thoroughly  conversant  with  the  problems  of 
modern  finance  and  industry,  a  bold  speculator,  and  an  ener- 
getic organizer  of  business  enterprises.  His  main  policy 
was  to  induce  foreign  capitalists  to  invest  their  money  in 
Russia,  which,  because  of  her  abundant  resources  and  cheap 
labor,  offered  an  excellent  field  for  exploitation.  As  special 
inducements,  large  government  orders  for  supplies  were  to 
be  placed  with  the  newly  established  factories,  their  prod- 
ucts were  to  be  transported  at  low  rates  on  the  State-owned 
railways,  and  they  were  to  be  protected  from  foreign  com- 
petition by  high  tariffs.  Witte  also  put  the  finances  on  a 
sound  basis  by  introducing  the  gold  standard  in  Russia's 
monetary  system. 

As  a  result  of  these  policies  Russia  underwent  a  marked 
industrial  development  during  Witte's  administration.  Fac- 
tories seemed  to  grow  up  overnight  like  so  industrial 
many  mushrooms.  In  1900  there  were  over  development 
thirty-eight  thousand  factories  and  two  and  a  half  mil- 
lion factory  and  mine  workers.  In  the  production  of  iron 
and  steel  Russia,  in  a  short  time,  outstripped  France, 
Austria,  and  Belgium.^  From  1870  to  1900  the  coal  fields 
of  Poland  and  Southern  Russia  tripled  their  output.  Rail- 
ways developed  rapidly  under  State  ownership.  In  i860 
there  was  less  than  a  thousand  miles  of  railway  in  the  en- 
tire Empire;  in  1895,  there  were  over  forty  thousand  miles. 
The  greatest  railway  in  the  world,  the  Trans-Siberian,  was 
constructed  by  the  Government  with  the  aid  of  French 
loans  between  1891  and  1900.  It  ser\-ed  to  develop  Siberia 
into  a  home  for  emigrants  and  a  market  for  Russian  man- 
ufactures.   Much  of  this  industrial  progress  was  due  to  the 

^  During  the  decade  following  1890  the  production  of  steel  and  iron  in  Russia 
increased  196  per  cent. 


544   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

investment  of  foreign  capital,  especially  German,  and  to  an 
increased  demand  for  Western  products  by  the  Russians. 
German  business  enterprise  was  so  active  in  Russia  that  the 
latter  country  was  once  described  as  an  "economic  colony" 
of  Germany.^ 

In  relation  to  Asia  Russia  is  a  manufacturing  country;  in 
relation  to  Western  Europe  it  is  agricultural,  as  fully 
eighty-live  per  cent  of  Russian  exports  to  the  latter  consists 
of  products  of  the  soil,  such  as  wheat,  rye,  and  oats.  The 
cottage  industries,  known  as  the  Kustari,  flourish  greatly 
and  support  about  eight  millions  of  people,  who  in  little 
cooperative  shops  make  all  sorts  of  articles  from  wood, 
copper,  brass,  leather,  and  cloth. 

The  results  of  the  Industrial  Revolution  were  the  same  in 
Russia  as  elsewhere.  A  prosperous  middle  class  and  a  numer- 
Appearance  ^^^  working  class  made  their  appearance.  Both 
of  industrial  were  opposed  to  the  autocracy  because  it  rep- 
resented  the  interests  of  the  landed  proprietors 
and  because  it  was  despotic  and  corrupt.  Waves  of  peas- 
ants began  to  surge  toward  the  cities  looking  for  employ- 
ment in  the  newly  built  factories,  and  a  working  class  arose 
which  began  to  organize  unions  and  to  strike  for  better  con- 
ditions, activities  hitherto  quite  unknown  in  Russia.  The 
Government,  quick  to  see  that  any  organized  discontent 
would  soon  become  political,  pronounced  unions  illegal;  and 
strikes  were  suppressed  by  the  police  in  the  belief  that  they 
were  organized  rebellions  against  the  authority  of  the  State. 

Both  the  middle  and  the  working  classes  were  excellent  soil 
for  the  seeds  of  revolution.  Grouped  as  they  were  in  large 
The  new  cities,  it  was  easier  to  form  societies,  distribute 
revolution-  pamphlets,  and  organize  demonstrations  among 
ary  e  erne  ^hgj^  than  among  the  widely  scattered  peasants. 
The  factory,  with  its  thousand  laborers  meeting  daily  and 
discussing  their  condition,  became  the  nucleus  of  a  revolu- 
tionary society.  Hitherto  opposition  to  the  Government  had 
been  the  work  of  small  groups  of  militant  idealists  who  had 

1  Between  1904  and  19 14  German  exports  to  Russia  rose  from  twelve  and  a 
half  to  two  hundred  million  dollars. 


RUSSIA  AT  END   OF  NINETEENTH   CENTURY    545 

waged  a  desperate  war  against  an  autocracy  intrenched  by 
the  loyalty  of  a  helpless  and  ignorant  peasantry.  Were  a 
new  revolutionary  movement  to  arise  now,  it  could  com- 
mand the  powerful  support  of  the  industrial  classes.  Strange 
as  it  might  have  seemed,  it  was  during  the  iron  regime  of 
Alexander  III  that  conditions  were  ripening  for  the  great 
Revolution  of  1905. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

THE  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTION  OF   1905 
Reform  Movement  in  the  Reign  of  Nicholas  II 

When  Alexander  III  died  In  1894,  Russia  breathed  a 
sigh  of  reHef.  His  son  and  successor,  Nicholas  II,  was  a 
Character  young  man  of  twcnty-six  who  had  traveled 
and  ideas  of    widely  and  who  was  known  to  possess  a  genial 

personality.  Many  hoped,  therefore,  that  the 
spirit  of  Alexander  II  would  once  more  dominate  the  Gov- 
ernment. But  shortly  after  his  accession  to  the  throne,  the 
new  Tsar  frankly  made  known  his  position  by  declaring,  ' '  I 
shall  preserve  the  principles  of  autocracy  as  firmly  and 
unswervingly  as  my  late  father  of  imperishable  memory." 
He  rebuked  a  body  representing  the  Zemstvos,  who  came  to 
petition  for  a  constitution  and  a  national  legislature,  by  tell- 
ing them  that  such  things  were  "senseless  dreams."  It  was 
soon  realized  that  Nicholas  resembled  neither  his  father  in 
strength  of  purpose  nor  his  grandfather  in  liberality  of 
spirit;  and  that  he  was  a  weak  though  amiable  man,  posses- 
sing only  a  modicum  of  statesmanlike  ability  and  likely  to 
be  dominated  by  the  strong  men  among  the  reactionary 
bureaucrats. 

The  Tsar's  despotic  tendencies  began  to  show  themselves 
in  his  treatment  of  Finland.  That  country,  enjoying  con- 
Finnish  lib-  stitutional  government  and  freedom  of  speech, 
erties  re-         had   always  been    an    eyesore  to  the   Russian 

officials  who  regarded  this  arrangement  as  an 
evil  example  to  the  rest  of  Russia.  Moreover,  the  high  degree 
of  local  autonomy  enjoyed  by  the  Finns  affronted  their  pas- 
sionate desire  to  unify  and  to  Russify  every  part  of  the 
heterogeneous  Empire.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  Nicholas 
had  sworn  to  observe  the  constitution  of  the  Grand  Duchy, 
he  issued  an  ukase  in  1899  which  practically  rendered  it 


THE   RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION   OF    1 905  547 

inoperative.  The  powers  of  the  local  Diet  were  greatly 
abridged,  and  it  was  put  under  the  tutelage  of  the  central 
Government;  the  local  army,  hitherto  under  Finnish  con- 
trol and  regulation,  was  incorporated  with  that  of  Russia; 
the  Russian  tongue  was  declared  the  official  language;  and 
Russian  officials  were  sent  to  draft  bills  for  the  Diet  and  to 
administer  the  laws,  which  they  did  in  an  arbitrary  and  per- 
secuting spirit.  So  great  was  the  indignation  of  the  Finns  at 
this  violation  of  their  rights  that  a  day  of  mourning  was 
declared,  which  was  observed  throughout  the  Grand  Duchy. 
A  monster  petition,  signed  by  over  half  a  million  names,  was 
sent  to  the  Tsar  asking  for  the  restoration  of  the  liberties  of 
Finland,  but  it  received  no  attention.  In  1904  the  Russian 
Governor-General,  Bobrikov,  was  assassinated  by  a  Finn- 
ish patriot  who  then  committed  suicide,  leaving  a  letter  in 
which  he  explained  that  this  act  was  due  to  the  desire 
on  his  part  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Tsar  to  the  outrageous 
treatment  of  his  country  by  the  Russian  officials. 

The  agitation  throughout  the  Empire  for  reform  soon 
made  great  headway  under  the  impetus  of  the  new  spirit  of 
opposition  to  the  autocracy  manifested  by  the  War  on  the 
middle  and  working  classes  in  the  towns.  Rev-  intellectuals 
olutionary  societies  multiplied  rapidly.  Every  form  of  pri- 
vate .'-ssociation,  like  engineering  societies,  academies  of  sci- 
ence, lawyers'  clubs,  trade  unions,  chambers  of  commerce, 
and  even  public  bodies,  like  the  provincial  Zemstvos  and 
city  councils,  became  identified  with  some  form  of  agitation 
for  political  freedom.  Because  the  intelligentsia  were  the 
leaders  among  the  reformers,  the  Government  undertook  to 
wage  relentless  war  on  students,  teachers,  and  even  books. 
The  writings  of  Herbert  Spencer  and  James  Bryce  and 
Green's  Short  History  of  the  English  People  were  forbidden  to 
be  read  in  Russia.  A  distinguished  historian  and  sociologist, 
Professor  Miliukov,  who  later  became  the  leader  of  the  Liber- 
als in  the  Duma,  was  removed  from  his  university  position 
because  of  his  "generally  noxious  tendencies."  Students 
especially  were  under  the  watchful  care  of  the  police,  who 
spied  on  their  activities  in  and  out  of  the  classroom  and 


548      MODERxN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

arbitrarily  transported,  to  Siberia  those  suspected  of  enter- 
taining revolutionary  ideas. 

The  great  error  made  by  the  Government  was  that  it 
classed  this  agitation  with  its  predecessors,  the  Nihilist 
Contrast  and  Nawd  movements,  which  were  inspired  by 
ancTformer'^  small  groups  of  conspirators  and  which  were 
agitations  easily  suppressed.  It  was  not  till  the  new  agita- 
tion had  assumed  alarming  proportions  that  the  authorities 
realized  that  they  were  face  to  face  with  a  great  social  up- 
heaval supported  by  the  industrial  elements  in  Russian  so- 
ciety that  had  come  into  existence  with  the  factory  system. 

In  1902  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  Sipiagin,  was  assas- 
sinated by  a  revolutionist.  As  his  successor,  the  Tsar  ap- 
pointed Viatscheslav  Plehve,  who  had  achieved 

Plehve 

an  unenviable  reputation  as  a  police  officer  and 
who  had  made  himself  particularly  odious  as  the  Russifier 
of  Finland  and  Poland.  Plehve  was  to  Nicholas  II  what  the 
Earl  of  Strafford  had  been  to  the  English  Charles  I,  a  deter- 
mined and  resourceful  supporter  of  absolute  monarchy  who 
believed  in  a  policy  of  "Thorough"  in  suppressing  hostility 
to  the  Throne.  He  had  been  a  consistent  opponent  of 
Witte,  whose  industrial  policies  he  believed  would  in  the 
end  undermine  the  autocracy  by  changing  the  social  and 
economic  conditions  on  which  the  latter  was  built. 

Under  Plehve  the  entire  Russian  Government  became  a 
Third  Section.  A  net  of  secret  police  was  cast  over  the  whole 
Activities  of  Country ;  spies  were  everywhere,  in  the  class- 
the  spies  rooms,  in  counting-houses,  in  workshops,  in  clubs, 
in  public  offices,  in  foreign  countries  where  Russian  refugees 
congregated,  and  in  the  secret  councils  of  the  revolutionary 
brotherhoods.  An  age^it  provocateur,  or  police  spy,  by  pre- 
tending to  be  an  ardent  revolutionist  would  incite  the  ene- 
mies of  the  Tsar  to  violent  deeds  at  a  time  and  place  agreed 
upon  with  the  police  and  military,  who  would  be  on  hand 
prepared  to  trap  them.  There  was  the  strange  case  of  Azev, 
half-spy  half-revolutionist,  who  had  become  the  trusted 
leader  of  the  "militants,"  the  most  daring  group  in  the  war 
against  Russian  officialdom.    In  order  to  convince  the  rev- 


THE   RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION   OF    1 905  549 

olutionists  of  his  loyalty  to  the  cause,  Azev  himself  would 
organize  conspiracies  against  high  officials.  It  is  now  known 
that  it  was  he  who  planned  the  murder  of  Sipiagin,  Plehve, 
and  the  Grand  Duke  Sergius,  though  the  true  motives  for 
these  crimes  have  not  yet  been  explained.  This  extraor- 
dinary man  established  a  dynamite  laboratory  where  bombs 
were  manufactured;  and  he  was  very  energetic  in  organizing 
revolutionary  groups  and  then  secretly  betraying  them  to 
the  police.  In  1903  there  were  as  many  as  twelve  thousand 
"political  cases"  and  about  five  thousand  people  were  im- 
prisoned, exiled,  or  executed  by  administrative  process 
with  hardly  a  pretense  of  legal  trials. 

It  was  part  of  Plehve's  policy  to  excite  racial  and  reli- 
gious animosities  among  the  people  in  order  to  distract 
them  from  revolutionary  activity.  He  was  par-  Attacks  on 
ticularly  bitter  against  the  Jews,  whom,  like  all  ^^^  J^^^ 
Russian  officials,  he  hated  because  of  their  resistance  to 
Orthodoxy  and  to  Russification,  and  especially  because 
many  of  the  revolutionists  were  of  Jewish  origin.  Societies 
called ' '  Leagues  of  True  Russians ' '  were  organized  by  govern- 
ment officials  for  the  purpose  of  convincing  the  people  that 
all  truly  patriotic  Russians  supported  the  Tsar  and  that  his 
opponents  were  enemies  of  the  fatherland.  It  was  also  the 
policy  of  Plehve  to  fight  terror  with  terror,  and  bands  of 
roughs  called  "Black  Hundreds"  were  encouraged  to  at- 
tack the  Jews  and  revolutionists.  Proclamations  were 
spread  broadcast,  denouncing  the  Jews  as  instigators  of  rev- 
olution and  as  enemies  whose  object  it  was  to  destroy  the 
Russian  Government  because  it  was  so  truly  Christian  and 
patriotic.  A  series  of  attacks  on  the  Jews,  called  pogroms, 
took  place  which  culminated  in  the  famous  massacre  of 
Kishinev  in  1903.  Hundreds  of  houses  and  stores  belong- 
ing to  Jews  were  pillaged  and  burned;  about  fifty  persons 
were  killed  and  about  five  hundred  wounded.  Hardly  an 
efi^ort  was  made  by  the  authorities  to  stop  the  rioting.  Sol- 
diers and  police  stood  by  while  people  were  being  mur- 
dered, and  they  even  arrested  those  who  tried  to  defend 
themselves. 


550      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

The  Massacre  of  Kishinev  horrified  the  world,  and 
great  indignation  was  expressed  in  pubHc  meetings  called 
Assassina-  throughout  Europe  and  America  to  protest 
tion  of  against  the  Russian  Government's  countenanc- 

Plehve 

ing  such  barbaric  cruelties.  Plehve  had  breathed 
a  spirit  of  savagery  into  the  bureaucracy  such  as  had  not 
been  known  even  in  the  days  of  the  "Nicholas  System," 
and  the  revolutionists  determined  to  "execute"  him.  On 
July  28,  1904,  as  he  was  driving  in  his  carriage  a  bomb 
was  thrown  at  him  by  a  student,  and  the  career  of 
the  Tsar's  favorite  was  closed.  In  explanation  of  this  deed 
the  revolutionists  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  world  regret- 
ting the  murder  but  declaring  that  it  was  justified  for  the 
reason  that  in  Russia  the  peaceful  means  of  agitation,  free- 
dom of  speech,  did  not  exist  as  a  check  upon  irresponsible 
power;  therefore  the  only  means  left  was  to  meet  the  "vio- 
lence of  tyranny  with  the  force  of  revolutionary  right." 

The  events  which  led  to  the  calling  of  the  first  Russian 
Parliament,  or  Duma,  may  be  grouped  under  the  following 
headings:  (i)  The  Russo-Japanese  War;  (2)  petitions  and 
demonstrations  of  peaceful  citizens;  (3)  violent  attacks  on 
high  officials;  and  (4)  a  series  of  revolutionary  strikes  cul- 
minating in  the  famous  General  Strike  of  1905.  Through- 
out, the  autocracy  seemed  to  have  only  one  policy :  to  yield 
only  after  the  greatest  pressure  had  been  brought  to  bear 
upon  it,  and  then  to  modify  and  even  to  nullify  the  con- 
cessions it  had  granted,  once  the  pressure  was  removed. 

Early  in  February,  1904,  the  war  with  Japan  broke  out.^ 
A  stirring  appeal  was  issued  by  Nicholas  to  his  subjects. 
Unpopular-  asking  them  to  save  their  country  from  its  foes 
war^with  abroad  and  from  those  at  home  for  the  sake  of 
japan  "the  Faith,  the  Tsar,  and  the  Fatherland."    The 

appeal  met  with  little  response  among  the  people,  who 
feared  that  a  foreign  war  might  be  used  as  a  distraction 
from  reforms  at  home.  Many  of  the  peasant  soldiers  did 
not  know  who  the  Japanese  were  and  actually  thought  that 
they  were  again  fighting  the  Turks. 

1  See  p.  668. 


THE  RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION   OF    1905  551 

Some  of  those  called  to  the  colors  tried  to  escape,  but  they 
were  forced  into  the  military  trains  for  the  Far  East  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet.  Several  mutinies  occurred,  particu- 
larly in  the  navy.  The  sailors  on  board  the  warship  Prince 
Potemkin  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  and  cruised  about 
the  Black  Sea  giving  aid  to  the  revolutionists  in  the  ports 
till  they  were  forced  to  abandon  the  ship.  Mismanagement 
and  corruption  characterized  the  conduct  of  the  war.  It  was 
openly  charged  that  the  highest  officials,  including  mem- 
bers of  the  imperial  family,  were  benefiting  from  war  con- 
tracts; and  that  the  very  funds  of  the  Red  Cross  were  mis- 
appropriated for  private  use.  The  terrible  defeats  of  the 
Russian  army  in  the  battles  around  Mukden,  the  capture  of 
Port  Arthur  after  a  long,  desperate  siege,  and  the  total  de- 
struction of  the  Russian  fleet  in  the  Straits  of  Tsushima  ^ 
shattered  the  almost  universal  belief  in  the  military  impreg- 
nability of  the  Russian  Empire.  Humiliation  at  the  defeat 
of  their  armies  and  contempt  for  the  weakness  and  inca- 
pacity of  the  Government  combined  to  give  the  revolution- 
ists great  confidence  in  their  attacks  upon  the  autocracy. 
Huge  mobs  marched  through  the  streets  of  Petrograd  and 
Moscow  brandishing  weapons  and  shouting,  "Down  with 
the  autocracy ! "  "  Stop  the  war ! ' ' 

As  the  successor  to  Plehve  the  Tsar  chose  a  popular, 
liberal-minded  aristocrat.  Prince  Sviatopolk-Mirski,  who 
believed  that  the  monarchy  could  be  saved  only  Attempts  at 
by  a  benevolent  and  liberal  attitude  toward  the  moderate 

rpfnrm 

people.  He  induced  the  Tsar  to  abolish  the  flog- 
ging of  peasants  and  to  remit  their  arrears  in  taxes,  which 
were  so  burdensome  that  to  collect  them  was  almost  impos- 
sible. The  censorship  of  the  press  was  greatly  relaxed  and, 
for  a  brief  period,  Russia  enjoyed  comparative  freedom  of 
speech.  Prince  Mirski  encouraged  the  moderate  element 
among  the  opponents  of  the  Government  to  present  its 
plans  of  reform  in  the  hope  of  establishing  a  cordial  under- 
standing between  the  Tsar  and  the  people.  Accordingly,  a 
congress  composed  of  delegates  from  the  Zemstvos  con- 

^  See  p.  670. 


552      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

vened  at  Petrograd  in  November,  1904,  to  discuss  reforms. 
It  finally  drew  up  a  notable  petition  to  the  Tsar,  which 
frankly  declared  that  the  conduct  of  the  bureaucracy  had 
alienated  the  mass  of  Russians  from  the  Throne  itself;  that 
in  order  to  restore  good  feeling  between  the  people  and 
the  Government,  it  was  absolutely  essential  to  establish 
full  civil,  political,  and  religious  liberty;  and  that  a  repre- 
sentative assembly  should  be  immediately  summoned. 
Similar  petitions  poured  in  from  civic  bodies,  learned  so- 
cieties, and  commercial  organizations.  On  December  26, 
1904,  Nicholas  issued  a  proclamation  promising  to  grant  re- 
forms, but  he  insisted  that  under  no  circumstances  would  he 
permit  his  autocratic  power  to  be  impaired.  Prince  Mirski 
found  that  his  efforts  to  introduce  liberal  measures  were 
thwarted  by  the  Tsar,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  through 
administrative  ordinances  and  secret  orders,  and  he  re- 
signed in  disgust. 

The  militant  element  among  the  revolutionists  was  more 
than  ever  convinced  that  violence  was  the  only  efficient 
Terrorist  method  of  bringing  the  Government  to  its  knees, 
activities  ^  g^^f^  assassination  of  officials  became  the  order 
of  the  day.  No  member  of  Russian  officialdom,  from  the 
lowest  policeman  to  the  Tsar,  was  safe  from  terrorist  at- 
tacks. We  have  already  seen  how  Bobrikov,  Sipiagin,  and 
Plehve  paid  with  their  lives  for  their  activity  on  behalf  of 
the  autocracy.  It  was  known  that  Grand  Duke  Sergius, 
uncle  of  the  Tsar,  was  bitterly  hostile  to  reform,  and  that' 
he  had  declared  that  what  the  people  needed  was  a  "stick," 
not  a  constitution.  One  day  a  bomb  was  thrown  at  him  and 
he  was  instantly  killed.  General  Trepov,  son  of  the  man 
whose  life  w^as  attempted  in  1878,  was  made  head  of  the 
police  with  full  power  to  restore  order.  A  policy  of  whole- 
sale repression  was  inaugurated,  and  the  country  was  put 
under  "reinforced  protection,"  or  semi-martial  law.  Hun- 
dreds of  men  and  women  were  imprisoned,  beaten,  tortured, 
exiled,  and  executed  without  even  a  pretense  of  legal  pro- 
cedure. 

The  spirit  of  revolt  spread  to  the  peasants  in  the  coun- 


THE   RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION  OF   1905  553 

try,  and  many  uprisings  took  place  on  the  estates.  The 
mir  served  as  a  center  for  revolutionary  organi-  Outbreaks 
zations,  as  the  peasants  would  assemble  in  the  of  the  peas^ 
village  to  plan  attacks  on  the  proprietor.  Gen- 
erally they  would  content  themselves  with  carting  away 
the  produce  stored  in  the  granaries ;  sometimes  they  would 
also  burn  the  buildings  on  the  estate  and  threaten  the 
life  of  the  owner.  When  a  raid  of  this  kind  occurred,  the 
Cossacks  would  be  sent  to  restore  order;  and  when  these 
savage  warriors  were  turned  loose  on  a  village,  the  horrors 
which  they  perpetrated  are  beyond  description.  Shootings, 
stabbings,  rape,  and  the  burning  of  homes  were  the  order 
of  the  day,  and  neither  sex  nor  age  was  spared. 

The  General  Strike 

Almost  from  the  beginning  the  leadership  in  organized 
rebellion  was  assumed  by  the  working  classes  in  the  cities. 
Many  labor  unions  were  formed  under  the  auspi-  ^       .    , 
ces  of  the  Socialists,  and  "Young  Russia"  be-  labor  begins 
came  the  leader  of  the  workers.  Strikes  were  mat-  L?fil^!f^^ 
ters  of  daily  occurrence;  and  every  strike  had  through 
a  double  motive,  the  bettering  of  the  condition 
of  the  laborers  and  the  securing  of  a  constitution,    A  kind 
of  labor  "General  StafT,"  the  Council  of  Workingmen's  Dele- 
gates, was  organized  at  Petrograd  during  1905,  which  as- 
sumed  charge  of  a  gigantic  labor  agitation   inaugurated 
throughout  the  country.     The  autocracy  keenly  realized 
the  danger  from  a  well-organized  working-class  uprising. 
It  endeavored,  therefore,  to  circumvent  the  agitation  in 
two  ways:  first,  by  bringing  pressure  to  bear  on  the  employ- 
ers  to   provide   good   conditions   in   their   factories;   and, 
secondly,  by  organizing  labor  unions  under  its  protection. 
"  No  Politics!"  was  the  motto  of  these  Government  unions. 
They  chose  as  their  chief  a  priest  known  as  Father  Gapon. 

During  the  year   1905   a  strike   fever  seemed  to  seize 
upon  the    Russian   masses;  even   the   Govern-  "RedSun- 
ment  unions  were  swept  into  the  current  of  agi-  *^^^^' 
tation,  which  soon  became  political  in  character.     It  was 


554      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Father  Gapon's  idea  to  organize  a  procession  of  people  who 
were  to  present  a  petition  to  the  "Little  Father"  in  person, 
asking  him  to  help  his  children,  the  people,  to  get  better 
living  conditions  and  to  show  his  confidence  in  them  by 
convoking  a  popular  assembly.  It  was  understood  that,  if 
the  Tsar  refused  the  petition,  an  uprising  would  follow. 
On  Sunday,  January  2.2,  1905,  an  enormous  crowd  of  un- 
armed men  and  women,  led  by  Father  Gapon  in  priestly 
attire  and  carrying  a  crucifix,  began  to  move  through  the 
streets  of  Petrograd.  When  they  arrived  at  the  Winter 
Palace,  instead  of  finding  the  Tsar,  they  found  a  body  of 
armed  Cossacks  waiting  to  receive  them.  Then  the  order 
was  given  to  fire;  and,  at  each  volley,  men  and  women  fell 
on  all  sides.  **Red  Sunday,"  as  the  day  of  the  massacre 
was  called,  horrified  the  world  and  implanted  a  grim  deter- 
mination among  all  classes  of  Russians  to  destroy  a  Govern- 
ment which  knew  no  other  way  of  communicating  with  its 
people  than  through  the  rifle  and  the  saber. 

Revolutionary  fury  raged  throughout  the  country.  Bar- 
ricades were  erected  in  the  capital,  and  strikes  involving 
Nationalist  thousands  of  workingmen  took  place  in  almost 
uprisings  every  industry.  The  subject  peoples  in  the  Em- 
pire took  advantage  of  the  situation  to  add  to  the  general 
turmoil  in  the  hope  of  getting  concessions  for  their  nation- 
ality as  well  as  for  democracy.  They  reasoned  that  a  fallen 
autocracy  might  mean  the  breaking  or  the  loosening  of  the 
chains  which  bound  them  so  tightly  to  the  Empire.  Warsaw 
was  a  hotbed  of  insurrection,  and  a  mob  of  two  hundred 
thousand  persons  marched  through  its  streets  carrying  Po- 
lish flags  and  demanding  political  freedom  and  autonomy 
for  Poland.  So  dangerous  was  the  situation  that  all  of  Po- 
land was  placed  under  martial  law.  In  Finland  a  general 
strike  took  place  which  brought  that  country  to  the  verge 
of  anarchy.  Nicholas  decided  to  yield,  and  on  November  4, 
1905,  he  issued  an  ukase,  repealing  the  anti-Finnish  laws. 
Later  (1906)  a  new  constitution  was  granted  to  the  Grand 
Duchy,  which  abolished  its  medieval  assembly  of  four 
estates  and  established,  instead,  a  modern   legislature  of 


THE   RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION   OF    1905  555 

one  House,  elected  by  popular  vote.  Woman  suffrage  was 
also  granted,  and  the  Finnish  Diet  could  now  boast  of  being 
the  most  modern  of  the  world's  parliaments.  In  the  Baltic 
Provinces  the  Lettish  peasants  rose  and  pillaged  the  es- 
tates of  their  German  landlords.  So  widespread  was  the 
revolt  that  an  independent  Baltic  Republic  was  organized 
in  Riga;  but  it  was  unable  to  maintain  itself  very  long,  for 
it  was  suppressed  by  Russian  armies.  In  the  Caucasus 
the  Armenians  and  Georgians  rose  in  rebellion  but  were 
likewise  suppressed.  In  the  "Pale"  a  powerful  Socialist 
organization  of  Jewish  workingmen  known  as  the  ''Jewish 
Bund  "  battled  against  the  *'  Black  Hundreds." 

The  autocracy  was  tottering  fast  and  it  endeavored  to 
save  itself  from  complete  destruction  by  granting  con- 
cessions. On  August  19,  1905,  the  Tsar  promised  The  general 
to  summon  a  Duma,  or  national  legislature,  to  ^^^^^^ 
be  composed  of  elected  representatives.  This  promise 
aroused  little  enthusiasm,  for  the  reason  that  the  proposed 
Duma  was  to  be  elected  by  a  restricted  suffrage,  which  was 
so  arranged  as  to  deny  the  vote  to  the  chief  enemies  of  the 
Government,  the  professional  and  working  classes.  It  was 
plain  that  the  moment  was  now  propitious  for  a  decisive 
blow  against  the  tottering  system.  During  October,  1905, 
there  took  place  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  popular 
demonstrations  in  all  history.  A  general  strike  was  de- 
clared throughout  the  whole  Empire.  It  began  with  the 
railway  men  and  telegraphers,  and  all  communication  was 
cut  off  when  they  ceased  working.  It  then  spread  rapidly  to 
the  shipyards,  factories,  mines,  and  shops.  The  strike  fever 
seemed  to  seize  all  classes.  Gas  and  electric  companies 
refused  to  operate  their  plants  and  many  cities  were  in 
darkness;  merchants  closed  their  stores;  teachers  dismissed 
their  classes;  domestic  serv^ants  refused  to  cook,  to  clean 
house,  or  to  wait  on  table;  druggists  refused  to  prepare 
prescriptions  and  doctors  closed  their  offices;  lawyers  re- 
fused to  plead  in  court  and  judges  and  juries  refused  to  ren- 
der verdicts;  public  bodies,  like  the  city  council?  and  the 
Zemstvos,  adjourned  their  meetings;  and  even  the  ballet 


556      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

dancers  refused  to  dance.  Life  in  Russia  came  virtually 
to  a  standstill. 

The  Government  was  now  face  to  face  with  a  situation 
such  as  had  never  confronted  it  or  any  other  government 
before,  and  there  was  nothing  else  to  do  but  to  yield. 
On  October  30,  1905,  the  Tsar  issued  his  famous  mani- 
festo which  declared  that  it  was  his  wish  to  "establish  an 
immutable  rule  that  no  law  will  be  considered  binding 
which  has  not  the  consent  of  the  Duma;  and  that  to  the 
people  will  be  given  the  power  to  exercise  an  effective 
supervision  over  the  acts  of  the  officials."  Freedom  of 
speech,  association  and  religion,  "the  immutable  founda- 
tions of  civic  liberty,"  were  guaranteed;  and  the  electoral 
law  was  drastically  revised  so  as  to  establish  virtual  universal 
suffrage.  As  a  further  sign  of  his  liberal  intentions,  Nicholas 
dismissed  the  hated  officials,  General  Trepov  and  Fobiedono- 
stsev,  and  appointed  the  moderate  liberal.  Count  Witte, 
as  his  Prime  Minister. 

In  spite  of  the  capitulation  of  the  Government,  or  rather 
because  of  it,  the  revolutionists  continued  their  activities. 
™,         .        Another  general  strike  was  declared  in  Novem- 

rhe  upris-  ^  i         •     i 

ing  in  Mos-  bcr  of  the  same  year,  but  it  had  to  be  abandoned 
^°^  on  account  of  the  refusal  of  many  workingmen 

to  join.  The  city  of  Sebastopol  was  seized  by  mutinous 
soldiers  and  sailors,  and  it  took  an  army  of  twenty  thou- 
sand men  to  recapture  it.  A  desperate  uprising  broke  out 
in  Moscow  on  December  21.  Barricade  fighting  took  place 
such  as  had  not  been  known  in  Europe  since  the  "June 
days"  of  1848  in  Paris.  After  a  week  of  desperate  struggle, 
in  which  about  five  thousand  men  were  killed,  the  army 
succeeded  in  quelling  the  revolt.  On  March  5,  1906,  the 
Tsar  issued  a  manifesto  which  converted  the  Council  of 
the  Empire,  hitherto  an  advisory  body  entirely  appointed 
by  him,  into  an  upper  House  of  two  hundred  members,  one 
half  to  be  appointed  by  him  and  the  other  half  to  be  chosen 
by  various  bodies,  such  as  the  Zemstvos,  the  universities, 
chambers  of  commerce,  the  Synod  of  the  Orthodox  Church, 
and  associations  of  nobles.    A  cabinet,  called  the  "  Council 


THE   RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION   OF    1905  557 

of  Ministers,"  was  also  organized.  It  consisted  of  ten  mem- 
bers and  was  presided  over  by  a  Prime  Minister  appointed 
by  the  Tsar. 

Political  Parties 

There  now  came  a  lull  in  revolutionary  activity,  and 
preparations  were  made  for  the  coming  elections  to  the 
Duma.  Although  there  was  nothing  in  Russia  q  ^  u  •  ^ 
that  approximated  a  political  party  in  the  Ameri-  and 
can  or  English  sense,  yet  there  existed  various 
groups  with  distinctive  programs  for  the  solution  of  Rus- 
sia's problems.  The  most  moderate  called  themselves 
Octobrists,  because  their  platform  consisted  of  the  Tsar's 
manifesto  of  October  30.  Its  supporters  were  liberally  in- 
clined nobles  who  favored  a  government  like  that  of  Prussia, 
in  which  the  Duma  was  to  play  a  decidedly  subordinate 
part  in  the  government  of  the  country.  By  far  the  most 
important  group  were  the  Constitutional  Democrats,  popu- 
larly called  the  "Cadets,"  who  looked  to  England  rather 
than  to  Prussia  for  political  inspiration.  Their  program 
comprised  the  establishment  of  a  constitutional  monarchy 
based  upon  universal  suffrage,  complete  freedom  of  speech 
and  of  association,  and,  especially,  the  responsibility  of 
the  Ministers  to  the  Duma.  On  the  land  question  which, 
next  to  free  government,  was  the  most  important  issue  be- 
fore the  Russian  people,  the  "Cadets"  advocated  the  giv- 
ing of  more  land  to  the  peasants  through  the  compulsory 
sale  of  some  of  the  larger  estates  at  prices  fixed  by  commis- 
sions composed  of  peasants  and  proprietors,  as  well  as  the 
granting  of  farms  from  the  vast  Crown  lands.  Most  of 
the  supporters  of  this  party  came  from  the  middle  classes, 
the  professional  men,  merchants,  and  capitalists,  whose 
spokesman  and  leader  was  Professor  Miliukov. 

During   the   reign  of  Alexander  III    the  exiled  revolu- 
tionists had  turned  to  the  study  of  the  writings  of  Karl 
Marx,  and  many  were  converted  to  socialism  The  Social 
by  a  brilliant  writer  and  lecturer  named  Plek-  Democrats 
hanov.     Socialistic  ideas  were  enthusiastically  seized  upon 


55^      MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

by  the  intelligentsia,  and  so  many  different  schools  arose 
that  it  was  said  that  when  two  Russian  SociaHsts  met  there 
were  three  SociaHst  parties.  The  Social  Democratic  Party, 
called  the  "S — D,"  subscribed  fully  to  socialist  doctrines.^ 
In  regard  to  Russia  it  believed  that  her  political  progress 
would  coincide  with  her  economic  development,  that  the 
Industrial  Revolution  was  bringing  into  existence  a  liberal 
bourgeoisie  and  a  revolutionary  proletariat,  and  that  it 
was  the  destiny  of  the  former  to  overthrow  the  autocracy 
and  establish  in  Russia,  as  it  had  done  in  Western  Europe, 
a  constitutional  form  of  government.  But  this  would  be 
merely  a  "rest  house"  in  the  march  toward  socialism. 
The  working  class  in  the  cities  was  to  be  the  nucleus  of 
revolution,  and  a  great  agitation  was  undertaken  by  the 
"S — D"  among  the  workers  in  order  to  educate  and  or- 
ganize them  for  this  great  future. 

A   smaller   but  yet    highly    important    group    was    the 
"S— R, "   or  Socialist   Revolutionists.    Now  the  "S— D" 

Th  S  i  1  ^"^  ^^^  '^ — '^"  ^^^^^^  ^^  their  political  pro- 
ist  Revolu-  gram,  which  was  the  establishment  of  a  dem- 
ocratic republic  by  a  national  convention  rep- 
resenting the  Russian  people,  but  the  latter  disdained  to 
ask  for  any  reforms  whatsoever  at  the  hands  of  the  Tsar, 
while  the  former  were  more  conciliatory.  They  agreed  in 
Contrasts  favoring  the  ultimate  establishment  of  a  So- 
twcTsocial^^  cialist  Commonwealth  in  which  the  industries 
ist  factions  of  the  country  would  be  publicly  owned  and 
administered ;  but  they  disagreed  sharply  as  to  the  immedi- 
ate program  of  economic  reform  and  as  to  methods  of  agi- 
tation. To  the  Socialist  Revolutionists,  the  essential  thing 
about  Russia  was  that  she  was  an  agricultural  country;  con- 
sequently the  condition  of  the  peasant,  not  that  of  the  fac- 
tory worker,  should  be  the  main  concern  of  reformers.  They 
were  firmly  convinced  that  the  Russian  problem  would 
be  solved  only  so  far  as  the  land  problem  was  solved ;  hence 
they  became  the  revolutionary  champions  of  the  peasants 
in  demanding  "the  transformation  of  the  land  from  private 

1  See  pp.  579  ff . 


THE  RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION  OF    1 905  559 

property,  as  it  is  now,  into  the  property  of  the  whole  people  " ; 
in  other  words,  the  confiscation  of  the  landed  estates. 
Unlike  the  Social  Democrats,  who  wished  to  abolish  the 
mr  as  an  outworn  institution,  the  "S — R"  wished  to  pre- 
serve and  strengthen  it  as  a  democratic  institution  peculiar 
to  the  Russian  people.  It  was  also  the  fond  belief  of  this 
group  that  Russia  could  escape  the  period  of  capitalism  with 
its  attendant  evils,  and  so  make  a  leap  from  autocracy  to 
socialism.  They  therefore  favored  terrorism  in  any  and  all 
forms:  assassination  of  officials,  mutinies  of  soldiers  and 
sailors,  strikes  of  workingmen,  barricade  fighting,  and, 
especially,  peasant  uprisings;  whereas  the  "S — D"  relied 
largely  upon  peaceful  agitation  to  reach  their  socialist  goal, 
though  they  were  not  averse  to  violence  when  necessary. 
The  importance  of  the  "S — R"  lay  in  the  fact  that  they 
succeeded  in  exerting  a  powerful  influence  over  the  peas- 
ants, to  whom  one  had  to  say  merely  the  magic  words, 
"More  Land,"  in  order  to  win  them  to  any  program,  no 
matter  how  revolutionary. 

Closely  allied  with  the  Socialist  Revolutionists  was  the 
large  and  powerful  organization  of  peasants  known  as  the 
Peasants'  Union.  Its  program  was  summed  up  The  Labor 
in  the  demand,  "  The  Whole  Land  for  the  Whole  *^''°"P 
People!"  In  the  first  and  second  Dumas  over  one  hundred 
delegates,  calling  themselves  the  Labor  Group,  represented 
the  Union.  It  was  this  attitude  of  the  peasants  which 
frightened  the  Government  into  making  great  changes  in 
the  system  of  landholding  which  will  be  described  later. 

The  Dumas 

On  May  6,   1906,  the    Duma   began  its  session  in  the 
Winter   Palace,   under  the  presidency  of  a  distinguished 
jurist,  Muromtzev.     It  was  a  historic  day  for  j.^^  ^^.^j. 
Russia,  and  the  meeting  was  opened  with   im-  meeting  of 
pressive  ceremony  by  Nicholas  II  in  person.    He 
exhorted  the  representatives  "to  work  for  the  rejuvenation 
of  Russia's  moral  outlook  and  for  the  reincarnation  of  her 
best  powers."  However,  even  before  the  Duma  had  met,  the 


56o      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPOR^^RY  EUROPE 

Government  had  begun  a  counter-revolution.  A  reaction- 
ary, Goremykin,  had  succeeded  the  Hberal  Witte  as  Premier. 

In  spite  of  the  system  of  indirect  elections  through  elec- 
toral colleges,  almost  the  entire  membership  of  the  Duma 
Parties  in  was  anti-Government.  Of  the  five  hundred  and 
the  Duma  twenty-four  members  elected,  about  forty 
were  Octobrists,  one  hundred  and  eighty-five  were  "Cadets," 
one  hundred  belonged  to  the  Labor  Group,  and  fourteen  were 
Social  Democrats;  the  rest  represented  various  national 
and  religious  elements  of  the  Empire.  Neither  reaction- 
aries ncr  Socialist  Revolutionists  were  chosen;  the  former 
had  too  few  supporters,  and  the  latter  boycotted  the  elec- 
tions because,  as  they  claimed,  the  lower  classes  were  not 
given  sufficient  representation. 

Almost  from  the  start  the  Duma  became  the  scene  of 
forensic  battles  between  the  Government  and  its  opponents. 
T,,    T>,  A  demand  was  made  that  amnesty  be  immedi- 

The  Duma  .   .  ,       -^ 

criticizes  the  atcly  granted  to  all  political  prisoners,  to  which 
overnment  ^j^jy.  ^  partial  conccssion  was  made.  Committees 
were  appointed  to  investigate  the  charges  of  corruption 
in  the  conduct  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War  and  the  part 
the  police  had  played  in  the  instigation  of  pogroms.  Bills 
abolishing  capital  punishment  and  granting  autonomy  to 
Poland  and  Finland  were  favored  by  overwhelming  majori- 
ties, but  to  all  of  these  demands  the  Government  gave  flat 
refusals  or  evasive  replies.  The  Duma  soon  found  itself 
impotent  to  accomplish  any  vital  reforms,  as  the  Tsar  had 
no  inclination  to  allow  a  representative  body  to  assume  the 
reins  of  power.  Yet  never  before  in  the  history  of  Russia 
had  the  shortcomings  of  the  autocracy  been  so  freely  dis- 
cussed. Scathing  denunciations  of  the  Government  were 
delivered  by  impassioned  orators  who  demanded  an  ac- 
counting for  the  brutal  and  illegal  acts  of  the  officials. 

A  conflict  over  the  question  of  land  reform  arose  be- 
Conflict  be-  tween  the  Duma  and  the  Government.  The 
Duma  and  proposal  of  the  latter  was  to  abolish  the  mir 
the  Tsar  and  institute  peasant  proprietorship,  but  without 
giving  the  peasants  any  more  land.     This  did  not  satisfy 


THE   RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION  OF    1905  561 

the  former,  which  desired  to  increase  the  holdings  of  the 
peasants  through  sales,  at  fair  prices,  of  the  Crown  lands 
and  of  some  of  the  large  estates.  A  vote  of  censure  was 
passed  against  the  Ministry,  but  it  refused  to  resign.  The 
Duma  then  demanded  that  the  Ministry  be  made  respon- 
sible to  it  and  not  to  the  Tsar.  On  July  21a  manifesto 
was  issued  by  Nicholas  which  declared  that  the  Duma  was 
meddling  with  affairs  which  were  not  its  concern,  and  that 
its  refusal  to  "cooperate"  with  the  Government  was  "a. 
cruel  disappointment  to  him."  He  then  ordered  its  disso- 
lution and  the  election  of  another  Duma. 

A  critical  moment  had  now  arrived.  Would  the  Rus- 
sian people  rise  in  case  the  Duma  defied  the  The  Viborg 
Tsar?  About  half  of  the  members  retired  to  Manifesto 
Viborg,  in  Finland,  where  they  drew  up  a  manifesto  to  the 
people,  exhorting  them  to  refuse  to  give  taxes  and  military 
service  to  a  Government  which  had  violated  the  con- 
stitution by  governing  without  Parliament.  But  there  was 
no  organized  response  on  the  part  of  the  people.  The 
signers  of  the  Viborg  Manifesto  were  disfranchised  and  de- 
clared ineligible  for  membership  in  succeeding  Dumas; 
and  later  they  were  prosecuted  for  conspiracy  against  the 
authorities. 

In  the  next  election  the  Government  did  its  best  to  return 
a  friendly  assembly,  but  the  second  Duma,  which  met  on 
March  5,  1907,  was,  if  anything,  more  anti-Gov-  The  second 
ernment  than  the  preceding  one.  About  sixty-  Duma 
five  Social  Democrats  and  thirty-five  Socialist  Revolutionists 
were  elected;  the  membership  of  the  Octobrists,  "Cadets," 
and  the  Labor  Group  was  about  the  same  as  in  the  first 
Duma.  To  counterbalance  this  anti-Government  majority^ 
there  were  elected  about  sixty  reactionaries. 

Once  more  did  the  Duma  enter  the  lists  against  the 
autocracy.  Criticism  of  the  Government  and  bitter  de- 
nunciation of  officials  were  even  more  marked  in  the  sec- 
ond than  in  the  first  assembly.  Premier  Stolypin,  who  in 
the  meantime  had  succeeded  Goremykin,  was  determined 
that  under  no  circumstances  should  parliament  be  permitted 


562      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

to  control  the  policies  of  the  Empire.  After  a  stormy  life 
of  one  hundred  and  four  days,  the  second  Duma  was  dis- 
solved, on  the  pretext  that  some  of  its  members  were  im- 
plicated in  revolutionary  conspiracies. 

An  Imperial  edict,  in  June,  1907,  declared  that  the  two 
Dumas  did  not  truly  represent  the  Russian  people  because 
Hostile  at-  of  the  "imperfections  of  the  electoral  law  which 
Tsar  tmvard  ^^iQ-bled  men  who  were  not  representatives  of 
the  Duma  the  needs  and  desires  of  the  people  to  be  elected 
to  membership."  The  Tsar  made  an  open  declaration  that 
he  had  the  right  to  make  and  unmake  laws,  "  as  it  was  God 
who  bestowed  upon  us  our  power  as  Autocrat.  It  is  before 
His  altar  that  we  shall  answer  for  the  destinies  of  the  Rus- 
sian State." 

Contrary  to  the  constitutional  requirements  that  all 
laws  must  have  the  consent  of  the  Duma,  a  new  electoral 
^,  law  was  promulgated  by  the  Tsar  alone  which 

The  new  1 

electoral  radically  altered  the  system  of  representation 
and  which  violated  the  democratic  principle  by 
requiring  class  and  property  qualifications  for  suffrage. 
This  edict  had  two  objects:  to  reduce  the  number  of  repre- 
sentatives of  the  non-Russian  elements  in  the  Empire  and 
to  increase  the  representation  of  the  landed  nobility  at  the 
expense  of  the  town-dwellers  and  of  the  peasants.  The  Po- 
lish delegation  was  reduced  from  thirty-seven  to  fourteen; 
that  of  the  Caucasus  from  twenty-nine  to  ten ;  about  twenty 
cities  lost  the  right  to  elect  members  directly  to  the  Duma. 
That  body,  now  reduced  to  a  membership  of  four  hundred 
and  forty-two,  was  to  be  chosen  by  a  very  complicated  sys- 
tem of  which  the  main  features  were  as  follows :  the  popula- 
tion was  divided  into  four  classes,  landowners,  merchants, 
peasants,  and  workingmen,  to  each  of  which  was  allotted  a 
certain  number  of  members  in  the  electoral  colleges  that 
chose  the  representatives  to  the  Duma.  But  the  allotments 
were  outrageously  unfair,  as  the  landowners  got  sixty  per 
cent  of  the  electors,  the  peasants  twenty-two  per  cent,  the 
merchants  fifteen  per  cent,  and  the  workingmen  only  three 
per  cent.     The  machinery  of  election  was  entirely  in  the 


THE   RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION   OF    1 905  563 

hands  of  the  officials.  Districts  were  gerrymandered  in  the 
interests  of  the  conserv^atives,  and  prosecutions  were  fre- 
quently instituted  against  opponents  of  the  Government 
to  prevent  them  from  becoming  candidates.  As  was  ex- 
pected, the  third  Duma,  which  met  on  November  14,  1907, 
contained  an  overwhelming  conservative  majority  with  a 
sprinkhng of  "Cadets "  and  Sociahsts.  In  this  "  landowners' 
Duma,"  as  it  was  called,  the  majority  having  been  chosen  by 
about  twenty  thousand  landed  proprietors,  the  Tsar  finally 
got  an  assembly  which  did  not  "cruelly  disappoint  "  him. 

The  autocracy  was  again  in  the  saddle  and  a  counter- 
revolution was  begun  under  Premier  Stolypin.  "First, 
pacification,  then  reform,"  was  his  formula,  and  Premier 
he  grimly  determined  to  snuff  out  the  flickering  actio?a?y '^^" 
flames  of  revolution.  The  hangman's  noose,  policies 
"  Stolypin's  necktie,"  was  constantly  in  service.  In  1907 
about  twenty-seven  hundred  persons  were  sentenced  to 
death  for  political  causes  and  eighteen  hundred  were  exe- 
cuted; in  1908,  about  eight  hundred  were  put  to  death  by 
court-martial  and  fourteen  thousand  sent  into  exile.  The 
old  revolutionist,  Nicholas  Tchaikovsky,  was  arrested  on 
charges  based  upon  acts  committed  thirty  years  before, 
and  he  was  kept  in  prison  until  released  on  bail,  raised  by 
friends  in  America  and  England.  A  remarkable  old  woman 
named  Katherine  Breshkovsky,  "the  little  grandmother 
of  the  Revolution,"  was  sent  to  the  wilds  of  Siberia  at  the 
age  of  seventy.  The  terrorists  of  reaction,  the  Black  Hun- 
dreds, were  once  more  incited  against  the  Jews,  and  they 
committed  many  outrages  with  the  connivance  of  the  au- 
thorities. Reaction  spread  to  Finland.  An  imperial  rescript 
in  1909  deprived  the  local  Diet  of  the  control  of  the  Finnish 
army  and  declared  that  the  Grand  Duchy  must  subordi- 
nate itself  to  the  wishes  of  the  Russian  Government.  In  1910 
a  law  was  passed  which  greatly  restricted  the  autonomy  of 
Finland  by  giving  the  Duma  large  powers  of  legislation  in 
Finnish  matters.  Protests  were  sent  to  Russia  by  Euro- 
pean parliaments,  denouncing  this  law  as  a  violation  of  the 
principles  of    liberty  and   democracy.      Because  of  these 


564      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

policies  Premier  Stolypin  was  hated  as  much  as  Plehve  had 
been.  Many  attempts  were  made  on  his  Hfe;  and  on  Sep- 
tember 14,  191 1,  he  was  shot  to  death  in  a  theater  by  a 
half-spy  half-revolutionist  named  Bogrov.  His  successor, 
Kokovtsov,  declared,  however,  that  he  would  pursue  the 
same  policies. 

The  third  Duma  lived  out  its  term  of  five  years  and  an 
election  took  place  for  the  fourth  Duma,  which  met  on 
The  fourth  November  28,  1912.  This  body  was,  if  anything, 
Duma  more  conservative  than  its  immediate  prede- 

cessor, for  the  majority,  called  the  "Black  Block,"  con- 
sisted mainly  of  reactionaries  of  the  most  extreme  type.  The 
opposition  barely  counted  eighty  members,  although  a  suf- 
ficient number  of  Octobrists  was  elected,  which  held  the  bal- 
ance of  power.  At  last  the  voice  of  revolution  was  stilled 
and,  for  a  time  at  least,  peace  reigned  in  Russia. 

Failures  of  the  Revolution 

The  Russian  Revolution  of  1905  failed  in  its  main  ob- 
ject of  establishing  a  thorough  constitutional  regime.  There 
Govern-  was  not  only  universal  disappointment,  but  also 
mentwon       astonishment  at  the  outcome.     The  autocracy, 

in  spite  of  .  .      .  .    P  .  , 

its  weakness  discredited  by  the  humiliatmg  defeat  m  Man- 
churia, by  corruption  and  incompetence  at  home,  by  weak- 
ness in  the  face  of  revolution,  nevertheless  did  manage  to 
cope  successfully  with  the  greatest  popular  uprising  since 
the  Krench  Revolution.  Several  explanations  may  here  be 
offered  tentatively,  as  we  are  still  too  close  to  the  great 
event  to  comprehend  it  fully. 

In  the  first  place,  the  loyalty  of  the  army  was  a  matter 
of  vital  importance  to  the  Government.  In  our  day  of 
Loyalty  of  huge  Standing  armies  based  upon  popular  con- 
the  army  scription,  it  is  well-nigh  impossible  for  a  rebel- 
lion to  succeed  unless  it  has  the  unswerving  support  of  the 
military.  Louis  XVI  had  but  a  small  band  of  mercenaries 
and  adventurers  with  which  to  defend  his  throne,  whereas 
Nicholas  II  had  the  support  of  a  vast  military  machine 
which,   in  spite  of  mutinies  here  and  there,  rallied  loyally 


THE   RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION   OF   1905  565 

to  his  side.  To  suppress  the  uprisings  the  Government  was 
careful  to  employ  only  the  older  soldiers  for  fear  that  the 
younger  ones  might  be  infected  with  revolutionary  ideas. 
It  also  made  use  of  race  antagonisms  for  its  own  wel- 
fare. Regiments  of  Poles  were  used  to  put  down  the  Li- 
thuanians, whom  they  hate.  Moscow  was  garrisoned  by 
troops  from  Little  Russia,  who  despise  the  people  of  that 
city  because  they  are  Great  Russians.  Soldiers  from  the 
cities  were  used  against  the  peasants;  and  soldiers  from  the 
rural  districts  were  used  against  the  city  workingmen.  The 
officials,  being  almost  entirely  from  the  noble  class,  were 
of  course  faithful  to  the  Government.  Most  faithful  of  all 
were  the  Cossacks,  recruited  from  the  semi-civilized  tribes 
who  live  on  the  steppes,  or  plains  of  Southern  Russia.  These 
tribesmen,  who  are  half-Russian,  half  Tartar  in  origin,  form 
a  "rough-rider  "  contingent  of  over  three  hundred  thousand 
men  enlisted  for  life.  The  Cossacks  are  not  bound  by  so- 
cial, cultural,  and  economic  ties  to  the  rest  of  the  Russian 
people;  they  had  no  interest,  therefore,  other  than  that  of 
fighting  for  the  Tsar  by  whom  they  were  greatly  favored. 
These  savage  fighters  were  always  used  when  the  Govern- 
ment resolved  upon  severe  measures,  because  their  well- 
known  cruelty  excited  terror  and  dismay. 

As  Russia  is  a  vast  domain  with  poor  means  of  com- 
munication and  inhabited  by  a  heterogeneous  population 
composed    mainly    of    ignorant,     superstitious  Lack  of  or- 
peasants,  it  was  difficult  for  the  opponents  of  the  gamzation 

^  .  ,     .      f  rr     ^.      ,        among  the 

autocracy  to  organize  their  forces  etrectively.  revolution- 
There  was  no  central  revolutionary  organiza-  ^^^^ 
tion  corresponding  to  the  Jacobins  in  France  to  direct  the 
movement  all  over  Russia,  to  plan  attacks  when  most  pro- 
pitious, and  to  confront  the  Government  at  every  turn 
with  a  well-thought-out  plan  of  opposition.  What  really 
occurred  w^as  a  series  of  sporadic  uprisings  without  effec- 
tive leadership  and  without  sufficient  direction, —  desperate 
and  dangerous,  it  is  true,  but  not  very  difficult  to  suppress 
by  a  determined  autocracy  having  a  large  army  and  the 
savage  Cossacks  at  its  command. 


566      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

For  the  subject  nationalities,  such  as  the  Poles,  Finns, 
Georgians,  and  Letts,  the  Revolution  was  an  opportunity 
Nationalist  to  assert  their  particular  claims.  This,  instead 
divisions  ^f  helping  the  movement,  seriously  hindered  it; 
for  the  Government  was  now  able  to  make  an  effective 
patriotic  appeal  to  the  Orthodox  Russians  by  declaring 
that  the  Revolution  had  for  its  object  the  destruction  of 
the  unity  of  the  Empire.  Racial  and  religious  hatreds,  too, 
expended  revolutionary  energy  which  might  have  been  bet- 
ter used  in  opposing  the  Tsar.  In  the  Baltic  Provinces,  the 
Letts  fought  the  Germans;  in  the  Caucasus,  it  was  Tartar 
against  Armenian;  in  the  "Pale,"  it  was  Christian  against 
Jew. 

Great  assistance  was  rendered  to  the  Government  by  for- 
eign bankers  and  by  investors  in  Russian  industries,  who 
Foreign  feared  that  the  success  of  the  Revolution  would 

support  mean  the  possible  repudiation  of  national  debts 

the  Tsar  and  the  depreciation  of  foreign  investments. 
They  therefore  gave  invaluable,  though  invisible,  service  to 
the  embarrassed  autocracy  by  supplying  it  with  liberal  loans; 
for  money  was  essential  to  maintain  the  official  machine 
and  to  keep  the  army  faithful.  The  Government  of  Ger- 
many, being  autocratic,  naturally  sympathized  with  the 
Russian  authorities,  because  it  feared  the  spread  of  revo- 
lutionary ideas  within  its  own  borders.  For  her  activities 
on  behalf  of  the  Tsar,  Germany  earned  the  bitter  enmity 
of  the  revolutionists. 

We  now  come  to  what  is,  perhaps,  the  most  important 
cause  for  the  failure  of  the  Russian  Revolution.  In  the 
Division  beginning  of  the  movement  all  the  opponents 
among  the      gf  the  autocracy,  from  the  most  moderate  liberal 

opponents  -^  .  . 

of  the  autoo-  to  the  most  violent  terrorist,  united  to  present 
^^^^  a  solid  front  to  the  Government.  The  temporary 

collapse  of  the  latter  as  a  result  of  the  general  strike,  and 
its  complete  surrender,  as  shown  by  the  October  manifesto, 
encouraged  the  extreme  element  among  the  revolutionists 
to  believe  that  the  time  had  now  come  for  a  redistribution 
of  property  as^well  as  of  political  power.     The  Petrograd 


THE   RUSSIAN   REVOLUTION   OF    1 905  567 

Council  of  Workingmen's  Delegates  assumed  the  functions  of 
a  provisional  socialist  state.  It  issued  orders  establishing  a 
work-day  of  eight  hours  in  all  industrial  establishments.  A 
large  number  of  violent  strikes  occurred  in  which  factories 
were  burned  and  their  owners  maltreated.  The  capitalists 
replied  with  a  series  of  lockouts,  and  thousands  of  men 
were  thrown  out  of  work.  In  1906  on  the  heels  of  a  half- 
accomplished  Revolution,  a  serious  struggle  was  going  on 
between  capital  and  labor.  Banks,  stores,  post-offices,  and 
even  private  houses  were  robbed  by  terrorists,  who  claimed 
that  the  money  thus  "expropriated"  would  be  used  to 
further  the  Revolutionary  cause.  The  middle  classes,  hith- 
erto solidly  opposed  to  the  Government,  were  frightened  at 
this  turn  of  affairs.  It  is  true  that  they  hated  the  autoc- 
racy, but  they  hated  still  more  to  lose  their  property;  hence 
many  now  rallied  to  the  side  of  the  Tsar.  The  Government 
'was  not  slow  to  see  the  division  in  the  ranks  of  its  oppo- 
nents and  quickly  recovered  its  courage  and  energy.  It  is 
therefore  not  surprising  that  the  Revolutionary  proletariat, 
weak  in  numbers  and  still  weaker  In  organization,  being 
now  left  alone  to  fight  the  battle  with  the  autocracy,  went 
down  to  swift  destruction. 

Successes  of  the  Revolution 

However,  there  were  some  gains.  The  Government  was 
surprised  and  frightened  at  the  growth  of  radicalism  among 
the  peasants,  and  it  determined  upon  agrarian  Abolition  of 
reforms  to  placate  them.  Accordingly,  half  of  ^^^  '"^'' 
the  redemption  tax  ^  for  the  year  1906  was  remitted;  and 
the  tax  was  entirely  abolished  in  January,  1907.  The  peas- 
ant was  no  longer  the  "serf  of  the  State."  On  November 
22,  1906,  a  notable  law  was  passed  through  the  influence  of 
Premier  Stolypin,  which  instituted  a  fundamental  change 
in  the  relations  of  the  peasants  to  the  mir.  The  purpose  of 
this  law  was  to  destroy  the  communal  system  of  the  mir 
and  to  establish  peasant  proprietorship.  It  therefore  pro- 
vided that  a  peasant  could  withdraw  from  the  mir  at  pleas- 

1  See  p.  512. 


568      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ure  and  thereupon  receive  his  allotment  of  land,  which 
must  be  given  to  him,  not  in  strips,  but  in  solid  fields. 
Between  1906  and  191 3  about  two  and  a  half  millions  of 
peasants  left  the  mir  to  become  peasant  proprietors.  On 
June  14,  1910,  another  law  declared  that  in  the  communes 
where  there  had  been  no  periodic  redistribution  of  lands  ^ 
since  Emancipation,  the  mir  was  to  have  no  legal  exist- 
ence; as  a  result,  three  million  more  peasants  became  in- 
dividual proprietors.  But,  in  fact,  these  peasant  proprietors 
continued  to  observe  the  customs  and  traditions  of  the  mir 
under  which  they  had  been  living  for  many  generations. 

It  was  the  purpose  of  the  Government  to  establish  a  large 
number  of  peasant  landowners  who,  as  in  France,  would 
Conserva-  be  inclined  toward  conservative  policies  because 
^'easanT^  °^  of  their  property  interests.  As  no  more  land  was 
proprietors  given  to  the  peasants,  those  who  could  not  live 
on  their  small  holdings  now  had  the  opportunity  of  selling 
them  to  their  well-to-do  neighbors,  who  profited  greatly 
from  the  change  as  these  lands  were  often  sold  very  cheaply. 
The  landless  ones  became  agricultural  and  industrial  labor- 
ers or  emigrated  to  Siberia  and  Central  Asia. 

Another  gain  made  by  the  Revolution  was  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  thin  end  of  the  wedge  of  popular  government. 
Dumajeal-  The  constitution,  promulgated  on  April  23, 
hldepend-  ^9^^'  declared  that  the  "supreme  autocratic 
ence  power  is  vested  in  the  Tsar  of  all  the  Russias," 

who  was  to  appoint  and  dismiss  ministries,  to  initiate  legis- 
lation, and  to  have  an  absolute  veto  power  over  bills  passed 
by  the  two  Houses,  the  Council  of  the  Empire  and  the 
Duma.  Although  the  constitution  stated  that  all  laws 
must  have  the  consent  of  the  Duma,  so  many  restrictions 
and  limitations  were  put  on  the  latter  that  it  was  hardly  a 
legislature  at  all.  Nevertheless,  a  representative  assembly, 
no  matter  how  unfairly  chosen  and  how  limited  in  power, 
did  now  exist  in  Russia.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  was 
dominated  by  conservatives  and  reactionaries,  this  Rus- 
sian Parliament,  like  all  public  bodies,  had  a  growing  sense 

1  See  p.  512. 


THE   RUSSIAN   RE\^OLUTION  OF    1 905  569 

of  its  own  importance.  Although  it  generally  cooperated 
with  the  Tsar,  the  Duma  occasionally  exhibited  a  spirit  of 
independence  and  even  of  defiance  toward  the  Govern- 
ment. It  refused  by  an  overwhelming  majority  to  insert  the 
word  "Autocrat"  in  an  address  to  the  Tsar;  this  in  spite  of 
Premier  Stolypin's  urgent  appeals  in  behalf  of  the  Tsar.  The 
President  of  the  fourth  Duma  made  the  following  declara- 
tion: "I  have  ever  been  and  always  shall  be  a  convinced 
champion  of  the  representative  regime  based  on  constitu- 
tional principles,  granted  to  Russia  by  the  great  manifesto  of 
October  30,  1905.  To  consolidate  the  foundations  of  this  re- 
gime should  be  the  first  and  constant  care  of  a  Russian  repre- 
sentative assembly."  On  June  3,  191 2,  the  Duma  passed 
a  resolution  censuring  the  home  policy  of  the  Government 
for  resorting  to  "exceptional  measures"  to  maintain  order. 
When,  in  1914,  the  well-known  reactionary,  Goremykin, 
was  again  appointed  Premier,  the  Duma  became  exceed- 
ingly critical  and  passed  another  vote  of  censure  on  the 
Government,  this  time  for  its  interference  with  elections. 
By  far  the  greatest  outcome  of  the  Revolution  was  the 
moral  downfall  of  the  autocracy.  The  Russian  masses  were 
now  less  inclined  than  formerly  to  regard  the  Tsar  reverently 
as  the  "Little  Father"  who  had  been  commissioned  by  God 
to  rule  them.  The  Revolution  was  the  first  great  step  in 
their  political  education.  It  taught  them  in  a  highly  dra- 
matic manner  that  the  autocracy,  which  they  had  long  re- 
garded as  the  special  gift  of  God  to  his  beloved  Russia,  was 
essentially  brutal  and  selfish,  and  that  in  order  to  advance 
the  well-being  of  their  fatherland  they  themselves  must 
control  its  destinies. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR  MOVEMENTS 

Socialism 
(a)  Introduction 

One  of  the  most  distinguishing  characteristics  of  the 
nineteenth  century  was  the  advance  of  democracy.  How 
Revolution-  Oppressed  and  divided  peoples  achieved  na- 
ter'of  so^^'  tional  independence,  how  unenfranchised  lower 
cialism  classes  gained  political  freedom,  and  how  per- 

secuted faiths  won  toleration  have  already  been  told.  There 
still  remains  to  tell  the  story  of  the  extraordinary  advance 
of  a  movement  which,  unlike  the  others,  did  not  merely 
seek  to  liberalize  existing  institutions,  but  aimed  to  change 
the  very  constitution  of  the  present  system  of  society  and  to 
establish  an  entirely  new  one  in  which  the  production  and 
the  distribution  of  wealth  would  be  radically  different  from 
what  it  is  at  present.  This  revolutionary  movement  goes 
by  the  general  name  of  "socialism."  It  is  by  far  the  most 
significant  movement  of  our  day;  not  only  has  it  enlisted 
the  enthusiastic  devotion  of  millions  of  followers  through- 
out the  world,  but  it  has  also  profoundly  influenced  the 
views  of  many  who  are  not  its  adherents.  Socialism  has 
been  fervently  defended  and  bitterly  attacked.  By  many 
of  the  working  class  it  has  been  accepted  as  the  gospel 
which  w^ould  free  them  from  economic  slavery;  by  many 
of  the  property-owning  class  it  has  been  regarded  as  a 
"red  specter,"  threatening  to  inaugurate  a  reign  of  terror 
which  will  destroy  organized  society  and  plunge  the  world 
into  chaos  and  ruin. 

Socialism  is  the  most  comprehensive  as  well  as  the  most 
The  socialist  widespread  of  modern  social  movements.  It  is 
expSStion  ^^  °^^^  ^  bitter  indictment  against  the  pres- 
of  labor  ent  socIal  order,  a  philosophy  of  life,  a  program 

of  action,  and  a  promise  of  a  future  goal.     The  existing 


REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR  MOVEMENTS        571 

economic  system,  which  is  based  on  private  ownership  of 
capital  and  on  competition  in  industry,  has  undergone  severe 
criticism  at  the  hands  of  the  sociaHsts,  They  claim  that 
in  spite  of  the  extraordinary  increase  of  wealth  since  the 
Industrial  Revolution,  the  masses  of  people  live  in  a  state 
of  dire  poverty  and  misery,  because,  through  a  faulty  and 
unjust  method  of  distribution,  the  few  have  reaped  the 
benefits  of  industrial  progress  at  the  expense  of  the  many. 
Production,  assert  the  socialists,  is  "social,"  by  which  they 
mean  that  many  laborers  cooperate  to  produce  an  article; 
but  distribution  is  "individual,"  that  is,  each  laborer  is  paid 
a  certain  sum  of  money  as  wages  by  the  owner  of  the  machine, 
the  capitalist.  The  laborer's  wages  are  so  low  that  he  can- 
not maintain  a  family  without  the  aid  of  private  or  public 
charity.  Moreover,  he  may  be  deprived  of  his  job  at  any 
time  by  his  employer,  or  he  may  lose  it  through  no  fault  of 
his  own  or  of  his  employer,  but  through  the  uncertain 
working  of  the  industrial  system.  Unemployment,  they 
say,  is  an  essential  feature  of  this  system,  for  capitalism  needs 
an  "industrial  reserve  army,"  ready  to  supply  the  demand 
for  more  labor  in  case  of  a  sudden  expansion  of  the  market 
or  to  take  the  places  of  those  who  may  be  unwilling  to  work 
for  the  wages  offered  to  them.  The  much-lauded  freedom 
of  the  workingman  of  to-day,  argue  the  socialists,  is  an 
illusion ;  for,  deprived  of  his  tools  by  the  competition  of 
machinery,  he  must  either  sell  his  labor  at  the  price  offered 
him  by  the  capitalist  or  starve.  Economic  necessity  is 
the  invisible  whip  that  drives  him  to  his  daily  task ;  hence 
he  is  in  reality  a  slave  with  liberty  simply  to  change  mas- 
ters. The  present  industrial  system  is  based  on  the  ex- 
ploitation of  labor.  As  producers,  the  workingmen  are  ex- 
ploited by  the  capitalists;  as  consumers,  by  the  middle 
classes;  and  as  tenants,  by  the  landlords.  There  can  be  no 
solution  of  the  labor  problem,  conclude  the  socialists,  with- 
out a  dissolution  of  the  capitalist  system. 

Capitalist  methods  are  the  essence  of  chaos,  wastefulness, 
and  corruption.  Overproduction  one  year  and  underpro- 
duction the  next  dislocate  market  conditions  and  cause 


572     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

panics  which  bring  ruin  and  destitution  to  many.  Com- 
petition engenders  wastefulness  in  energy,  time, 
tence  and  money,  and  product,  because  competitors  main- 
corruption  ^^.j^  separate  establishments  with  their  attend- 
ant expenses.  The  various  middlemen,  from  wholesaler  to 
retailer,  take  toll  from  the  product  as  it  passes  from 
producer  to  consumer.  A  centralized  industry,  argue  the 
socialists,  would  save  in  countless  ways  by  regulating  the  out- 
put of  the  whole  of  the  product  itself  and  by  distributing  it 
directly  to  the  consumers.  To  be  strictly  honest  in  busi- 
ness, they  furthermore  declare,  is  to  invite  disaster;  hence 
business  men  who  would  prefer  to  deal  fairly  are  forced  to 
adopt  the  methods  of  their  dishonest  competitors.  Modern 
business  reeks  with  corruption,  from  stock-watering  by  fin- 
anciers to  putting  sand  in  sugar  by  corner  grocers.  Swind- 
ling purchasers  through  dishonest  advertisements  and 
through  adulteration  have  become  widely  existent.  Colos- 
sal fortunes  are  made  in  stock  exchanges  by  manipulating 
the  market  or  by  sheer  gambling,  frequently  to  the  ruin  of 
thousands  of  innocent  investors.  Capitalism,  declare  the 
socialists,  has  created  a  world  in  which  the  swindler,  the 
manipulator,  and  the  corruptionist  prosper  at  the  expense 
of  millions  of  toilers  who  are  thus  condemned  to  misery  and 
want.  The  much---^aunted  freedom  of  enterprise  of  the  cap- 
italist is  largely  the  "freedom  of  a  fox  in  a  free  hen-roost." 

Conversion  to  socialism  is  not  an  indication  of  a  change 
of  political  belief  only ;  it  frequently  means  a  change  of  at- 
Socialism:  titude  toward  the  problems  of  life,  both  private 
tude  toward  ^^^  public.  The  convcrt  to  socialism  rejects 
life  many  cherished  traditions  and   principles  that 

guide  the  thoughts  and  actions  of  his  fellows.  He  is  apt  to 
question  institutions  of  all  kinds,  religion,  property,  mar- 
riage, patriotism.  In  their  earlier  and  more  violent  days, 
socialists  were  wont  to  attack  these  institutions  as  "bour- 
geois prejudices";  but  in  recent  years  they  have  concen- 
trated their  attacks  upon  capitalist  production,  and  re- 
gard religion  and  marriage  as  "private  matters"  in  which 
they,  as  socialists,  do  not  care  to  pronounce  judgment. 


REVOLUTIONARY   LABOR   MOVEMENTS        573 

As  a  program  of  action  socialism  has  been  the  advance 
guard   of   radical   political   movements.      It   maintains   a 
political  party  which,  unlike  all  other  political  ^^^ 
parties,  is  international  in  scope.    The  socialists  gram  of  ac- 
hold  frequent  international  conventions  repre- 
sentative of  the  socialist  parties  in  every  country  to  direct 
the  common  aims  of  socialism  throughout  the  world.    So- 
cialists are  everywhere  actively  fighting  reactionary  meas- 
ures, exposing  corruption,  championing  the   cause  of   the 
labor  unions  in  their  struggles  with  capital,  and,  above  all, 
maintaining  a  vigorous  propaganda  for  their  cause. 

Finally,  as  a  future  goal,  socialism  means  the  public 
ownership  and  democratic  management  of  all  means  of 
production,  factories,  mines,  railways,  land,  and  as  a  future 
stores,  and  the  distribution  of  wealth  by  public  §°^^ 
authority.  It  does  not  mean,  as  is  popularly  supposed,  con- 
fiscating private  property  and  dividing  it  equally  among 
all  the  people.  Quickly  or  slowly,  as  conditions  may  deter- 
mine, the  public  authorities  in  the  central  and  local  govern- 
ments will  take  over  the  ownership  and  operation  of  the 
industries.  Under  the  socialist  regime  there  will  be  one 
vast  civil  service:  every  one  will  be  required  to  work  at 
salaries  fixed  by  the  Government  according  to  position 
and  ability.  People  will  continue  to  possess  private  per- 
sonal property,  such  as  clothes,  houses,  books,  and  furni- 
ture, but  not  industrial  property,  such  as  factories,  mines, 
or  railways,  which  will  be  State  monopolies.  By  this  system, 
known  as  the  Cooperative  Commonwealth,  socialists  hope 
to  abolish  poverty  and  misery  and  to  inaugurate  the  golden 
age  of  a  happy  humanity. 

(b)    The  Utopians 

The  French  Revolution  had  given  a  great  impetus  to 
schemes  for  reconstructing  society.      During  the  stirring 
days  of  that    great  upheaval  men    beheld   in-  Influence 
stitutions  hallowed  by  age,  custom,  and  senti-  prench  Rev- 
ment  vanish  overnight,  and  new  institutions  sud-  olution 
denly  called  into  being.    It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that 


574     MODERN   AND  CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

many  came  to  believe  that  social  institutions  are  merely 
creations  of  man  who,  by  his  own  fiat,  can  easily  usher  in  a 
new  system  of  society  and  government  provided  he  has  his 
plan  ready.  This  idea  was  common  during  the  early  part  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  especially  in  France,  where  it  in- 
spired a  group  of  social  reformers,  known  as  Utopians,^  who 
desired  to  emancipate  humanity  from  the  evils  of  capital- 
ism as  their  fathers  had  set  it  free  from  feudalism. 

The  first  of  the  Utopians  was  Claude  Henri,  Comte  de 
Saint-Simon  (i  760-1 825),  a  wealthy  French  noble  who. 
Saint-  when  a  young  man,  had  fought  under  Wash- 

Simon  ington  during  the  American   Revolution.      He 

became  intensely  interested  in  reforming  mankind  and 
spent  his  life  and  fortune  advocating  schemes  of  social  re- 
construction, with  the  result  that  he  became  so  poor  that 
he  was  reduced  to  utter  destitution.  One  of  his  projects 
was  to  unite  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans  by  means  of 
a  canal.  Saint-Simon's  writings,  scarcely  known  while  he 
lived,  attained  influence  after  his  death  when  a  group,  call- 
ing themselves  "Saint-Simonians,"  began  to  advocate  his 
ideas.  Some  of  the  members  of  this  group  later  became 
famous.  Foremost  among  them  were  the  philosopher,  Au- 
guste  Comte;  the  engineer,  Ferdinand  de  Lesseps;  and  the 
economist,  Michel  Chevalier.  Saint-Simon's  important  book, 
Nouveau  Christianisme,  is  a  fervent  appeal  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  new  system  of  society,  the  new  Christianity, 
for  the  purpose  of  ameliorating  the  lot  of  those  who  are 
at  once  "the  most  numerous  and  the  most  poor."  This 
new  society  was  to  be  based  on  the  principle  of  "associa- 
tion" and  not  on  that  of  "antagonism,"  the  principle 
underlying  present  society.  Land  and  capital  were  to  be 
held  in  common,  and  the  right  of  inheritance  was  to  be 
abolished;  property  was  to  be  shared  on  the  principle  of 
"from  each  according  to  his  capacity  and  to  each  according 
to  his  need."  Saint-Simon's  views  were  hazy  but  sugges- 
tive, and  they  greatly  influenced  early  socialistic  thought. 

^  The  Utopians  were  so  named  after  the  book,  Utopia,  by  Sir  Thomas  More, 
which  describes  an  ideal  society. 


REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR   MOVEMENTS        575 

Another  famous  Utopian  was  Charles  Fourier  (1772- 
1837),  whose  pubHshed  works  presented  a  carefully  worked- 
out  ground-plan  of  the  new  society.    Like  Saint-  ^ 

•       11'  1  •    r        MCI       rourier 

Simon,  Fourier  believed  that  the  chief  evil  of  the 
present  social  system  was  its  spirit  of  antagonism  between 
persons,  classes,  religions,  and  countries.  "Harmony" 
should  be  the  basic  principle  of  the  new  stage  of  civilization 
that  the  world  was  about  to  enter.  He  worked  out  a  scheme 
of  communal  living  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  phalan- 
stery:  it  was  to  comprise  farm  lands,  workshops,  and  living 
apartments  in  which  a  phalanx,  a  group  of  about  fifteen 
hundred  persons,  were  to  live  and  work  cooperatively.  A 
person  entering  a  phalanstery  would  engage  in  such  work 
as  suited  his  tastes  and  desires;  and  he  would  be  permitted 
to  change  his  occupation  freely  until  he  found  one  con- 
genial to  his  temperament.  It  was  Fourier's  idea  to  allow 
free  play  to  human  instincts  and  passions  which,  he  de- 
clared, frequently  work  harm  because  the  present  system  of 
society  gives  them  no  legitimate  outlet.  Once  an  environ- 
ment was  created  which  gave  opportunities  to  all  sorts  of 
people  to  express  themselves,  harmony  would  result  and 
the  world  would  become  peaceful  and  happy.  Fourier's 
ideas  were  taken  up  by  many  ardent  reformers  of  his  day. 
They  found  an  echo  even  in  America  in  the  famous  Brook 
Farm  Colony,  which  numbered  among  its  members  such 
men  as  George  Ripley,  Horace  Greeley,  and  Nathaniel 
Hawthorne. 

A  far  different  type  of  Utopian  was  the  Englishman, 
Robert  Owen  (i 771-1858),  practical  business  man,  phil- 
anthropist, and  reformer.     At  the  age  of  nine-  ^ 

„  .  ,  -       ,  Owen 

teen  Owen  became  the  manager  of  a  large  cot- 
ton mill  in  New  Lanark,  Scotland,  of  which  he  later  be- 
came the  chief  proprietor.  New  Lanark  was  a  wretched 
factory  town  inhabited  by  a  laboring  class  sunk  in  poverty, 
squalor,  and  drunkenness.  Owen's  heart  was  touched  by 
this  state  of  affairs,  and  he  energetically  set  about  trans- 
forming the  place ;  for  he  believed  firmly  that  a  good  environ- 
ment would  result  in  an  improved  population.     Owen  gave 


576     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

his  employees  good  wages;  he  improved  factory  conditions; 
he  organized  schools  for  the  children ;  and  he  built  whole- 
some houses  for  his  operatives.  New  Lanark  was  trans- 
formed into  a  model  town  with  happy,  contented  people. 
In  spite  of  the  additional  expense,  Owen's  business  contin- 
ued to  prosper  and  his  factory  became  a  place  of  pilgrimage 
for  people  who  were  interested  in  the  experiment.  Owen, 
however,  was  not  content  to  play  the  part  of  a  benevolent 
despot.  He  was  a  man  of  fine  mind  as  well  as  of  great 
heart;  and  he  believed  that  true  reform  lay  in  people  solv- 
ing their  own  problems  and  not  in  having  them  solved  for 
them  by  "good  men."  He  therefore  became  deeply  inter- 
ested in  schemes  of  social  reform  and  was  converted  to 
socialism,^  to  which  he  devoted  his  life  and  fortune.  Owen 
was  active  in  establishing  communistic  colonies  in  many 
parts  of  the  world.  Believing  that  America,  being  a  new 
country,  would  offer  a  freer  field  for  social  experiments,  he 
came  to  Indiana  in  1825  and  founded  a  colony  called  New 
Harmony.  For  many  years  Owen  was  a  notable  figure  in 
English  public  life  and  a  leader  in  the  radical  movements 
of  his  day.^ 

Utopianism  was  essentially  a  humanitarian  movement. 
It  made  no  special  appeals  to  the  working  classes  for  sup- 
The  fail  P^^^  ^^*^  ^'^^'  therefore,  not  inclined  to  be  rev- 

of  Utopian-  olutionary  in  its  methods.  Saint-Simon  ap- 
pealed even  to  the  Pope  and  to  King  Louis  XVIII 
of  France  to  establish  his  ideal  society.  Fourier  was  regu- 
larly at  home  every  day  at  noon  for  twelve  years,  hoping 
that  philanthropists  would  come  to  finance  his  scheme. 
Kings  and  other  famous  persons  were  welcomed  at  New  Lan- 
ark by  Owen,  who  was  eager  to  convince  them  of  the  bene- 
ficence of  his  reforms.  Utopians,  however,  were  generally 
regarded  as  unpractical,  fantastic  persons.  Their  schemes 
were  discredited  partly  because  their  colonies  proved 
failures  and  partly  because  of  their  attacks  on  religion  and 

^  It  is  said  that  the  word  "socialism"  was  coined  by  Owen;  it  was  then 
synonymous  with  "utopianism." 
'  See  pp.  66,  344. 


REVOLUTIONARY   LABOR  MOVEMENTS        577 

the  family.  Moreover,  it  was  displaced  by  a  new  move- 
ment, first  called  communism  and  later  socialism,  which 
broke  sharply  with  Utopian  schemes  and  founded  its 
philosophy  and  methods  on  an  entirely  different  basis. 

(c)    Karl  Marx 

The  father  of  modern  socialism  was  Karl  Marx  (1818- 
83),  who  was  born  in  Trier,  Rhenish  Prussia.  The  family 
of  Marx  were  well-to-do  Jews  who  had  been  Karl  Marx: 
converted  to  Christianity,  in  which  faith  young  ^^^  ^^""^^  ^'^^ 
Karl  was  reared.  He  went  to  the  Universities  of  Bonn  and 
Berlin  to  study  law,  but  found  that  his  Interests  lay  rather 
in  the  fields  of  philosophy  and  history.  Like  many  other 
young  Germans  of  this  period  he  became  an  ardent  admirer 
of  the  philosophy  of  Hegel,  who  was  then  the  guiding  star 
of  the  rising  generation  of  German  intellectuals.  In  1842, 
at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  Marx  became  the  editor  of  a 
radical  paper,  the  Rheinische  Zeitung,  which  was  suppressed 
by  the  censor  a  year  later  because  of  its  attacks  on  the 
Government.  Shortly  afterwards  Marx  was  married  to 
Jenny  von  Westphalen,  whose  family  belonged  to  the 
Prussian  nobility;  but  the  young  couple  were  not  des- 
tined to  spend  their  lives  In  peace  and  plenty.  Hearing  of 
the  new  social  doctrines  preached  by  the  French  Utopians, 
Marx  determined  to  know  more  of  them  and  their  ideas; 
accordingly,  he  and  his  young  bride  left  their  native  land 
and  went  to  live  in  Paris.  Henceforth,  to  the  day  of  his 
death,  ^Marx's  life  was  one  of  long  exile,  sometimes  that  of  a 
hunted  agitator  drh^en  from  land  to  land,  at  other  times  a 
poverty-stricken  recluse  poring  over  books  In  the  British 
Museum.  Throughout  all  his  vicissitudes,  his  wife  was  his 
faithful  and  loving  companion,  sharing  his  exile,  privation, 
and  obloquy. 

Marx's  visit  to  Paris  was  the  beginning  of  his  new  life  and 
of  his  new  ideas.    There  he  fell  under  the  in-  „.  ,..  . 

His  lite  in 

fiuence  of  the  Saint-SImonians  whose  doctrines  Paris  and 

awoke  new  trains  of  thought  In  his  "mind,  for 

until  then  he  had  been  merely  a  political  Liberal.    In  Paris 


578  MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

he  met  Friedrich  Engels  (1820-95),  who  became  his  lifelong 
friend  and  co-worker.  Like  himself,  Engels  came  of  well-to- 
do  German  parents,  but  he  nevertheless  dedicated  his  life 
to  the  service  of  the  working  class.  Marx  was  driven  out  of 
Paris  in  1845  and  fled  to  Brussels,  where  he  joined  an 
association  of  radicals  calling  itself  the  Communist  League. 
In  1848  this  organization  issued  the  famous  Communist 
Manifesto,  "the  birth-cry  of  modern  socialism,"  which  was 
written  by  Marx  and  Engels.  When  the  Revolution  of 
1848  took  place  in  Germany,  Marx  left  for  Cologne,  where 
he  became  the  editor  of  a  socialist  paper  which  was,  how- 
ever, soon  suppressed  and  Marx  was  expelled  from  Germany. 
He  then  fled  to  London,  where  he  lived  to  the  end  of  his 
life,  devoting  himself  almost  entirely  to  study  and  writing. 
During  this  period  of  almost  thirty-four  years,  he  and  his 
wife  suffered  the  greatest  privation,  often  lacking  the  neces- 
sities of  life.  He  supported  himself  partly  by  writing  for  the 
New  York  Tribune,  then  under  the  editorship  of  Horace 
Greeley.  The  result  of  Marx's  labors  in  London  was  his 
famous  book,  Das  Kapital.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  is  a 
serious  work  on  economics  and  is  in  many  parts  quite  ob- 
scure, no  book  since  Rousseau's  Social  Contract  has  had  such 
an  enormous  and  far-reaching  influence.  It  has  been  trans- 
lated into  almost  every  living  language  and  has  become  a 
bible  for  socialists  in  every  part  of  the  civilized  world. 

Marx  was  one  of  the  great  figures  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury and  a  world  force  like  Luther  and  Voltaire.  He  pos- 
Character  sessed  an  unusual  combination  of  qualities,  pro- 
and  influence  found  learning,  striking  originality,  a  keen 
mind,  and,  at  times,  a  rare  gift  for  literary  ex- 
pression. This  scholar,  philosopher,  and  agitator  was  a 
man  of  stern,  unbending  uprightness,  with  indomitable  will 
power  and  dynamic  energy.  He  was  indeed  well  fitted  to  be 
the  spokesman  of  the  most  revolutionary  thought  of  the 
nineteenth  century. 

To  this  very  day  the  recognized  principles  of  socialism, 
those  that  inspire  fear  in  its  opponents  and  hope  in  its 
adherents,  are  Marxian,  pure  and  simple.    They  are  clearly 


REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR   MOVEMENTS        579 

and  forcefully  expressed  in  the  Communist  Manifesto,  a  bril- 
liantly  written    pamphlet    designed    to  appeal 
to  the  working  classes.    These  principles    are: 

The  materialistic  interpretation  of  history.  "In  every  his- 
toric epoch,"  reads  the  preface  to  the  Communist  Mani- 
festo, "the  prevailing  mode  of  economic  production  and 
exchange,  and  the  social  organization  necessarily  following 
from  it,  form  the  basis  upon  which  is  built  up,  and  from 
which  alone  can  be  explained,  the  political  and  intellectual 
history  of  that  epoch."  In  other  words,  the  entire  course  of 
history  in  all  its  manifold  phases  has  been  determined  by 
economic  conditions.  Ideas  and  emotions  centering  within 
race,  religion,  culture,  and  fatherland  are  declared  to  be 
"ideological  veils"  obscuring  the  real  motive  forces,  which 
are  material.  Nothing  is  left  to  chance;  everything  is  pre- 
determined. Socialists  declare  the  materialistic  interpre- 
tation of  history  to  be  "the  one  pass-key  which  will  un- 
lock all  the  secrets  of  the  past." 

The  class  struggle.  "The  history  of  all  hitherto  existing 
society,"  begins  the  Manifesto,  "is  the  history  of  class 
struggles.  Freeman  and  slave,  patrician  and  plebeian,  lord 
and  serf,  guildmaster  and  journeyman,  in  a  word,  oppressor 
and  oppressed,  stood  in  constant  opposition  to  one  an- 
other, carried  on  an  uninterrupted  fight,  now  hidden,  now 
open,  a  fight  that  each  time  ended,  either  in  a  revolution- 
ary reconstitution  of  society  at  large,  or  in  the  common 
ruin  of  the  contesting  classes."  Out  of  the  economic  divi- 
sions of  society  arise  classes  of  exploiters  and  exploited 
which  correspond  in  the  political  sphere  to  the  governors 
and  the  governed.  In  a  capitalist  society  founded  on  wage 
labor  the  exploiters  and  governors  are  the  bourgeoisie, 
and  the  exploited  and  the  governed  are  the  proletariat.^ 
In  the  past  the  historic  stage  was  the  scene  of  conflict  be- 
tween landlord  and  peasant,  now  it  is  between  capitalist 
and  workingman.    The  Manifesto  sings  a  psean  of  praise  to 

^  "By  bourgeoisie  is  meant  the  class  of  modern  capitalists,  owners  of  the 
means  of  social  production  and  employers  of  wage  labor;  by  proletariat,  the 
class  of  modern  wage-laborers  who,  having  no  means  of  production  of  their 
own,  are  reduced  to  selling  their  labor  power  in  order  to  live."  —  Engels. 


58o      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  bourgeoisie  as  the  revolutionary  class  that  has  swept 
away  "all  fixed,  fast-frozen  relations  with  their  train  of 
ancient  prejudices  and  opinions"  characteristic  of  the  feudal 
and  ancient  worlds,  and  that  has  inaugurated  the  modern 
dynamic  world  in  which  constant  change  is  the  law  of  life, 
and  in  which  all  newly  formed  institutions  become  "an- 
tiquated before  they  can  ossify."  The  bourgeoisie,  being 
masters  of  society,  are  necessarily  masters  of  the  State, 
which  is  merely  an  "executive  committee"  for  the  man- 
agement of  their  common  affairs.  "Society  as  a  whole  is 
splitting  up  more  and  more  into  two  great  hostile  camps, 
into  two  great  classes  facing  each  other,  bourgeoisie  and 
proletariat,"  the  only  bond  between  them  being  "cash 
payment."  It  is,  therefore,  of  vital  importance  for  the 
proletariat  to  become  "class  conscious";  namely,  to  recog- 
nize that  all  laborers  have  common  interests  which  are 
irreconcilably  opposed  to  those  of  the  capitalists.  This 
common  interest  must  always  be  first  and  foremost  in  the 
minds  of  the  working  class,  to  whom  law,  morality,  and  reli- 
gion are  "so  many  bourgeois  prejudices,  behind  which  lurk 
in  ambush  so  many  bourgeois  interests."  Class  conscious- 
ness will  result  in  class  solidarity,  which  is  essential  to  the 
proletariat  in  their  struggle  to  overthrow  the  capitalist 
system. 

Surplus  value.  The  fundamental  doctrine  of  Marx's 
economic  system,  and  the  central  theme  of  Das  Kapital, 
is  known  as  the  theory  of  "surplus  value."  According  to 
Marx  the  exchange,  or  market,  value  of  a  commodity  is 
determined,  not  by  the  amount  and  character  of  raw 
material  that  is  put  into  it,  but  solely  by  the  amount  and 
character  of  the  total  labor  power  necessary  to  produce 
this  commodity:  to  state  this  doctrine  more  briefly,  la- 
bor is  the  source  of  all  value.  It  is  necessary  to  add  that 
by  "labor"  Marx  means  both  mental  and  physical  labor;  the 
well-paid  superintendent  of  a  factory  as  well  as  the  poorly 
paid  operative  is  a  "laborer."  Of  the  total  value  produced, 
the  workingmen  get  a  small  part  in  the  form  of  wages ;  the 
rest,  or  surplus  value,  is  appropriated  by  the  capitalist  in 


REVOLUTIONARY   LABOR  MOVEMENTS        581 

the  form  of  profits.  This  method  of  exploiting  labor  is  the 
very  essence  of  the  capitalist  system,  but  under  a  just  sys- 
tem of  distribution  to  be  created  by  socialism,  the  working- 
men  will  receive  the  full  product  of  their  toil ;  exploitation 
will  cease,  as  all  value  created  by  labor  will  go  to  labor. 

Inevitability  of  socialism.  "Capitalism  produces  above 
all  its  own  grave-diggers,"  states  the  Manifesto.  Centrali- 
zation of  industry  and  of  labor  is,  according  to  Marx,  the 
inevitable  tendency  of  the  modern  system  of  production; 
more  and  more  will  the  capitalists  combine,  and  wealth  will 
be  consequently  in  fewer  and  fewer  hands.  As  with  capital, 
so  with  labor.  The  factory  tends  to  centralize  many  labor- 
ers of  different  trades  and  localities  and  to  reduce  them  to 
a  common  wage  level,  for  all  workingmen  are  equal  before 
the  machine.  Their  lot  will  steadily  grow  worse,  till  finally 
they  are  reduced  to  a  state  of  semi-pauperism.  Into  the 
ranks  of  the  proletariat  will  sink  the  middle  classes,  shop- 
keepers, small  farmers,  and  professional  people,  ground 
out  of  existence  by  the  upper  and  nether  millstones  of 
capital  and  labor.  In  time  there  will  be  facing  each  other 
only  two  classes,  the  propertied  few  and  the  property  less 
many.  To  save  themselves  from  destruction,  the  working 
class  will  be  compelled  to  overthrow  capitalism  and  to 
establish  the  Cooperative  Commonwealth,  in  which  class 
rule  will  be  forever  abolished.  This  change  will  be  accom- 
plished by  force  if  necessary,  but  preferably  through  the 
peaceful  action  of  parliaments  controlled  by  representatives 
of  the  proletariat.  Unlike  other  revolutions,  which  were 
the  work  of  minorities,  the  socialist  revolution  will  be  the 
first  truly  democratic  one,  as  the  working  class  constitutes 
the  majority  of  the  population.  In  a  notable  passage  Marx 
thus  summarizes  the  inevitability  of  socialism.  "Centrali- 
zation of  the  means  of  production  and  socialization  of  labor 
at  last  reach  a  point  where  they  become  incompatible  with 
their  capitalist  integument.  This  integument  is  burst 
asunder.  The  knell  of  capitalism  is  sounded.  The  expro- 
priators are  expropriated." 

Internationalism.      "The  proletarians  have  nothing  to 


582     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

lose  but  their  chains;  they  have  a  whole  world  to  win. 
Workingmen  of  all  countries,  unite!"  concludes  the  Mani- 
festo. In  their  struggle  for  emancipation  the  workingmen 
must  not  be  diverted  from  their  goal  by  patriotism,  for  the 
proletarian  has  no  country,  only  a  birthplace.  All  socialists 
are  "comrades,"  whatever  be  their  nationality.  Class  in- 
terests must,  therefore,  always  take  precedence  over  na- 
tional interests,  even  in  times  of  war,  as  there  is  more  in 
common  between  the  workingmen  of  different  countries 
than  between  workingmen  and  capitalists  of  the  same  coun- 
try. Modern  wars,  the  socialists  assert,  are  due  to  the 
machinations  of  capitalists,  who  rouse  the  masses  of  the 
various  nations  to  slaughter  one  another  for  the  benefit  of 
the  capitalists.  This  does  not  mean  that  socialists  advocate 
the  abolition  of  national  frontiers;  what  they  advocate  is 
the  organization  of  the  world  into  an  international  federal 
union  which  will  lead  to  the  establishment  of  permanent 
peace  and  to  fraternal  relations  between  different  peoples. 
Marxism,  which  is  sometimes  called  "scientific  social- 
ism," is  grounded  on  the  theory  of  social  evolution.  Capi- 
Scientific  talism,  according  to  Marx,  is  not  an  evil  system 
pian  soaS'-  inflicted  on  the  world  by  wicked  men,  but  a 
ism  stage,  and  a  necessary  one,  in  the  development 

of  mankind ;  and  socialism  is  not  an  ideal  commonwealth  to 
be  called  into  being  by  enthusiastic  reformers,  but  the  logi- 
cal and  inevitable  outcome  of  capitalism.  Marx  had  scant 
sympathy  with  ready-made  schemes  to  reorganize  society 
off-hand,  and  he  sarcastically  referred  to  the  Utopian  ex- 
periments as  "duodecimo  editions  of  the  New  Jerusalem." 
For  the  first  time  in  the  nineteenth  century,  a  philosophy 
appeared  which  gave  assurance  to  millions  that  the  stars 
in  their  courses  were  fighting  the  battle  of  the  proletariat, 
whose  emancipation  might  be  delayed  but  not  frustrated 
by  the  antagonism  of  the  propertied  classes.  The  socialism 
that  emerged  from  Marx  was  bristling  with  the  heavy 
armament  of  a  new  philosophy,  a  new  economics,  and  a 
new  international  organization  that  immediately  began  an 
aggressive  war  on  capitalism. 


REVOLUTIONARY   LABOR  MOVEMENTS       583 

(d)  Criticism  of  Socialism 

To  the  challenge  of  socialism  its  opponents  reply  that, 
although  present  society  is  far  from  being  perfect,  the  rem- 
edy is  not  socialism,  but  social  reform.     Were  c    •  r 

.     .  ...  .  .        Socialism, 

socialism,  with  its  regimentation  of  humanity  enemy  of 
into  an  office-holding  hierarchy,  ever  to  come,  P''"^^^^ 
it  would  destroy  initiative  and  enterprise  by  eliminating 
the  incentive  to  gain;  and  the  consequence  would  be  most 
calamitous  for  the  progress  of  mankind.  Socialism  would  not 
eliminate  the  class  struggle;  it  would,  in  fact,  accentuate  it. 
All  being  office-holders,  a  struggle  would  ensue  for  the  best 
places  in  the  Government,  and  the  political  faction  in  con- 
trol would  be  able  to  exercise  an  intolerable  tyranny  over 
their  less  fortunate  fellows  who,  having  no  other  avenue 
for  a  livelihood,  would  have  to  submit.  Politics  would 
then  become  the  one  channel  for  all  discontent,  and  rev- 
olutions would  be  more  apt  to  take  place  under  a  socialist 
regime  than  under  the  present  system,  in  which  discontent 
expresses  itself  through  many  channels. 

Marxian  analyses  and  prophecies  are  declared  by  anti- 
socialists  to  be  faulty.  They  maintain  that  the  economic 
interpretation  of  history  is  a  gross  exaggeration,   .  . 

1     ,         1       .  •  f-  -111  1  Materialism 

and  that  by  its  crass  materialism  it  holds  a  low 
view  of  human  nature.     If  economic  motives  played  their 
part  in  the  great  epochs  of  history,  so  did  racial,  religious, 
cultural,  and  patriotic;  it  is  impossible  to  say  which  one  of 
these  motives  was  most  influential  in  any  given  period  of 
history.    Men  are  not  sharply  divided  into  three  -pj^j.^^. 
classes  but  into  many,  whose  interests  and  ideals  class  division 
shade  into  one  another  so  imperceptibly  that  fre- 
quently the  interests  of  one  group  of  laborers  harmonize 
more  with  those  of  capitalists  than  the}'  do  with  those  of  an- 
other group  of  laborers.    The  only  true  goal  is  the  welfare  of 
all  classes,  that  is,  the  entire  community,  and  not  that  of  one 
class,  the  laborers.     Furthermore,  "the  increas-   increasing 
ing  misery"  prophecy  of  Marx  has  not  been  ful-  Prosperity 
filled,  because  the  average  workingman  is  now  better  fed, 


584      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

housed,  clothed,  and  cared  for  than  at  any  previous  period. 
Nor,  also,  are  the  middle  classes  disappearing;  on  the  con- 
trary, they  are  constantly  increasing  in  numbers  and  in 
influence.  The  concentration  of  industry  is  admitted  by 
anti-socialists,  and  they  advocate  government  regulation  of 
great  corporations;  but  this  concentration,  they  add,  has 
not  taken  place  in  agriculture,  in  which  the  tendency  is 
toward  the  division  of  great  estates  into  small  peasant 
properties.  "Surplus  value"  as  an  economic  doctrine  is 
essentially  untrue,  for  it  leaves  out  of  consideration  the 
J  leading  part  played  by  capital  in  the  creation  of 

role  of  cap-  value  by  initiating  enterprises  and  by  directing 
**^  their  development.    Without  capital  labor  is  of 

no  value  at  all;  hence  the  laborers  are  not  an  exploited 
class  but  share  in  the  product,  though  at  times  to  an  in- 
sufficient degree;  higher  wages,  shorter  hours,  and  better 
conditions  generally  will  eliminate  whatever  exploitation 
now  exists.  Anti-socialists  indignantly  deny  that  the  work- 
„     .    .  ingman  is  a  man  without  a  country  or  even  that 

Patriotism  °  .,_,..., 

of  the  work-  he  thinks  that  he  is.  Patriotism  is  the  monopoly 
ing  class  ^£  ^^  class :  it  is  the  common  emotion  of  a  com- 
munity with  common  ideals  and  traditions;  and  in  proof 
they  instance  the  spontaneous  loyalty  of  the  working  class 
to  the  flag  in  times  of  national  crises. 

The  term  "socialism "  is  frequently  used  to  designate  ideas 
quite  different  from  and  even  hostile  to  the  revolutionary 
State  so-  working-class  movement  that  goes  by  this  name, 
ciahsm  gy  State  socialism  is  meant  the  interference  of 

the  State  in  the  affairs  of  capital  and  labor  through  regula- 
tion and  through  social  legislation.  Capital  is  regulated 
as  to  investments,  prices,  and  rates;  and  labor,  as  to  hours, 
wages,  and  factory  conditions.  Railway  rate-fixing,  eight- 
hour  and  minimum  wage  laws  are  good  examples  of  state 
socialism.  Another  important  aspect  of  the  latter  is  the 
system  of  social  insurance  inaugurated  by  Bismarck  in 
Germany  and  by  Lloyd  George  in  England.^  The  essential 
idea  of  state  socialism,  as  expounded  by  the  well-known 

1  See  pp.  294  ff;  364  ff- 


REVOLUTIOXARV   LABOR   MO\^iMEXTS        585 

German  economists,  Professors  Wagner  and  SchmoIIer,  is 
to  maintain  the  present  economic  system  intact,  but  to  give 
its  benefits  to  labor  as  well  as  to  capital. 

"Christian  socialist"  is  a  term  used  to  describe  a  type  of 
social  reformer  whose  aim  is  to  apply  the  principles  of 
Christianity  to  our  economic  system,  which  he  Christian 
condemns  as  unchristian  because  of  the  suffer-  socialism 
ing  it  entails  among  the  laboring  classes.  The  Christian 
socialist  is  as  much  opposed  to  the  materialism  and  class 
hatred  of  ]\Iarxism^  as  he  is  to  the  ruthless  competition  and 
laissez  faire  of  individualism.  Some  of  the  Christian  social- 
ists accept  the  ideal  of  the  Cooperative  Commonwealth 
and  agitate  for  its  establishment  through  moral  and  reli- 
gious appeals.  But  most  of  them  are  really  state  socialists; 
for  they  are  opposed  to  a  radical  change  in  the  present  eco- 
nomic system  and  wish  merely  to  see  it  improved  through 
social  legislation.  The  English  writer  and  reformer,  Charles 
Kingsley,  the  French  writer  and  reformer,  Abbe  Lamennais, 
and  the  German  Catholic  Bishop,  Ketteler,  were  prominent 
exponents  of  Christian  socialism  during  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  In  May,  1891,  Pope  Leo  XIII  issued 
a  famous  encyclical,  Reriim  Novarum,  in  which  he  de- 
clared that  the  hostility  between  capital  and  labor  was 
growing  because  of  the  tyranny  and  the  greed  of  employ- 
ers, and  that  the  condition  of  the  lower  classes  must  be 
improved.  But  the  remedy  was  not  socialism,  for  its  prin- 
ciples violate  the  natural  right  to  property  and  incite  to 
class  hatred,  which  is  unchristian.  Harmonious  relations 
between  capital  and  labor  was  the  solution  of  the  social 
problem,  and  he  enjoined  workingmen  to  be  peaceful  and 
loyal  to  their  emplo3-ers  and  the  latter  to  treat  their  men 
as  Christian  freemen  and  not  to  exploit  them  as  slaves. 
This  encyclical  inspired  many  Catholics  to  advocate  poli- 
cies in  favor  of  social  reforms.  The  Center  Party  of  Ger- 
many and  the  Catholic  Party  of  Belgium  have  been  very 
active  in  this  direction.  To  Marxian  socialism  the  Catholic 
Church  has  shown  uncompromising  hostility;  and  in  almost 

1  See  pp.  579  ff. 


586   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

every  country  Catholics  and  socialists  are  bitterly  opposed 
to  each  other. 

(e)   The  Socialist  "  Inter7iational" 

The  beginnings  of  the  great  socialist  international  organi- 
zation were  made  in  1862  on  the  occasion  of  the  London 
The  "  Inter-  International  Exhibition,  when  a  body  of  French 
national"  workingmen  were  entertained  by  their  English 
fellows.  Again,  in  1864,  there  was  held  a  great  meeting 
in  London  of  workers  from  many  countries,  at  which  an 
organization  known  as  the  "International"  was  formed. 
This  body  contained  radicals  of  all  sorts,  English  trade 
unionists,  Polish  and  Italian  nationalists,  German  socialists, 
Russian  nihilists,  and  anarchists.  Its  constitution  was  drawn 
up  by  Marx,  who  committed  the  "International"  to  the 
doctrines  of  socialism,  with  the  result  that  the  moderate  ele- 
ments left  the  body.  Later  the  radicals  split  into  two  violent 
factions,  one  composed  of  socialists  led  by  Marx  and  the 
other  of  anarchists  led  by  Bakunin;^  and  after  a  bitter 
struggle  the  latter  and  his  followers  were  ousted  from  the 
organization  by  Marx.  For  a  time  the  "International"  in- 
spired a  fear  in  Governments  of  Europe  that  it  would  become 
the  rallying-point  for  a  general  uprising  of  the  working  class. 
After  holding  congresses  for  about  ten  years  the  "Inter- 
national" quietly  disbanded  and  gave  place  to  a  new  type 
of  international  association,  one  representative  of  the  so- 
cialist parties  in  every  country.  The  new  socialist  or- 
ganization, in  its  international  congresses,  recognized  the 
nation  as  the  basis  of  representation,  delegates  being  ap- 
portioned according  to  the  size  of  a  country ;  and  even  de- 
pendent nations,  like  Bohemia,  Poland,  Finland,  Canada, 
and  Australia  were  allowed  representation.  The  growth  of 
international  socialism  has  been  phenomenal.  In  1914  it 
polled  about  eleven  million  votes  and  elected  over  seven 
hundred  representatives  to  the  various  parliaments.  The 
socialist  parties  are  efficiently  organized  and  ably  led,  with 
dues-paying  members,  a  well-edited  press,  and  an  enthusi- 

1  See  p.  598. 


REVOLUTIONARY   LABOR  MOVEMENTS        587 

astic  corps  of  volunteer  workers,  who  proclaim  the  gospel  of 
socialism  in  all  places  and  at  all  times. 

It  is  of  interest  to  trace  the  history  of  socialism  in  the 
important  European  countries.  Germany  was  the  home  of 
the  new  movement  in  all  its  phases,  and  the  Ferdinand 
socialists  throughout  the  world  took  their  philo-  Lassalle 
sophy  from  Marx  and  their  methods  and  policies  from  the 
German  Social  Democratic  Party.  The  founder  of  this 
famous  organization  was  Ferdinand  Lassalle  (1825-65), 
the  son  of  a  wealthy  Jewish  merchant  of  Breslau.  Like 
Marx,  Lassalle  was  a  deep  student  of  philosophy  and  his- 
tory and  an  active,  eager  propagandist.  This  intellectual 
agitator  had  received  all  the  advantages  that  wealth  and 
education  could  bestow,  and  he  once  declared,  "Every  line 
that  I  write,  I  do  so  fortified  with  the  whole  culture  of  my 
century."  Possessed  of  a  chivalrous,  romantic  temperament 
as  well  as  of  a  brilliant  mind,  Lassalle  became  the  idol  of 
the  German  working  classes,  whose  cause  he  warmly  cham- 
pioned. His  fascinating  personality  charmed  all  who  came 
in  contact  with  him,  so  that  he  was  a  favorite  even  in  aristo- 
cratic circles.  Bismarck  himself  welcomed  him  as  a  friend, 
and  it  is  believed  that  he  adopted  universal  sufTrage  for 
the  Reichstag  through  Lassalle's  influence. 

In  his  pamphlet.  The  Working  Class  Program,  published 
in  1863,  Lassalle  says  that  history  may  be  divided  into 
three  periods :  (i)  the  period  prior  to  the  French   ,,.    , 

T>  1      •  1-1  1        •  11         11        11    "'s  theories 

Revolution,  which  was  dominated  by  the  landed 
aristocracy;  (2)  that  between  the  French  Revolution  and 
the  Revolution  of  1848,  dominated  by  the  bourgeoisie;  and 
(3)  that  since  the  Revolution  of  1848,  in  which  the  aspira- 
tions of  the  working  class  have  been  the  dominant  feature. 
Under  the  capitalist  system  it  is  impossible  for  the  working- 
men  to  better  their  condition,  as  they  are  subject  to  the 
"iron  law  of  wages"  which  allows  them  merely  enough  to 
live  and  to  reproduce  their  kind.  An  increase  in  wages  is  fol- 
lowed by  an  increase  in  the  number  of  working-class  fami- 
lies; hence  their  standard  of  living  remains  ever  the  same- 
Only  the  interference  of  the  State  can  save  them  from  this 


588      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

evil  and  hopeless  situation.  He  therefore  urged  that  the 
State  advance  money  to  workingmen  to  form  cooperative 
productive  associations,  which  would  eventually  lead  to 
the  public  ownership  of  the  means  of  production.  Lassalle 
declared  that  the  bourgeois  conception  of  the  State  was 
that  of  a  "night  watchman"  whose  function  was  to  guard 
life  and  property ;  but  for  the  working  class  the  State  was 
the  greatest  agency  for  benefiting  mankind  in  every  possible 
way.  As  long  as  the  working  class  was  economically  de- 
pendent it  could  never  be  politically  or  morally  free ;  hence 
socialism  was  the  only  solution:  under  a  socialist  regime 
capital  would  be  the  servant,  not  the  master,  of  labor.  Un- 
like Marx,  Lassalle  was  a  strong  nationalist  and  a  great 
admirer  of  Prussia  as  the  supreme  type  of  a  strongly  or- 
ganized State,  able  to  solve  the  problems  of  the  working 
class  provided  its  direction  was  in  their  hands. 

In  1863  Lassalle  founded  the  General  Workingmen's 
Association,  which  adopted  his  program.  It  failed,  how- 
The"Eise-  ever,  to  attract  many  followers.  Two  years 
and  the  later  Lassalle  was  killed  in  a  duel  over  a  love 

Lassalleans  affair,  which  left  the  organization  in  a  precari- 
ous state.  In  1869  Wilhelm  Liebknecht,  a  radical  journalist, 
and  August  Bebel,  a  wood-turner,  both  converts  to  Marx- 
ism, organized  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party,  which 
met  at  Eisenach  and  adopted  a  Marxian  program.  The 
"  Eisenachers,"  as  the  latter  were  called,  and  the  Lassalleans 
were  for  a  time  rivals  for  the  favor  of  the  German  working 
class;  but  they  united  at  Gotha  in  1875  to  form  the  polit- 
ical party  that  later  became  known  as  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party.  In  the  Reichstag  elections  of  1877  the  Social 
Democrats  received  about  half  a  million  votes  and  won 
twelve  seats. 

Bismarck  became  apprehensive  and  he  determined  to 
stem  the  "red  flood"  by  drastic  measures.  The  struggle 
The  Erfurt  that  followed  between  the  Government  and  the 
Program  socialists  has  already  been  described  elsewhere ;  ^ 
its  outcome  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  distinct  triumph  for 

^  See  pp.  292  ff. 


REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR   MOVEMENTS        589 

the  latter.  In  1891,  soon  after  the  repeal  of  the  anti- 
sociaHst  laws,  a  congress  of  the  Social  Democrats  was 
held  at  Erfurt.  It  revised  the  Gotha  Program  which  ad- 
vocated the  ideas  of  both  Marx  and  Lassalle,  and  adopted 
one  that  was  purely  Marxian.  This  Erfurt  Program  later 
became  the  model  for  the  socialist  parties  in  all  countries. 
Its  maximum  demands  were  the  abolition  of  private  capi- 
tal and  the  establishment  of  the  Cooperative  Common- 
wealth; but  it  included  minimum  demands,  or  immediate 
reforms,  the  most  important  of  which  were  woman  suf- 
frage, equal,  direct,  and  secret  suffrage  for  all  legislatures, 
proportional  representation,  the  substitution  of  a  popular 
militia  for  the  standing  army,  full  freedom  of  speech  and  as- 
sembly, civil  equality  of  men  and  women,  separation  of 
Church  and  State,  free  secular  education,  heavy  income 
and  inheritance  taxes,  a  universal  eight-hour  work-day, 
and  factory  reforms. 

The  growth  of  German  socialism  has  been  phenomenal, 
as  nearly  every  election  has  seen  a  large  increase  in  its  vote.^ 
The  socialist  leader,  Bebel,  a  self-educated  work-  pg^(,gf^j 
ingman,  developed  marked  ability  as  a  parliamen-  methods  of 
tary  orator  and  tactician.    He  was  a  man  of  high 
ideals  and  inflexible  character,  greatly  admired  by  his  op- 
ponents as  well  as  by  his  devoted  followers.   Large  numbers 
of   progressives  among  the  middle  classes,  disgusted  with 
the  timorous  attitude  of  the  Liberal  parties  toward  politi- 

*  The  following  table  shows  in  round  numbers  the  Socialist  vote  for  the 
Reichstag:  — 

Votes  Seats 

1871 124,500  2 

1874 352,000  10 

1877 493.000  13 

1878 437,000  9 

1881 312,000  13 

1884 550,000  24 

1887 763,000  II 

1890 1,427,000  35 

1893 1,787,000  44 

1898 2,107,000  56 

1903 3,01 1 ,000  81 

1907 3,260,000  43 

1912 4,250,000  1 10 


590      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

cal  reform,  began  to  vote  "red"  as  a  protest  against  autoc- 
racy and  militarism  in  Germany,  thus  swelling  the  ranks 
of  the  Social  Democrats.  To  fight  "with  intellectual  weap- 
ons" only  and  to  discountenance  violence  of  all  kinds 
was  the  policy  of  the  party  from  its  birth,  because  it 
felt  certain  of  dominating  the  Reichstag  in  the  course  of 
time. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  a  new  ten- 
dency in  German  socialism  known  as  "revisionism"  ap- 
" Revision-  peared  which  attracted  considerable  attention. 
^^"^  Its  spokesman  was  Eduard  Bernstein,  a  socialist 

journalist,  whose  writings  roused  a  storm  of  opposition 
which  threatened  to  divide  the  party.  Bernstein  boldly  de- 
clared that  not  all  of  Marx's  prophecies  had  been  fulfilled : 
the  rich  were  not  growing  richer  and  the  poor,  poorer;  the 
middle  class  was  not  disappearing,  but  increasing;  the 
consolidation  of  industry  did  not  mean  the  consolidation  of 
wealth,  because  of  the  larger  number  of  small  shareholders; 
and  peasant  proprietorship  was  increasing.  Hence  the 
time  had  come  to  "revise"  Marxian  theories  and  tactics. 
The  "revisionists"  fully  accepted  socialism  as  an  ultimate 
goal,  but  they  urged  that  the  Social  Democrats  work  "less 
for  the  better  future  and  more  for  the  better  present"  by 
cooperating  with  the  progressive  forces  in  German  political 
life.  They  declared  that  the  mass  of  workingmen  were  un- 
willing to  wait  "until  some  fine  day  when  the  roast  pigeons 
of  the  socialist  revolution  would  fly  into  their  mouths," 
but  desired  immediate  reforms.  The  leadership  of  the  party 
was,  however,  in  the  hands  of  the  "orthodox"  socialists, 
who  stood  hard  and  fast  by  Marxism  and  who  empha- 
sized the  revolutionary  aspects  of  socialism  by  holding 
aloof  from  all  other  parties.  They  declared  that  reforms 
were  "bribes"  offered  by  the  Government  to  the  workers  in 
order  to  quiet  their  demands  for  fundamental  changes; 
that  agitation  and  criticism  were  the  only  legitimate  activ- 
ities of  socialists  in  a  capitalistic  society;  and  that  the 
only  function  of  their  representatives  in  Parliament  was 
"to  speak  through  its  windows"  to  the  masses  without. 


REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR  MOVEMENTS        591 

These  two  opposing  views  did  not  lead  to  a  split  in  the 
party,  but  to  efforts  of  each  faction  to  control  its  policies. 

The  growth  of  socialism  in  France  was  seriously  retarded 
by  the  Commune.  Its  ideas  and  methods  were  discredited 
and  its  leaders  imprisoned  and  exiled  as  a  result  Socialism  in 
of  the  bloody  uprising  of  1871.  Soon  after  the  ^^^^^^ 
exiled  communists  w^re  permitted  to  return,  a  vigorous 
socialist  agitation  was  begun  among  the  French  working 
classes.  One  of  the  returned  exiles  was  Jules  Guesde, 
who  had  spent  several  years  in  Germany  and  who  came 
back  filled  with  admiration  for  the  theoretical  system  of 
Marx  and  for  the  unity  and  discipline  of  the  German  So- 
cial Democrats.  He  devoted  himself  tirelessly  to  trying  to 
induce  the  French  workingmen  to  follow  the  German  model, 
but  they  showed  a  temperamental  distaste  for  the  rigor  of 
Marxism  as  well  as  for  the  discipline  of  the  Social  Demo- 
crats. A  number  of  socialist  factions  appeared  in  the  early 
eighties,  each  with  its  own  views  and  methods,  the  Guesdists, 
the  Broussists,  and  the  Allemanists,  so  called  after  their 
leaders,  Guesde,  Brousse,  and  Allemane.  In  1893  a  group 
calling  itself  the  "Independent  Socialists"  was  organized 
by  Jaures  and  Millerand,  anti-Marxians,  who  believed  in 
progressive  socialization  of  the  means  of  production.  In 
general,  the  French  socialists  were  of  two  kinds:  Marxians, 
who  closely  followed  their  German  master,  and  "possibil- 
ists,"  or  "reformists,"  who  favored  the  more  moderate  pol- 
icy of  progressive  social  reform  with  socialism  as  the  ulti- 
mate aim.  In  spite  of  these  divisions,  the  Socialists  polled 
about  half  a  million  votes  in  the  elections  of  1893  and  elected 
forty  members  to  the  Chamber. 

Two  dominating  personalities  came  to  the  fore  as  leaders 

of  French  socialism,   Guesde  and  Jaures.      Jules  Guesde 

(1845-  ),  a  rigid  adherent  of  the  principles  and  ^     ^ 

1      1         r    tT/t  r  1 1  .         1    Guesde 

methods   01    Marx,   was   profoundly   convinced 

that  the  world  was  predestined  to  socialism.    He  therefore 

would  not  tolerate  any  modification  of  its  plan  of  social 

salvation.    "No  compromise  with  the  bourgeois  State  and 

no  alliance  with  bourgeois  parties,"  was  his  policy.   The 


592      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

proletariat  must  agitate  till  it  gains  control ;  then  a  socialist 
national  assembly  will  abolish  capitalism  in  the  same  man- 
ner in  which  feudalism  was  abolished  in  1789. 

A  far  different  type  was  Jean  Jaures  (1859-1914),  who 

gained  world  renown  as  the  greatest  orator  of  his  day. 

Jaures  began  his  career  as  a  professor  of  phil- 

Jaures  ''         .  %.  ,  ,  ,.   .  -  ^ 

osophy.  Later  he  entered  politics,  first  as  a 
radical  Republican,  then  as  a  Socialist.  Because  of  his  emi- 
nence as  an  orator,  scholar,  and  parliamentary  tactician, 
he  came  to  be  known  as  the  world's  leading  Socialist.  Un- 
like Guesde,  Jaures  was  an  opportunist,  for  he  favored 
the  peaceful  penetration  of  democracy  by  socialism  "until 
the  proletarian  and  socialist  State  shall  have  replaced  the 
oligarchic  and  bourgeois  State."  He  therefore  advised  his 
followers  to  join  the  Radicals  in  the  Chamber  in  their 
war  upon  the  royalists  and  clericals  and  in  their  efforts  to 
better  the  conditions  of  the  lower  classes  through  social 
legislation. 

The  Dreyfus  Affair  brought  further  division  into  the 
ranks  of  French  socialism.  Guesde  and  Jaures  differed 
The  Dreyfus  violently  as  to  what  attitude  the  Socialists 
Affair  should  take  toward  the  Affair.    The  former  be- 

lieved that  they  should  remain  neutral,  but  the  latter  took 
the  side  of  Dreyfus  with  passionate  ardor,  and  played  an 
important  part  in  the  celebrated  case  and  in  the  events  that 
followed.  When  the  Cabinet  of  Republican  Defense  was 
organized  by  Waldeck-Rousseau,  the  Socialist,  Alexandre 
Millerand,  was  made  a  minister  with  the  consent  of  Jaures. 
This  roused  the  bitter  opposition  of  Guesde  and  his  fol- 
lowers, who  denounced  Millerand  as  a  "hostage"  held  by 
a  bourgeois  Government  for  the  good  behavior  of  the  So- 
cialists. At  the  international  socialist  congress  at  Amster- 
dam, in  1904,  Guesde  introduced  a  resolution  to  the  effect 
that  no  bona-fide  socialist  should  be  permitted  to  hold 
office  in  a  bourgeois  cabinet.  This  resolution  led  to  a  notable 
debate  between  Bebel,  representing  the  "orthodox"  wing, 
and  Jaures,  the  "reformist."  The  Congress  supported  the 
former  and  recommended  that  the  various  French  factions 


REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR  MOVEMENTS        593 

unite  in  one  party  with  a  common  policy.  Jaures  accepted 
the  decision,  and  there  was  formed  the  Unified  Sociahst 
Party  of  France  which,  in  subsequent  elections,  made  large 
gains  both  in  seats  and  in  votes.  ^ 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  England  is  the  classic  land  of 
capitalism,  the  growth  of  socialism  in  that  country  has  been 
very  slow.  English  workingmen  have  generally  Socialism 
looked  to  the  Liberals  for  political  reform  and  to  '"  England 
their  trade  unions  for  economic  betterment.  The  pioneers  of 
English  socialism  were  Henry  M.  Hyndman  and  the  poet, 
William  Morris,  who,  in  1880,  organized  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Federation  on  strictly  Marxian  principles.  But  this 
body  failed  to  make  much  headway  among  the  working 
classes,  and  a  new  organization,  called  the  "Independent 
Labor  Party,"  was  formed  in  1893  by  Keir  Hardie,  a  popu- 
lar trade  unionist.  The  "I.L.P."  favored  socialism  as  the 
ultimate  goal,  but  it  was  "reformist"  inasmuch  as  it  re- 
jected ^Marxism.  Some  years  previously  (1883),  there  was 
organized  the  famous  Fabian  Society,  to  which  were  at- 
tracted some  of  the  intellectual  elite  of  England,  George 
Bernard  Shaw,  H.  G.  Wells,  Sidney  Ollivier,  and  Sidney 
and  Beatrice  W^ebb.  The  Fabians  were  socialists  in  prin- 
ciple, like  the  Marxians  and  the  "reformists,"  but  they 
differed  from  both  in  refusing  to  commit  themselves  to  any 
party;  to  them  socialism  was  a  principle  of  social  action, 
not  a  formula  or  party  platform.  They  proposed  to  follow 
a  "Fabian"  policy, ^  and  sought  to  influence  all  parties  and 
all  sections  of  opinion  in  favor  of  social  reforms.  This 
group  of  brilliant  intellectuals  carried  on  a  ceaseless  agita- 
tion and  succeeded  in  converting  the  Liberal  Party  from 
its  historic  policy  of  laissez  faire  to  state  socialism.    These 

^  The  following  table  shows  the  growth  of  the  party:  — 

Votes  Seats 

1906 878,000        54 

1910 1,125,000        76 

1914 1,500,000       102 

^  The  name  of  the  society  was  taken  from  the  famous  Roman  general, 
Fabius  the  Delayer,  whose  tactics  against  the  Carthaginians  was  not  to  en- 
gage them  in  a  decisive  battle,  but  to  wear  them  out  by  many  attacks. 


594      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

several  socialistic  groups  joined  with  the  trade  unions  in 
1906  to  form  the  Labor  Party  ^  which,  for  the  time  being, 
refused  to  commit  itself  to  the  doctrines  of  socialism.  It 
contented  itself  with  demanding  labor  reforms  and  supported 
the  Liberal  Government  to  obtain  them.  The  Labor  Party 
although  composed  in  the  main  of  conservative  trade 
unionists,  was  led  by  Socialists,  Keir  Hardie,  J.  Ramsay 
MacDonald,  and  Philip  Snowden.  In  1914  it  adopted  a 
resolution  in  favor  of  the  collective  ownership  of  capital 
and  land;  but  this  resolution  was  merely  nominal,  for  its 
tactics  remained  unchanged.  ^ 

Austrian  socialism  took  its  doctrines  and  methods  from 
Germany.  Owing  to  the  racial  divisions  and  to  a  restricted 
Austrian  suffrage,  it  was  not  till  1901  that  a  Socialist 
socialism  Party  appeared  in  Austrian  politics.  When  uni- 
versal suffrage  was  granted  in  1907  the  Socialists  scored 
their  first  important  success  by  polling  over  a  million  votes 
and  by  electing  more  than  eighty  members  to  the  Reichsrat. 
Racial  differences,  however,  divided  the  Socialists  into  na- 
tional groups,  Bohemian,  German,  Polish,  and  Slavonian, 
so  that  their  progress  has  been  slow.  Socialism  in  Hungary 
is  still  in  its  protesting  stage,  as  Hungary  does  not  yet  have 
a  system  of  universal  suffrage  and,  like  Austria,  is  rent  by 
racial  antagonisms. 

In  Italy  there  took  place  a  long  struggle  between  the 
socialists  and  anarchists,  each  trying  to  commit  the  work- 
Italian  so-  ing  class  to  their  doctrines.  A  Workingmen's 
ciahsm  Party  composed  of  both  these  elements  was  or- 

ganized in  1885;  later  the  anarchists  were  expelled  and  the 
party  was  reorganized  on  a  socialist  basis.  Many  middle- 
class  intellectuals,  the  best  known  of  whom  were  Professors 
Ferri  and  Labriola,  joined  the  Socialists  and  became  their 
leaders.  Italian  Socialists,  like  those  in  France,  were  di- 
vided by  the  rivalries  of  the  Marxians  and  the  "reformists" ; 

1  See  p.  347. 

2  In  191 8  the  Labor  Party  adopted  an  important  change  in  its  constitu- 
tion. All  workers  "  by  hand  or  brain  "  were  invited  to  join  its  ranks;  hitherto, 
only  members  of  trade  unions  and  socialist  societies  were  eligible  to  member- 
ship in  the  Labor  Party. 


REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR  MOVEMENTS        595 

however,  a  congress,  held  in  1906,  decided  in  favor  of  the 
latter,  and  the  two  factions,  for  a  time,  healed  their  differ- 
ences. But  the  Tripolitan  War,  supported  by  some  mem- 
bers and  opposed  by  others,  once  more  rent  the  party  in 
twain.  In  spite  of  this  division  and  in  spite  of  the  strong 
rivalry  of  syndicalism,  Italian  socialism  attracted  so  con- 
siderable a  following  that  in  the  elections  of  1 913  it  polled 
about  a  million  votes  and  captured  seventy  seats.  ^ 

Though  socialists  differed  radically  in  their  views  of  many 
matters,  there  was  one  article  in  their  creed  upon  which 
they  were  in  complete  unanimity,  and  that  Opposition 
was  hostility  to  militarism.  They  everywhere  tomiikar-^ 
consistently  opposed  standing  armies  and  they  ism 
regularly  voted  against  military  budgets.  In  Germany  the 
socialists  had  stubbornly  fought  against  the  influence  of 
the  army  in  the  Government.  In  France,  they  had  gone 
to  the  length  of  launching  an  anti-militaristic  crusade 
which  seriously  threatened  the  morale  of  the  French  army. 
Jaures  flouted  the  revanche  and  sought  to  establish  good 
relations  between  his  country  and  Germany.  Nevertheless, 
socialists  believed  in  defending  their  country  against  in- 
vasion. Bebel  himself  had  once  declared  that  German  so- 
cialists would  fight  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  the  bourgeoisie 
were  Germany  invaded  by  Russia,  "a  barbarian  who  is 
the  greatest  enemy  of  our  [socialist]  aspirations."  Jaures, 
too,  believed  that  aggression  should  be  fought,  and  he  de- 
clared that  the  nation  who  refused  to  submit  its  case  to 
arbitration  was  to  be  considered  the  aggressor. 

What  socialists  should  do  in  case  of  a  European  conflict 
was  frequently  discussed  at  their  international  meetings. 
At  the  Congress  of  Stuttgart,  in  1907,  the  French  Socialists 
delegates  proposed  that  a  general  strike  of  all  ^""^  ^^^ 
labor  should  be  called  in  case  of  a  general  war.  But  the 
German  delegates  succeeded  in  defeating  this  resolution 
and  in  carrying  one  which  declared  that,  should  a  war 
threaten,  socialists  should  vigorously  oppose  it;  but  should 
it  come  nevertheless,  they  should  then  strive  to  bring  about 

^  The  progress  of  socialism  in  Russia  has  already  been  described  on  pp.  557  flf. 


596      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

an  early  peace.  At  the  Congress  of  Copenhagen,  in  1910, 
another  resolution  favoring  a  general  strike  in  case  of  war 
was  introduced.  But  the  German  delegates  succeeded  in 
postponing  action  on  it  to  the  next  congress.^  When  the 
military  budget  of  191 3  came  before  the  Reichstag,^  the 
Social  Democrats  astonished  every  one  by  voting  for  it.  As 
this  action  was  unprecedented,  they  apologetically  declared 
that  it  was  because  the  burden  of  expense  would  fall  on 
the  wealthy  classes  through  the  new  income  and  property 
taxes  provided  in  the  law.  The  French  Socialists,  on  the 
contrary,  led  the  opposition  to  the  Three  Years'  Military 
Law,^  and  Jaures  was  roundly  denounced  as  an  enemy  of 
his  country  by  those  who  advocated  that  measure. 

During  the  anxious  days  between  July  28  and  August  4, 
1914,  when  war  clouds  were  rapidly  gathering,  the  socialists 
Socialists  in  all  Countries  organized  peace  demonstrations, 
their  Gov-  On  July  30  Jaures  made  a  stirring  address  at 
th^'w^^fd '^  a  great  mass  meeting  in  Brussels  in  which  he 
War  warned    the    Governments    of    Europe    against 

plunging  the  world  into  a  general  conflict  and  threatened 
them  with  a  general  strike.  Shortly  afterwards  he  was  assas- 
sinated in  Paris  by  a  man  who  regarded  him  as  a  traitor. 
When  Germany  declared  war,  all  eyes  were  turned  toward 
the  Social  Democrats  in  the  Reichstag.  To  the  amazement 
of  the  world  the  socialist  delegation  supported  the  Govern- 
ment and  unanimously  voted  for  the  war  credits.  Their 
defense  was  that  as  Germany  was  being  invaded  by  the 
Russians,  it  was  their  duty  to  defend  the  Fatherland.^ 
The  Austrian  socialists  followed  their  example.  There  was 
now  no  alternative  for  the  socialists  in  the  Allied  countries 
but  to  do  likewise.  The  French  socialists  thereupon  voted 
for  the  war  credits,  and  Guesde,  the  lifelong  opponent  of 

^  The  Congress  of  Copenhagen  was  the  last  international  congress  held  by 
the  socialists. 

2  See  p.  321.  3  See  p.  272. 

^  The  only  Socialist  in  the  Reichstag  who  from  the  first  opposed  the  German 
Government's  war  policy  was  Karl  Liebknecht,  the  son  of  Wilhelm  Liebknecht, 
for  which  he  was  expelled  from  his  party.  As  the  war  progressed  a  group  of 
about  twenty  socialist  members  of  the  Reichstag  seceded  from  their  party 
and  organized  a  minority  socialist  group  to  oppose  the  war. 


REVOLUTIONARY   LABOR   MOVEMENTS        597 

compromise  with  the  "bourgeois  State,"  himself  went  into 
the  Cabinet.  The  English  Labor  Party,  with  the  exception 
of  the  "LL.P."  faction,  voted  for  the  war.  And  so  the 
great  labor  international,  which  for  two  generations  had 
preached  the  solidarity  of  the  working  classes  of  all  coun- 
tries, went  down  to  destruction  in  the  general  conflagration. 

Anarchism 

Almost  from  its  beginning  socialism  encountered  the 
hostility  of  a  group  of  revolutionists  calling  themselves 
anarchists.  Repudiation  of  authority  in  what-  Principles  of 
ever  form,  state,  church,  or  family,  is  the  es-  ^"^rchy 
sence  of  anarchy;  and  to  substitute  the  principle  of  free- 
dom for  that  of  authority  in  all  relations  of  life  is  its  chief 
object.  "The  liberty  of  man,"  declares  Bakunin,  "consists 
solely  in  this,  that  he  obey  the  laws  of  nature  because 
he  himself  has  recognized  them  as  such  and  not  because 
they  have  been  imposed  upon  him  externally  by  a  foreign 
will,  human  or  divine,  collective  or  individual."  Any  in- 
terference with  an  individual  is  resented  as  an  "invasion" 
of  his  personality.  All  of  life's  activities  are  to  be  carried 
on  by  free  associations  that  combine  and  dissolve  at  will. 
Cooperative  productive  associations,«in  which  the  product 
is  shared  among  the  laborers,  are  to  supersede  the  present 
capitalist  system;  mutual  protective  associations,  the  State; 
and  free  love,  marriage.  The  State,  as  the  embodiment 
of  the  highest  authority,  is,  according  to  anarchists,  the 
arch-enemy  of  freedom;  it  must  therefore  be  destroyed, 
the  democratic  ones  no  less  than  the  autocratic,  because 
"all  government  of  man  by  man,  under  whatever  name  it 
may  disguise  itself,  is  tyranny."  Inasmuch  as  anarchy  is  the 
extreme  of  individualism,  and  socialism  is  the  extreme  of 
collectivism,  these  two  movements  have  been  constantly  at 
war  with  each  other. 

The  father  of  modern  anarchy  was  the  Frenchman,  Pierre 
Joseph    Proudhon    (1809-65),    a    self-educated 
man  who  developed  remarkable  gifts  as  a  con- 
troversial writer.    Proudhon  wrote  many  pamphlets.    One, 


598      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

The  Philosophy  of  Poverty,  so  roused  the  Ire  of  Marx  that 
he  attacked  him  in  a  pamphlet,  The  Poverty  of  Philosophy. 
In  1840  appeared  Proudhon's  best  known  work,  What  is 
Property?  To  this  question  his  answer  was,  "Property  is 
theft";  for  it  reaps  without  sowing  and  consumes  without 
producing,  thereby  enabHng  its  possessor  to  rob  other 
men  of  the  fruits  of  their  toil.  The  term  "anarchy"  was 
invented  by  Proudhon,  who  used  it  to  designate  a  system  of 
society  in  which  the  State  would  be  non-existent,  and  all 
activities,  political,  economic,  and  social,  would  be  carried 
on  by  free  associations. 

Proudhon  was  a  philosopher  and  humanitarian  and  op- 
posed to  violence,  for  he  believed  strongly  that  social 
changes  could  be  brought  about  through  the 
power  of  ideas.  A  wholly  different  school  of 
anarchists  appeared,  who  advocated  the  "propaganda  of 
deed,"  or  the  establishment  of  anarchy  through  acts  of 
violence.  The  assassination  of  rulers  was  the  favorite 
method  of  this  group  of  anarchists  in  their  war  against  the 
State;  and  several  well-known  rulers,  King  Humbert  of 
Italy,  Empress  Elizabeth  of  Austria,  President  Carnot  of 
France,  and  President  McKinley  of  the  United  States,  met 
death  at  their  hands.  'The  father  of  anarchist  terrorism  was 
Michael  Bakunin  (1814-76),  who  was  described  as  "the 
apostle  of  universal  destruction."  Bakunin  came  of  an 
aristocratic  Russian  family,  but  he  was  attracted  to  the 
revolutionary  movement  in  Russia  and  was  recognized  as 
a  leader  among  the  terrorists.^  He  was  possessed  of  the 
idea  that  the  State  was  now  an  anachronism  and  that  the 
simplest  way  to  destroy  it  was  to  destroy  its  chiefs.  He 
became  a  wandering  conspirator,  hatching  plots  and  fer- 
menting disorder  in  many  lands.  A  large  part  of  his  life 
was  spent  in  prison  and  in  exile. 

Anarchism  was  not  a  labor  propaganda  and  it  did  not  at 
any  time  attract  considerable  numbers  of  workingmen;  it 
was  primarily  a  philosophy  of  life  appealing  to  individuals  of 
all  classes ;  hence  it  has  had  slight  influence  as  a  movement. 

1  See  p.  518- 


REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR  MOVEMENTS        599 

Syndicalism 

The  most  trenchant  criticism  of  socialism  came  from  an 
unexpected  quarter,  the  radical  vvorkingmen.  What  had 
drawn  milHons  of  workers  to  the  standard  of  Growth  of 
socialism  was  that  it  offered  them  a  definite  ^^olT'^"^ 
plan  of  emancipation  and  clearly  indicated  ways  Socialists 
of  realizing  it.  The  socialist  argument  ran  as  follows: 
Let  the  workingmen  keep  on  voting  for  socialist  candi- 
dates; and,  as  the  laboring  masses  constitute  the  ma- 
jority of  the  nation,  in  time  the  socialist  representatives 
will  control  parliaments  and  enact  laws  expropriating  the 
capitalists.  Society  will  thus  pass  from  capitalism  to  so- 
cialism. The  Socialist  vote  did  grow  apace;  and  the  Social- 
ist parties  became  so  strong  that  their  assistance  was 
sought  by  the  other  parties  and  their  leaders  were  even 
made  Ministers  of  State.  Face  to  face  with  practical  prob- 
lems, they  tended  to  become  moderate  in  their  views  and 
methods;  their  old  revolutionary  fervor  abated,  and  the 
great  day  of  emancipation  was  put  off  or  forgotten.  The 
success  of  the  Socialists  attracted  to  their  ranks  aspiring 
young  men  of  the  middle  class  to  whom  socialism  offered 
a  political  career,  so  that  almost  the  entire  leadership  of 
the  Socialist  parties  was  in  the  hands  of  men  whose  families 
and  traditions  were  bourgeois. 

This  led  to  uneasiness  among  the  workingmen,  who 
charged  the  Socialist  parties  with  being  more  eager  to  win 
elections  than  to  win  emancipation  for  the  pro-  ^  .  .  .       . 

.  .     ,  '^  ^  Criticism  01 

letanat.  Socialist  leaders  were  denounced  as  Socialist 
parliamentary  politicians  who  preferred  their  P^"^^ 
own  and  their  party's  welfare  to  that  of  the  working  class. 
There  was  also  a  growing  conviction  that  the  working  class 
could  never  hope  to  control  the  political  machinery,  because 
they  were  actually  outnumbered  by  the  propertied  ele- 
ments, the  middle  classes  and  the  peasant  proprietors.  Was 
then  the  work  of  Marx  all  vain? 

A  new  movement,  known  as  "syndicalism,"^  appeared 

^  From  the  French  word,  syndicat,  a  trade  union. 


6oo     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

in  France  and  spread  rapidly  among  the  working  classes 
^  .^.  .       ,    in  Europe  and  in  America.     Syndicalism  sub- 

Lnticism  of  .  '^  _       ,    -^ 

parliamen-  scribes  fully  to  the  socialist  indictment  of  present 
ary  action  society  and  to  socialist  philosophy ;  but  its  prac- 
tical program  and  future  goal  are  very  different  from  those 
of  socialism.  According  to  the  syndicalists  the  dependence 
on  parliamentary  action  is  the  great  error  of  socialists. 
Parliaments,  they  contend,  can  never  be  the  means  of 
emancipating  the  working  class,  for  they  are  essentially 
bourgeois  institutions  created  by  them  in  their  struggle 
against  the  landed  aristocracy  represented  by  absolute  mon- 
archy. Hence  the  political  activity  of  the  working  class  is 
a  waste  of  time  and  energy ;  it  moreover  dulls  their  revolu- 
tionary ardor,  because  the  class  struggle  is  frittered  away  in 
fruitless  party  strife.  The  few  reforms  passed  by  parliaments 
in  the  interest  of  labor  are  nullified  in  effect  by  hostile  or 
corrupt  officials  and  judges.  Real  reforms  can  be  extracted 
in  one  way  only,  directly  by  the  workingmen  from  the 
capitalists,  not  indirectly  through  acts  of  parliament. 
"Direct  action"  is,  therefore,  the  only  logical  policy  of  the 
proletariat,  and  they  should  eschew  politics  and  give  their 
whole  time  and  energy  to  the  struggle  in  the  economic  field, 
the  real  battleground  of  capital  and  labor. 

The  only  pure  working-class  institution,  created  by  them 
and  for  them  alone,  is  the  trade  union,  and  the  only  true 
Industrial  working-class  weapon  is  the  strike;  on  these  alone 
unionism  rnust  the  workingmen  depend  for  their  "inte- 
gral emancipation,"  declare  the  syndicalists.  Hitherto  the 
trade  union  has  been  weak  and  inefficient,  because  its  poten- 
tialities were  not  realized.  Once  its  scope  is  broadened  by 
larger  organization  and  its  significance  deepened  by  a  revo- 
lutionary philosophy,  this  much  despised  working-class  in- 
stitution will  become  a  most  powerful  organ  in  the  hands 
of  the  proletariat.  The  unions  are,  therefore,  to  be  reorgan- 
ized on  an  industrial  basis;  small  craft  unions  within  an 
industry  are  to  amalgamate  into  one  big  industrial  union, 
comprising  both  skilled  and  unskilled  workers.  For  example, 
the   carpenters,   iron-workers,   steam-fitters,  painters,    and 


REVOLUTIONARY  LABOR  MOVEMENTS        6oi 

others  employed  in  the  building  trades  should  form  one 
union  having  a  common  policy  and  a  common  direction. 
A  strike  is  to  be  general,  that  is,  of  all  the  workers  in  the 
industry.  Should  any  one  group  of  workers  have  a  griev- 
ance, the  entire  trade  is  to  support  it  in  a  general  strike. 
For  example,  should  the  carpenters  have  a  grievance,  a  strike 
should  take  place  not  of  the  carpenters  only,  but  of  all  those 
employed  in  the  building  trades.  An  industrial  union  will 
emphasize  class  solidarity  more  than  does  the  craft  union, 
which  is  merely  a  labor  corporation;  and  a  general  strike 
will  give  the  workingman  a  vivid  sense  of  the  class  war, 
which  is  all  important  in  syndicalist  methods.  Laborers 
should  make  no  contracts  or  agreements  with  their  employ- 
ers, but  at  every  opportunity  they  should  strike;  for  the 
war  between  capital  and  labor  is  unceasing  and  ruthless. 
Strikes,  whether  they  achieve  their  immediate  end  or  not, 
are  never  lost ;  for  they  keep  alive  the  revolutionary  spirit 
of  the  working  class  and  so  prepare  it  for  the  day  when 
all  labor  will  rise  to  take  possession  of  the  means  of  pro- 
duction. War  against  capitalism  is  to  go  on  even  when  the 
laborers  are  at  work  by  means  of  sabotage,^  by  which  is 
meant  the  impeding  of  the  process  of  production  in  all  pos- 
sible ways:  by  breaking  machinery,  by  spoiling  materials, 
by  deliberately  making  errors,  and  by  working  in  a  dila- 
tory fashion.  "Poor  work  for  poor  pay,"  is  the  syndicalist 
alternative  to  a  strike. 

If  the  methods  of  the  syndicalists  are  concrete,  their  aims 
are  vague.  They  preach  what  is  called  the  "social  myth" 
of  a  universal  strike  of  all  labor,  "a  revolution  The  "so- 
with  folded  arms,"  when  the  capitalists  will  be  cialmyth" 
rendered  powerless  and  the  laborers  will  take  over  the  fac- 
tories, mines,  and  railways,  and  work  them  on  a  cooperative 
basis.  The  industrial  union,  now  "a  group  of  resistance," 
will  in  the  future  be  "a  group  of  production  and  distri- 
bution."   It  will  form  the  "cell"  of  future  society,  and  a 

1  The  term  comes  from  the  French  word  sabot,  a  wooden  shoe  commonly 
worn  by  French  workingmen.  It  is  related  that  once  when  a  strike  was  declared 
in  a  French  factory,  the  laborers  threw  their  sabots  into  the  machinery,  thereby 
ruining  it. 


6o2     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

general  federation  of  industrial  unions  will  supersede  the 
State.  In  theory,  syndicalists  are  as  bitterly  hostile  to  the 
State  as  are  anarchists;  but  their  violence  does  not  take 
the  form  of  assassinating  kings  and  presidents.  They  de- 
clare that  they  prefer  to  wage  war  "directly"  on  the  cap- 
italists themselves,  rather  than  on  their  agents  in  the  Gov- 
ernment ;  their  violence  is  therefore  entirely  in  the  economic 
field.  Violent  methods  cannot  be  dissociated  from  this  new 
gospel.  The  syndicalists  believe  that,  just  because  the 
working  class  is  in  a  minority,  their  emancipation  can  be 
brought  about  through  violent  revolution  only.  The  su- 
preme need  is  for  effective  and  daring  leadership  by  a  group 
of  revolutionary  workingmen,  the  conscious  "minority  of  a 
minority. "  Under  such  leadership  the  mass  of  laborers,  the 
"human  zeros,"  will  succeed  in  gaining  their  emancipation. 
Syndicalism  had  its  origin  in  France  among  obscure  work- 
ingmen.^ Its  ideas  found  coherent  expression  for  the  first 
time  in  Reflexions  siir  la  Violence  (1909),  by 
Georges  Sorel,  a  philosophical  writer  living  in 
Paris.  Sorel  declared  that  Marx  had  a  thorough  under- 
standing of  capital,  but  that  he  failed  to  grasp  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  labor  movement ;  for  that  reason  socialists  have 
generally  been  contemptuous  of,  if  not  hostile  to,  trade 
unions.  The  working  class  is  the  only  class  that  has  not  yet 
fulfilled  its  historic  mission;  it  must,  therefore,  be  aroused 
by  a  sublime  ideal  and  must  strive  to  attain  it  regardless  of 
criticism  by  democrats  and  socialists.  The  former  once  had 
a  great  mission,  but  they  have  degenerated  into  office-seekers 
and  charlatans;  and  the  latter,  being  under  the  influence 
of  bourgeois  ideals  and  methods,  are  not  and  can  never  be 
the  true  leaders  of  the  working  class. 

1  See  p.  268. 


CHAPTER    XXV 

THE  WOMAN'S  MOVEMENT 
Position  of  Woman  in  Society 

The  nineteenth  century  witnessed  the  rise  of  a  move- 
ment among  women  that  was  universally  regarded  as  strange 
and  fantastic.  This  movement,  known  as  "feminism," 
aroused  not  so  much  hostility  as  ridicule;  and  it  was  a 
long  time  before  its  claims  received  serious  attention.  Al- 
though distinctly  revolutionary,  feminism  was  not  feared 
for  the  reason  that  women  could  not,  like  the  workingmen, 
threaten  the  existing  order  by  an  armed  uprising.  Neverthe- 
less, in  spite  of  general  hostility,  contempt,  and  ridicule, 
feminism  has  in  recent  years  made  surprising  advances  both 
as  a  philosophy  and  as  a  program  of  action ;  and  it  is,  there- 
fore, necessary  to  describe  its  ideas  and  history. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  position 
of  womankind  was  not  very  different  from  what  It  had  been 
for  centuries.      Women,   being  universally  re-  inferior 
garded  as  the  Inferior  sex,  "the  weaker  vessels,"  position  of 

.  1     •    1  •  1  •  women 

were  not  given  equal  rights  with  men  in  govern- 
ment or  equal  opportunities  with  them  In  society.  Their 
only  function  was  the  bearing  and  rearing  of  children,  and 
their  only  occupation,  housekeeping.  Women  led  private 
lives,  secluded  and  sheltered  In  their  homes  and  busied 
with  their  household  duties.  They  played  no  part  In  the 
public  life  of  the  world,  In  government,  Industry,  educa- 
tion, or  religion,  spheres  of  Interests  preempted  by  men  in  a 
"man's  world."  Should  a  woman  venture  to  express  her 
opinion  on  general  affairs.  It  was  received  with  contempt 
as  foolish  and  childish;  her  sphere  was  the  home.  "Women 
are  only  children  of  a  larger  growth,"  said  Lord  Chester- 
field, the  first  gentleman  of  his  age;  "a  man  of  sense  only 
trifles  with  them,  plays  with  them,  humors  and  flatters  them 
as  he  does  with  a  sprightly,  forward  child."    In  the  State 


6o4     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

women  were  non-existent  even  in  the  days  of  property  suf- 
frage, for  they  were  excluded  from  voting  whether  they 
possessed  property  or  not.  In  the  Church  they  were  wel- 
comed as  communicants  but  excluded  from  the  ministry; 
neither  Catholics  nor  most  Protestants  permitted  them  to 
be  ordained.^  In  commerce  and  industry  women  had  no 
share,  either  as  capitalists  or  as  workers:  their  economic 
activity  was  entirely  in  the  home. 

The  most  important  fact  in  a  woman's  life  was  her  rela- 
tion to  man.  Not  being  engaged  in  any  gainful  occupation. 
Woman's  ^^^  ^'^^  dependent  for  her  support  on  her  hus- 
dependence  band,  father,  or  brother.  This  economic  depend- 
ence was  reflected  in  legal  dependence.  Before 
the  civil  law  woman  was  a  minor:  she  could  make  no  con- 
tracts ;  could  not  sue  or  be  sued ;  her  husband  or  father  was 
liable  for  civil  offenses  she  committed.  In  criminal  mat- 
ters only  was  she  responsible  for  her  acts.  Marriage  meant 
woman's  complete  surrender  of  her  person  and  property  to 
her  husband,  whom  she  promised  "to  love  and  to  obey." 
According  to  the  law,  husband  and  wife  were  "one,"  but 
as  the  husband  bore  the  responsibilities  of  both,  he  had  the 
rights  of  both.  Since  a  wife  could  legally  hold  no  property, 
her  possessions  passed  to  her  husband  on  marriage.  The 
children  born  to  them  were  legally  his,  the  mother  having 
few  rights  over  them.  It  was  generally  believed  that 
woman  was  by  divine  design  made  for  man;  hence  it  was 
her  highest  duty  to  please  him  in  every  way  possible. 

Woman's  mind  being  thought  inferior,  to  educate  her  was 
considered  wasteful.  An  intellectual  woman  was  regarded 
Her  lack  of  as  a  monstrosity  and  she  was  socially  ostra- 
education  cized.  Very  few  women  were  given  opportunities 
for  higher  education.  Those  who  were,  received  one  of  infe- 
rior quality  in  the  boarding-schools  and  female  seminaries, 
where  much  of  the  time  was  devoted  to  teaching  them 
"lady-like  accomplishments,"  such  as  music,  dancing,  dress, 
and  etiquette.  Woman's  sole  aim  was  to  be  attractive  in 
order  to  win  a  husband;  sound  learning,  it  was  thought, 

^  Only  a  few  of  the  Protestant  sects  allowed  women  in  their  ministry. 


THE  WOMAN'S  MOVEMENT  605 

would  spoil  a  girl's  "charm"  and  consequently  ruin  her 
prospects  for  marriage. 

This  inferior  position  of  woman  in  society  was  veiled  by 
her  intimate  association  with  man.  Woman  was  regarded 
as  the  chosen  of  God  and  nature  for  the  welfare  chivalry  of 
of  the  race ;  she  was,  therefore,  entitled  to  special  "^^" 
protection  in  society.  Her  physical  constitution  was  more 
delicate,  her  nature  more  refined,  and  her  person  more 
comely  than  man's;  it  consequently  behooved  him  to  treat 
her  with  consideration  in  all  personal  relations :  to  be  kind 
and  gentle  in  speech  and  in  action,  and  to  be  ever  ready  to 
sacrifice  his  comfort  and  even  his  life  for  the  sake  of  the 
"fair  sex."  This  chivalrous  attitude  cast  a  halo  of  romance 
about  women,  through  whose  spiritual  influence  man  was 
inspired  to  brave  deeds,  noble  sentiments,  and  virtuous 
acts.  As  they  were  considered  incapable  of  producing  great 
works  of  art,  literature,  or  science,  their  part  was  to  be  an 
"inspiration"  to  men  of  genius. 

Origin  of  Feminism 

The  French  Revolution,  which  set  all  social  theories  and 
institutions  rocking  on  their  foundations,  caused  bold 
inquiries  to  be  made  into  the  status  of  woman  as  jhe  French 
well  as  into  that  of  man.  When  the  National  Revolution 
Assembly  was  in  session  a  group  of  women  drew  up  a  Decla- 
ration of  the  Rights  of  W^omen,  demanding  equal  rights  of 
women  with  men,  which  they  sent  to  that  body  for  adoption. 
Scant  attention  was  paid  to  it.  The  woman's  liberal  move- 
ment was  suppressed  by  Napoleon,  whose  Code,  very  lib- 
eral and  enlightened  in  many  respects,  was  reactionary  in 
regard  to  woman,  for  it  put  the  wife  completely  under  the 
control  of  her  husband. 

It  was  England  rather  than  France  that  saw  the  rise  and 
growth  of  the  feminist  movement.     Its  pioneer  was  Mary 
Wollstonecraft  (1759-97),  whose  book,  Vindica-  Mary  Woll- 
tion  of  the  Rights  of  Women,  published  in  1792,  stonecraft 
was  an  eloquent  appeal  for  the  full  and  complete  equality 
of  women  with  men  in  every  sphere  of  life,  in  order  to  eman- 


6o6      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY    EUROPE 

cipate  them  from  "sex  bondage."  Woman,  Mary  Woll- 
stonecraft  declared,  was  an  individual,  with  her  own  powers 
to  develop,  for  which  she  needed  the  fullest  opportunity. 
It  was  to  her  detriment  that  too  much  emphasis  had  been 
put  on  her  sex.  Her  welfare  demanded  that  she  be  regarded 
as  a  human  being  as  well  as  a  wife  and  mother,  because  "the 
desire  of  always  being  women  is  the  very  consciousness  that 
degrades  the  sex."  Woman's  intellectual  inferiority  was 
not  due  to  her  nature,  but  to  her  inferior  education;  she 
would  quickly  rise  in  mental  capacity  were  she  given  full 
educational  opportunities.  Women  must  be  enfranchised, 
as  the  vote  is  as  much  her  natural  right  as  man's;  to  keep 
unenfranchised  half  the  human  race  is  to  make  a  mockery  of 
democracy.  Above  all,  women  must  become  economically 
independent  of  man;  they  should,  therefore,  be  permitted 
to  engage  in  industry  and  in  the  professions;  too  long  have 
women  lived  by  their  "charm."  Mary  Wollstonecraft's 
bold  pronouncements  shocked  her  contemporaries.  She 
was  denounced  as  a  "hyena  in  petticoats,"  and  good 
women  were  warned  not  to  fall  under  her  influence. 

Far  more  influential  than  radical  theories  in  changing 
the  status  of  woman  was  the  Industrial  Revolution.  The 
The  Indus-  f^^tory  drew  women  from  the  home  as  it  did 
trial  Revolu-  men  from  the  shop.  Home  industries,  like  spin- 
ning, sewing,  baking,  and  brewing,  largely  con- 
ducted by  women,  rapidly  became  obsolete.  Women  were 
welcomed  into  the  factory  because  they  accepted  lower 
wages  than  men  and  were  less  likely  to  prove  recalci- 
trant. The  factory,  for  all  its  evils,  low  wages,  long  hours, 
and  unsanitary  conditions,  yet  proved  of  immeasurable 
importance  in  the  emancipation  of  women ;  for  the  first  time 
an  opportunity  was  given  to  them  to  become  wage-earners 
and  thereby  gain  a  degree  of  economic  independence.  Soon 
many  began  to  rise  in  the  economic  field,  to  enter  the  semi- 
skilled occupations  and  the  professions.  Driven  from  the 
confining  influences  of  the  home  into  the  great  world  and 
forced  to  earn  their  livelihood  like  men,  women  began  seri- 
ously to  consider  the  problem  of  their  political  and  social 


THE  WOMAN'S  MOVEMENT  607 

status.    In  large  measure  it  may  be  said  that  the  rise  of 
modern  industry  was  responsible  for  the  growth  of  feminism. 

Woman  Suffrage 

England,  as  the  home  of  the  Industrial  Revolution  and  of 
political  liberalism,  naturally  became  the  center  of  the 
woman's  movement.  Almost  from  the  start  woman  suf- 
feminism's  first  demand  was  for  woman  suffrage.  ^""^^^ 
It  was  realized  that  in  a  country  like  England,  where  politi- 
cal activity  plays  a  great  part  in  the  life  of  the  people,  the 
enfranchisement  of  women  would  be  universally  regarded 
as  a  step  of  prime  importance  in  their  emancipation.  Woman 
suffrage  found  a  powerful  champion  in  John  Stuart  Mill, 
whose  book,  Subjection  of  Women  (1869),  remains  to  this 
day  the  classic  exposition  of  the  case  for  woman  suffrage. 
During  the  debates  on  the  Reform  Bill  of  1867,  Mill  intro- 
duced an  amendment  for  the  enfranchisement  of  women, 
but  it  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  196  to  73.  Many  woman 
suffrage  societies  were  organized  for  the  purpose  of  conduct- 
ing a  vigorous  agitation  to  convert  England  to  the  new  re- 
form. Equal  franchise  bills  were  introduced  in  Parliament 
which  at  first  brought  forth  flippant  remarks,  but  which 
later  led  to  serious  debates  on  the  question.  The  women 
claimed  the  vote  both  as  a  moral  right  and  as  a  practical 
desirability.  They  declared  that  so  long  as  they  remained 
unenfranchised  they  were  aliens  in  their  own  country,  sub- 
ject to  its  laws  but  having  no  share  in  making  them.  At 
best  they  were  citizens  who  bore  the  obligations,  but  re- 
ceived few  of  the  privileges,  of  citizenship;  and  they  raised 
the  time-honored  cry,  "No  taxation  without  representa- 
tion ! "  They  also  urged  that  the  enfranchisement  of  women 
would  lead  to  the  improvement  of  their  condition  and  to  that 
of  society  in  general,  for  women  would  be  certain  to  wield 
political  power  in  favor  of  social  and  moral  reforms.  The 
opponents  of  woman  suffrage  contended  that  the  entrance 
of  women  into  politics  would  lead  to  the  neglect  of  their 
home  duties  with  dire  consequences  for  family  life,  and  that  it 
would  also  promote  antagonism  between  the  sexes.  Women 


6o8     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

would  become  coarsened  in  the  rough-and-tumble  game  of 
poHtics,  which  is  more  to  the  taste  of  men  than  of  women. 
The  ballot  need  not  be  exercised  by  women  in  order  to 
advance  their  interests:  laws  favorable  to  women  were 
passed  without  it.  In  answer  to  the  claim  of  the  suffragists 
that  the  ballot  was  their  right,  the  anti-suffragists  replied 
that  government  rests  on  force,  and  since  women  are  not 
required  to  fight  for  their  country  they  should  have  no 
voice  in  directing  its  policies. 

The  agitation  for  woman  suffrage  proceeded  along  con- 
stitutional lines  for  about  a  generation.  Its  progress  was 
The  "suf-  slow,  and  the  more  ardent  spirits  among  the 
fragettes"  suffragists  became  impatient.  In  1903  there  was 
organized  the  Women's  Social  and  Political  Union  by  Mrs. 
Emmeline  Pankhurst  and  her  two  daughters,  Christabel 
and  Sylvia.  This  body  resolved  to  bring  the  question  of 
woman  suffrage  prominently  before  the  English  people  by 
adopting  "militant"  methods.  The  "suffragettes,"  as  the 
militant  suffragists  were  called,  began  in  a  mild  way  by 
"heckling"  prominent  speakers;  before  long  they  took  to 
breaking  up  political  meetings.  No  public  man  was  safe 
from  their  questions  or  their  missiles.  They  finally  resolved 
on  a  policy  of  committing  outrages.  Buildings  were  set 
on  fire,  windows  broken,  letter-boxes  ruined,  pictures  and 
statues  in  museums  destroyed,  telegraph  wires  cut,  and  the 
sessions  of  Parliament  disturbed  by  riotous  demonstrations 
in  the  galleries.  For  a  decade  all  England  was  in  a  turmoil. 
No  one  knew  what  outrage  the  daring  "suffragettes"  would 
commit  next,  so  that  extra  guards  had  to  be  stationed  in 
many  public  places.  Combats  between  the  police  and  the 
"suffragettes"  were  matters  of  daily  occurrence.  When 
imprisoned,  they  would  go  on  a  "hunger  strike,"  that  is, 
refuse  to  eat  and  drink;  and  to  prevent  them  from  starving 
to  death  the  prison  officials  adopted  methods  of  "forcible 
feeding." 

Militancy  was  based  on  the  idea  that  political  rights  are 
never  granted  save  in  response  to  an  irresistible  demand; 
and  as  the  women  could  not  threaten  revolution,  as  did  the 


THE  WOMAN'S  MOVEMENT  609 

middle  classes  in  1832  and  the  working  classes  in  1867,  they 
resolved  to  coerce  the  Government  through  an-  ■^vomen  and 
noyances  and  outrages.  The  outbreak  of  mili-  the  World 
tancy  did  serve  to  bring  the  question  of  woman 
suffrage  prominently  before  the  English  public,  though  many 
were  repelled  from  the  movement  because  of  the  methods 
of  the  "wild  women."  Bills  to  enfranchise  women  were 
frequently  introduced  in  Parliament  and  gained  consider- 
able support  from  both  Liberals  and  Conservatives.  When 
the  World  War  broke  out,  English  women,  led  by  the 
suffragists,  rallied  to  the  support  of  the  Government,  and 
they  rendered  patriotic  service  by  working  in  the  munition 
factories,  in  the  fields,  and  in  the  hospitals.  This  caused 
many  Englishmen  to  view  the  suffrage  movement  more 
favorably,  and  an  equal  franchise  bill,  supported  by  both 
parties,  w^as  passed  by  Parliament  in  1918.^ 

Progress  of  Woman 

English  women  have  made  notable  progress  in  the  eman- 
cipation of  their  sex.     The  institutions  of  higher  learning, 
the  colleges,  universities,  and  professional  schools,   progress  of 
have  gradually  opened  their  doors  to  them,  so  women  in 
that  to-day  their  educational  opportunities  are 
equal  to  those  of  men.    Large  numbers  of  women  have  en- 
tered the  professions  ^  and  some  have  made  notable  careers. 
A  very  important  change  in  their  legal  status  came  with 
the  passage  of  the  Married  Women's  Property  Act  in  1882 
which,  for  the  first  time,  established  the  married  woman  as 
a  distinct  legal  personality  by  giving  her  the  right  to  own 
property  in  her  own  name.    Another  important  law,  passed 
in  1886,  gave  the  mother  equal  right  with  the  father  in  the 
control  of  their  children. 

The  woman's  movement  is   farthest  advanced   in   the 
Scandinavian  countries.     Norway  was  the  first  ^ 

,  r    11  1-  Scandinavia 

nation  to  admit  women  to  full   parliamentary 

suffrage.    Denmark  followed  shortly  after.    Sweden,  how- 

1  See  p.  757- 

'^  Women  are,  however,  not  yet  permitted  to  practice  law  in  England. 


6io     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

ever,  still  withholds  the  ballot  from  women.  ^  In  all  three 
countries  the  legal  and  social  status  of  woman  is  almost  the 
same  as  that  of  man.  Since  1906  woman  suffrage  has  existed 
in  Finland,  and  women  have  been  elected  as  members  of 
Parliament. 

In  France  the  woman's  movement  has  not  progressed  as 
rapidly  as  in  England.  There  is  little  suffrage  agitation 
among  French  women,  partly  because  they  are 
more  sensitive  to  criticism  and  ridicule  than 
are  their  English  sisters.  All  educational  and  professional 
opportunities,  however,  have  been  opened  to  them,  of  which 
many  have  taken  full  advantage.  The  distinguished  scien- 
tist, Mme.  Curie,  was,  in  1907,  appointed  to  the  chair  of 
physics  at  the  Sorbonne.  The  Napoleonic  Code  has  been 
modified  so  as  to  give  a  married  woman  the  right  to  her 
own  earnings. 

In  Germany  the  cause  of  woman  has  had  to  contend 
against  the  unfavorable  atmosphere  of  autocratic  rule  and 
military  ideals.  The  only  element  to  sympa- 
thize with  the  movement  has  been  the  least 
Influential,  the  socialists.  The  woman-suffrage  movement 
in  Germany  is  very  weak;  but  strong  women's  organizations 
have  come  to  the  front  that  agitate  for  the  rights  of  women 
in  the  social  and  economic  spheres.  Until  recently  women's 
educational  opportunities  in  Germany  were  very  limited,  but 
now  they  are  generally  permitted  to  enter  even  the  highest 
institutions  of  learning. 

Considering  the  many  handicaps  women  have  had  to  face 
in  their  struggle  for  equality,  the  progress  of  their  cause  has 
been  amazing.  Woman's  entrance  into  the  world  outside  the 
home  has  had  the  effect  of  stimulating  her  to  do  many 
things  of  which  she  was  once  generally  thought  incapable. 
There  is  to-day  hardly  a  field  of  endeavor  in  which  women 
are  not  to  be  found,  so  that  the  "man's  world"  is  becom- 
ing a  "man's  and  woman's  world,"  wherein  both  are  free 
to  give  their  best  to  the  progress  of  the  race. 

1  See  p.  476- 


CHAPTER  XXVI 
SCIENCE  1 

The  nineteenth  century  ma}'  truly  be  called  the  Age  of 
Science.  In  no  other  period  of  human  history  did  mankind 
make  such  extraordinary  advances  in  the  knowl-  influence  of 
edge  of  the  world,  its  origin,  its  inhabitants,  and  science 
the  forces  that  control  it.  The  scientist,  laboriously  experi- 
menting in  laboratories  and  announcing  his  results  in  tech- 
nical language  understood  by  few,  has  not  impressed  himself 
on  mankind  as  vividly  as  the  statesman  and  the  soldier. 
Yet  his  work  has  exercised  perhaps  a  deeper  influence  in 
moulding  our  present  civilization  than  eloquent  speeches 
or  brilliant  strategy,  for  he  has  originated  ideas  and  mech- 
anisms that  have  revolutionized  the  life  and  thought  of 
mankind. 

Science  has  been  a  truly  international  force.  It  knows 
no  frontiers,  whether  of  nationality,  race,  religion,  or  region, 
for  the  laboratory  has  been  a  common  meeting-place  of  all 
scientists  whatever  their  origin.  Every  civilized  nation  has 
produced  men  who  have  contributed  to  the  development 
of  science.  Through  their  conventions  and  journals,  scien- 
tists in  all  countries  are  in  constant  communication  with 
one  another  in  order  better  to  advance  their  work;  and 
a  discovery  once  made  immediately  becomes  a  common 
human  possession. 

Geology 
Until  the  nineteenth  century  it  was  generally  believed 
that  the  earth  was  five  or  six  thousand  years  origin  of 
old  and  that  it  was  created  by  God  inside  of  a  the  earth's 
week ;  its  inhabitants,  both  men  and  beasts,  were 
created  in  pairs  and  put  into  the  world  to  multiply  their 

^  This  chapter  does  not  pretend  to  cover  the  subject:  it  is  merely  a  bare  out- 
line of  the  most  important  facts  in  the  history  of  science  during  the  nineteenth 
century. 


6i2      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

kind.  The  scientists  and  philosophers  of  the  eighteenth 
century  challenged  the  idea  of  creation,  asserting  that  the 
earth  was  millions  of  years  old,  and  that  its  surface  was 
due  to  convulsions  of  nature  which  brought  into  existence 
mountains,  valleys,  plains,  lakes,  streams,  and  waterfalls. 

A  new  theory  as  to  the  origin  of  the  earth's  surface  was 
promulgated  by  the  Englishman,  Sir  Charles  Lyell,  in  his 
Lyell's  book,   The  Principles  of  Geology,   published   in 

theory  1830.    Lyell  contended  that  the  surface  of  the 

earth  came  into  existence  not  as  a  result  of  catastrophe, 
but  as  a  result  of  slow  and  constant  changes,  ages  and  ages 
in  duration,  and  that  the  process  is  still  going  on.  Valleys 
are  being  excavated  by  floods,  rain,  and  snow;  rocks  are 
being  decomposed  by  the  action  of  water:  flowing  rivers 
are  wearing  away  their  shores  by  cutting  deeper  and  deeper 
into  the  surface;  vegetation  is  becoming  coal;  new  strata 
are  being  constantly  formed.  Lyell's  theory  soon  super- 
seded all  others  in  explanation  of  the  earth's  surface. 

Evolution 

The  scientific  theory  that  created  the  greatest  sensation 
is  known  as  "evolution,"  or  the  theory  that  all  animal  and 
The  theory  plant  life  is  the  result  of  a  gradual  development 
of  evolution  through  different  forms.  The  idea  of  evolution 
had  been  suggested  by  the  ancients;  and  the  eighteenth- 
century  scientists,  Bufifon  and  Lamarck,  had  foretold  its 
development.  But  it  was  the  Englishman,  Charles  Darwin 
(1809-82),  who  first  presented  the  theory  clearly  and  fully  in 
his  famous  book.  The  Origin  of  Species  by  Means  of  Natural 
Selection  (1859).  Darwin's  theory  of  evolution  is  briefly 
this.  The  individuals  of  a  species  vary:  some  are  stronger, 
others  fleeter  of  foot,  others  more  cunning,  others  so  colored 
as  to  escape  detection,  others  have  sharper  claws  and  teeth, 
and  others  have  heavier  furs.  Countless  numbers  of  progeny 
are  born,  for  animals  and  plants  are  extremely  prolific,  and 
the  earth  would  be  quickly  filled;  but  such  is  not  the  case. 
Evidently  not  all  that  are  born  live  out  their  span  of  life, 
because  relatively  few  survive.   The  elimination  of  count- 


SCIE.XCE  613 

less  millions  is  directly  accomplished  by  nature  through  ex- 
posure to  cold  and  heat,  through  lack  of  food  and  drink,  and 
through  accidents  of  all  kinds.  Millions  more  are  destroyed 
in  the  struggle  that  ceaselessly  goes  on  among  animals  and 
plants.  Some,  in  order  to  live,  destroy  others  weaker  than 
themselves  physically  and  mentally.  Animals  of  one  species 
prey  on  those  of  another;  and  the  struggle  is  sharp  within 
the  species  itself.  The  individuals  that  have  the  best  chance 
for  survival  are  those  variants  that  have  the  characteristics 
above  mentioned,  which  enable  them  to  win  out  in  the 
"struggle  for  existence."  The  others  succumb.  In  other 
words,  by  means  of  "natural  selection"  the  unfit  are 
eliminated  by  nature,  which  selects  those  that  are  the 
strongest,  the  most  cunning,  and  the  most  adaptable.  The 
result  of  this  process  is  the  "survival  of  the  fittest,"  who 
reproduce  their  kind  in  their  turn.  In  this  way  new  species 
are  in  time  developed.  Man  himself  has  come  into  existence 
as  part  of  the  greater  process  of  the  evolution  of  life.  His 
"place  in  nature"  is  that  of  a  highly  developed  animal 
who  sprang  from  the  lower  animals  through  variation, 
selection,  and  heredity.  He  is  closely  related  to  the  an- 
thropoid ape,  whose  physical  structure  strikingly  resem- 
bles his  own,  because  both  are  probably  descended  from 
a  common  ancestor. 

Darwinism  aroused  a  storm  of  discussion  which  lasted  a 
generation.  It  was  enthusiastically  espoused  b^'  many  dis- 
tinguished scientists  and  philosophers:  in  Eng-  Controversy 
land,  by  Alfred  Russel  Wallace,  who  had  de-  overDar- 

1       •         •      1  11       winism 

veloped  the  theory  of  evolution  mdependently 
of  Darwin;  by  Thomas  Henry  Huxley,  who  became  Dar- 
win's leading  expounder  and  defender;  and  by  Herbert  Spen- 
cer, the  great  philosopher  and  sociologist;  in  Germany,  by 
the  well-known  biologist  and  philosopher  Ernst  Haeckel; 
and  in  America,  by  the  historian  John  Fiske.  Opposed  to 
evolution  were  the  older  scientists  and  especially  the  theo- 
logians. The  latter  asserted  that  the  theory  was  a  direct  at- 
tack on  the  Biblical  idea  of  the  creation  of  man  by  God, 
and  they  denounced  the  evolutionists  as  enemies  of  religion. 


6i4     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Chemistry 

Lavoisier's  researches  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury laid  the  basis  of  modern  chemistry.^  The  science  made 
The  atomic  a  rapid  stride  during  the  early  part  of  the  nine- 
theory  teenth  century  after  the  announcement  of  the 
atomic  theory  by  the  Englishman,  John  Dal  ton.  According 
to  this  theory,  each  element  is  composed  of  atoms,  or  par- 
ticles of  matter  so  small  that  they  cannot  be  subdivided; 
these  particles,  when  combined,  form  substances  with 
properties  different  from  those  of  the  constituent  elements. 
By  determining  the  atomic  weights  of  the  various  elements 
Dalton  fixed  the  proportion  in  which  they  combine;  for 
example,  one  pound  of  hydrogen  will  combine  with  eight 
pounds  of  oxygen  to  form  nine  pounds  of  water.  Dalton's 
atomic  theory  was  corroborated  by  the  Frenchman,  Joseph 
Louis  Gay-Lussac  who,  in  1809,  discovered  that  gases,  when 
put  under  the  same  conditions  as  to  temperature  and  pres- 
sure, combine  in  definite  proportion  as  to  volume;  for  ex- 
ample, two  volumes  of  hydrogen  will  combine  with  one 
volume  of  oxygen  to  form  two  volumes  of  water  vapor. 
Important  contributions  to  the  atomic  theory  were  made  by 
the  Swede,  Johann  Jakob  Berzelius,  and  by  the  Italian, 
Amadeo  Avogadro. 

In  Germany,  chemical  science  made  great  strides  as  a 
result  of  the  researches  of  Friedrich  Wohler  and  Justus  von 
Organic  Liebig.     It   had   been  generally  supposed   that 

chemistry  organic  substauccs,  such  as  plants  and  animals, 
were  not  subject  to  the  same  chemical  laws  as  inanimate 
matter.  In  1828  Wohler  prepared  in  the  laboratory  an 
organic  product,  urea,  thus  laying  the  foundation  of  syn- 
thetic organic  chemistry.  To-day  chemists  produce  by 
laboratory  methods  many  of  the  substances  that  are  ordi- 
narily found  in  animal  and  plant  life.  They  also  improve 
and  change  materials  through  chemical  treatment.  Lie- 
big's  researches  in  the  chemistry  of  animal  and  vegetable  life 
were  of  the  greatest  importance  in  the  production  of  food. 

1  See  p.  8. 


SCIENCE  615 

Plants  get  nourishment  from  air  and  soil ;  air  is  inexhaustible, 
but  the  soil  is  soon  impoverished ;  hence,  it  is  necessary  to 
restore  to  the  soil  those  ingredients  essential  to  the  growth 
of  plants.  Liebig's  experiments  on  artificial  fertilizers  laid 
the  basis  of  scientific  agriculture. 

Within  the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
Russian,  Dmitri  Mendeleef,  stated  the  so-called  "periodic 
law,"  whereby  it  was  shown  that  when  the  The  periodic 
elements  are  listed  serially  in  the  order  of  their  '^^ 
atomic  weights,  they  show  a  recurrence  of  similar  proper- 
ties at  intervals  of  eight. 

In  1898  Professor  and  Madame  Curie  of  Paris  astonished 
the  world  by  their  discovery  of  a  new  element,  radium. 
Radium  compounds  give  out  enormous  quanti-  ,. 
ties  of  heat  and  possess  other  unique  properties, 
which  has  led  some  chemists  to  question  the  very  funda- 
mentals of  their  science.  Radium  is  obtained  from  a  mineral 
called  pitchblende,  but  it  takes  one  ton  of  the  latter  to  yield 
one  seventh  of  a  grain  of  radium. 

Physics 

At  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  two  Italian  phy- 
sicists, Luigi  Galvani  and  Alessandro  Volta,  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  the  science  of  electricity  by  discovering 
the  electric  battery.  Early  in  the  nineteenth 
century  the  Englishman,  Sir  Humphry  Davy,  produced  a 
bright  light  from  the  points  of  carbon  by  means  of  an  elec- 
tric battery,  which  is  the  beginning  of  modern  electric 
lighting  through  the  use  of  arc  lamps.  Davy  made  a  great 
advance  in  electro-chemistry  by  using  an  electric  battery 
to  decompose  substances.  By  decomposing  potash  he  dis- 
covered a  new  metal,  potassium.  The  relations  between 
electricity  and  magnetism  were  discovered  by  a  Dane, 
Jean  Christian  Oersted,  who  moved  a  magnetic  needle  from 
its  position  by  means  of  a  current.  Two  French  scientists, 
Andre  Marie  Ampere  and  Dominique  Frangois  Arago, 
proved  that  electricity  could  produce  magnetism  under  cer- 
tain circumstances.    These  discoveries  prepared  the  way 


6i6     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

for  the  invention  of  the  electric  telegraph.  The  English 
physicist,  Michael  Faraday,  discovered  the  principle  of  the 
dynamo,  a  contrivance  which  generates  electrical  energy; 
as  applied  to  the  electric  motor  it  is  now  used  to  run  cars, 
elevators,  and  other  means  of  locomotion. 

Until  the  nineteenth  century  it  was  believed  that  heat  was 
an  imponderable  fluid  the  presence  of  which  produced 
warmth,  the  absence,  cold.  At  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century  an  American,  Benjamin 
Thompson,  later  known  as  Count  Rumford,  discovered 
that  heat  may  be  generated  by  friction.  This  principle  was 
illustrated  by  Sir  Humphry  Davy,  who  melted  two  pieces 
of  ice  by  rubbing  them  together.  During  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  the  famous  theory  of  the  conservation 
of  energy  was  formulated,  which  is  as  important  in  physics 
as  the  theory  of  evolution  is  in  biology  and  as  the  atomic 
theory  is  in  chemistry.  This  discovery  was  the  outcome  of 
the  work  of  the  German,  Julius  Robert  Mayer,  and  the 
Englishman,  James  Prescott  Joule.  These  scientists  proved 
that  energy  cannot  be  annihilated;  it  can  be  made  merely 
to  change  its  form.  The  energy  of  motion  is  translated  into 
the  energy  of  heat,  and  a  given  quantity  of  heat  equals  a 
like  quantity  of  mechanical  energy.  Heat  is  itself  a  form 
of  energy,  and  is  due  to  the  vibratory  motion  of  molecules, 
of  which  matter  is  said  to  be  composed.  The  theory  of  the 
conservation  of  energy  has  been  greatly  developed  in  our 
day  by  the  researches  of  the  English  physicist.  Lord  Kelvin. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  Ger- 
man, Herman  Ludwig  Ferdinand  von  Helmholtz,  laid  the 
Light  and  basis  of  the  science  of  acoustics  by  his  experi- 
sound  ments  in  the  nature  of  sound.   Heinrich  Rudolf 

Hertz,  basing  his  researches  on  the  work  of  the  English 
physicist,  Clerk-Maxwell,  advanced  the  theory  that  ordi- 
nary light  consists  of  electro-magnetic  vibrations  in  the 
ether,  a  substance  permeating  all  space  and  matter.  These 
vibrations,  termed  "Hertzian  waves,"  were  the  foundation 
for  the  invention  of  wireless  telegraphy. 


SCIENCE  617 

Medicine  axd  Surgery 

The  advance  made  in  the  sciences  of  biology,  physics, 
bacteriology,  and  chemistn,-  revolutionized  the  study  and 
practice  of  medicine,  and  led  to  discoveries  that  The  germ 
saved  countless  persons  from  death  and  pain,  theory 
A  new  theor>%  the  famous  germ  theor>%  was  formulated  in 
explanation  of  the  origin  of  many  diseases.  According  to 
this  theor}^  infection  takes  place  when  microscopic  vege- 
table and  animal  organisms  called  bacteria,  or  germs,  pres- 
ent in  food  and  drink,  enter  the  body  through  its  open- 
ings. If  the  body  is  healthy  it  resists  the  onslaught  of  the 
germs ;  if  it  is  not,  they  find  lodgm.ent  in  the  blood  and  tissues, 
where  they  multiply  ver\'  rapidly  and  generate  poisons 
called  toxins,  causing  illness  and  death.  The  Russian,  Elias 
Metschnikoft,  discovered  that  in  some  diseases  the  white 
blood  cells  defend  the  body  by  devouring  the  bacteria  and 
that  illness  ma}-  be  averted  b\'  increasing  the  number  of 
these  cells  in  the  blood.  In  the  course  of  other  diseases,  the 
toxins  generated  by  the  bacteria  cause  the  production  of 
chemical  substances  in  the  bod^^  called  anti-toxins,  or  anti- 
dotes, which  curiously  enough  have  the  power  of  neutraliz- 
ing, and  thus  destroying,  the  power  of  the  toxins.  To  cure 
a  patient,  a  new  treatment  called  serum-therap}'  was  de- 
veloped, whereby  anti- toxins  produced  in  the  bodies  of 
persons  or  animals  sick  with  a  similar  disease  are  injected 
into  the  patient  to  strengthen  his  resistance  to  the  toxins. 
The  pioneer  in  serum-therapy  was  the  Frenchman,  Louis 
Pasteur,  whose  researches  in  this  field  are  of  inestimable 
importance.  He  found  cures  for  hydrophobia  and  anthrax; 
and  his  studies  of  the  diseases  of  the  sillrworm  and  the  vine 
resulted  in  the  adoption  of  methods  which  helped  to  save 
the  silk  and  wine  industries  of  his  country-.  ^  Two  German 
physicians,  Emil  von  Behring  and  Robert  Koch,  made 
great  contributions  to  medicine.  In  1882  Koch  discovered 
the  germ  of  tuberculosis;  and  in  1892  Behring  discovered 
an  anti-toxin  serum  for  diphtheria. 

1  See  p.  245. 


6i8     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

The  discovery  of  the  germ  theory  inaugurated  the  prac- 
tice of  preventive  medicine,  or  hygienic  methods  of  Hving. 
Preventive  Water  and  milk  are  boiled  to  kill  the  germs; 
medicine  fQQ^^  jg  kept  clean  and  fresh  in  order  to  prevent 
bacteria  from  infecting  it ;  spitting  is  forbidden  because  the 
germs  present  in  the  dried  sputum  of  a  tubercular  person 
might  later  infect  others  through  being  inhaled ;  individual 
cups  and  towels  are  provided  to  prevent  contagion.  The 
great  plagues,  yellow  fever,  cholera,  and  the  bubonic  plague 
that  once  scourged  the  earth,  have  almost  been  eliminated 
in  civilized  countries  by  sanitary  precautions.  Well  regu- 
lated diet,  careful  nursing,  bathing,  and  massage  have  fre- 
quently taken  the  place  of  drugs  in  the  cure  of  the  sick. 
Medical  education  has  advanced  rapidly  upon  the  establish- 
ment of  splendid  medical  schools,  clinics,  hospitals,  and  re- 
search laboratories.  Wonderful  mechanisms  have  been  in- 
vented to  detect  the  presence  of  disease,  which  have  greatly 
improved  diagnosis. 

Surgery  was  revolutionized  by  the  discovery  of  anaes- 
thesia. It  was  first  used  in  1846  by  an  American,  Dr.  John 
...  C.  Warren,  who  performed  an  operation  without 
causing  pain  to  the  patient.  Previously  surgical 
operations  had  been  attended  with  great  horror;  and  it 
required  almost  superhuman  fortitude  on  the  part  of  the 
patient  to  bear  the  pain.  Operations  were,  therefore,  rare 
and  frequently  resulted  in  death.  To-day  the  patient  inhales 
an  anaesthetic,  ether  or  chloroform,  and  immediately  sinks 
into  unconsciousness;  the  surgeon  then  operates  undis- 
turbed. In  this  way  limbs  are  amputated,  abdomens  opened, 
growths  inside  the  body  cut  out,  and  even  the  delicate 
brain  operated  on. 

Even  with  the  use  of  anaesthetics  great  suffering  was 
endured  by  the  patient  after  the  operation  was  over;  and 
,    .      .        frequently  death  resulted  because  of  blood  poi- 

Antisepsis  •  a         .  •  •      1 

sonmg.  Another  great  step  m  surgical  progress 
was  made  through  the  Introduction,  In  1876,  of  antisepsis 
by  the  Englishman,  Lord  Lister.  This  method  lays  great 
emphasis  on  cleanliness  at  the  operation ;  the  surgeon  care- 


SCIENCE  619 

fully  washes  himself  and  sterilizes  his  instruments  to  pre- 
vent bacterial  infection,  and,  after  the  operation,  the  wound 
is  disinfected  and  carefully  dressed.  Through  the  use  of 
anaesthetics,  antisepsis,  and  the  new  surgical  instruments, 
even  the  most  serious  operations  are  fairly  safe.  The  hor- 
rors of  the  battle-field  are  mitigated  by  skillful  surgeons,  who 
have  saved  thousands  of  wounded  soldiers  from  death. 

In  1895  came  the  famous  discovery  of  the  X-ray  by  the 
German,  Wilhelm  Conrad  Rontgen.  This  is  a  method  of 
photographing  through  solids  and  is  especially  ., 
valuable  in  surgery.  An  X-ray  photograph 
makes  the  body  transparent,  revealing  fractures,  the  pres- 
ence of  bullets,  and  the  condition  of  the  organs,  so  that  the 
surgeon  may  operate  with  greater  certainty. 

Exploration 

Like  the  sixteenth,  the  nineteenth  century  was  an  age  of 
discovery  and  exploration.  During  the  early  part  of  the 
nineteenth  century  the  German,  Alexander  von  South  Amer- 
Humboldt,  explored  the  regions  of  the  Amazon  and  Central 
and  Orinoco  valleys  in  South  America.  His  book,  -^^la 
Kosmos  (1858),  laid  the  basis  of  the  science  of  physical 
geography,  as  it  was  the  first  to  describe  scientifically  the 
physical  universe  and  its  influences  upon  the  development 
of  civilization.  How  the  interior  of  Africa  was  discov- 
ered and  explored  will  presently  be  told.^  Central  Asia 
was  an  unknown  region  till  recently.  A  Swedish  explorer, 
Sven  Hedin,  made  several  expeditions  to  Tibet,  one  in 
1 899-1 902  and  another  in  1906-08,  as  a  result  of  which  the 
geography  of  that  country  became  known.  In  1904  a  Brit- 
ish military  expedition  under  Colonel  F.  E.  Younghus- 
band  forced  its  way  into  the  sacred  Tibetan  city  of  Lhassa, 
until  then  closed  to  the  world. 

The  only  parts  of  the  earth  that   still  remained  undis- 
covered at  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century   Discovery  of 
were  the  Polar  regions.    The  renown  that  would  ^^^  ^°^^^ 
attend  the  discoverer  of  the  Poles  and  the  immense  dif- 

1  See  pp.  675  ff . 


620     MODERN   AND    CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ficulties  that  stood  In  the  way  attracted  the  most  daring 
explorers  of  modern  times.  During  the  nineteenth  century 
many  attempts  were  made  to  reach  the  Poles,  extending 
the  world's  knowledge  of  those  regions.  One  of  the  most 
important  was  that  led  in  1881-83  by  the  American,  A.  W. 
Greely,  who  reached  80°  44'  north  latitude.  Another  was 
that  led  by  the  Norwegian,  Fridjof  Nansen,  who  in  1893- 
95  reached  86°  14'  North,  or  within  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
two  miles  of  the  North  Pole.  The  honor  of  discovering  the 
North  Pole  belongs  to  an  American,  Robert  E.  Peary  who, 
after  many  months  of  hardship,  reached  the  North  Pole  on 
April  7,  1909.  Antarctic  exploration  was  attended  with 
similar  success.  A  British  expedition,  led  by  Sir  Ernest 
Henry  Shackleton  in  1907-09,  reached  88°  23'  south  lati- 
tude, or  within  ninety-seven  miles  of  the  South  Pole.  The 
honor  of  discovering  the  only  place  till  then  unreached 
belongs  to  a  Norwegian,  Roald  Amundsen,  who  reached 
the  South  Pole  on  December  16,  1911.^  At  last,  after  many 
centuries  of  effort,  the  entire  earth's  surface  has  become 
known  to  mankind. 

^  A  British  expedition  under  Captain  R.  F.  Scott  started  for  the  South 
Pole  about  the  same  time  as  the  Norwegian.  Captain  Scott  reached  the  Pole 
on  January  i8,  1912,  and  found  that  Amundsen  had  been  there  before  him. 
On  his  way  back  Captain  Scott  and  his  party  perished  through  exposure. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

THE  NEAR  EASTERN  QUESTION 
Introduction 

In  1453  the  Ottoman  Turks,  who  had  already  gained  a  foot- 
hold in  the  Balkans,  captured  Constantinople.  They  soon 
overran  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  and  for  several  cen-  invasions  of 
turies  Christian  Europe  was  threatened  by  the  ^^  Turks 
Mohammedan  invasions  which  swept  all  before  them.  In 
1683  victorious  Turkish  armies  laid  siege  to  Vienna;  but, 
fortunately  for  Western  Europe,  they  were  repulsed  by  the 
Polish  King,  John  Sobieski,  who  came  to  the  relief  of  the 
city.  This  was  their  first  serious  check;  and,  from  that  time 
on,  the  Turkish  flood  began  to  recede. 

The  Ottoman   Empire  was  at  its  height  at  the  end  of 
the  seventeenth  century.    In  Europe  it  possessed  the  entire 
Balkan  Peninsula,  Hungary,  Bessarabia,  Crimea,   y^g^.  extent 
and  the  lands   bordering  on  the  Black  Sea;  in  of  the  Turk- 

...  .  'Ill  ,  1        ish  Empire 

Asia,  the  entire  region  that  lay  between  the 
Mediterranean  and  the  frontier  of  Persia;  in  Africa,  all  of 
the  northern  coast  except  Morocco.  The  Mediterranean 
had  become  almost  a  Turkish  lake.  Great  difficulties  were 
naturally  experienced  in  holding  so  vast  a  region  under 
one  regime,  and  fissures  soon  began  to  appear  in  the  impos- 
ing imperial  structure.  The  various  provinces  in  Africa, 
Tripoli,  Tunis,  and  Algeria,  became  semi-independent  under 
local  rulers,  who,  however,  acknowledged  the  suzerainty  of 
the  Sultan.  During  the  eighteenth  century  the  Hapsburgs 
wrested  Hungary  from  the  Turks,  and  the  Russians  drove 
them  from  the  northern  shore  of  the  Black  Sea. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  Balkan 
Peninsula  and  Western  Asia  were  still  under  the  Races  in  the 
direct  rule  of  the  "Sublime  Porte,"  as  the  Turk-  ^"^p^""^ 
ish  Government  is  called.     Situated  at  the  meeting-place 


622     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 


of  three  continents,  the  Ottoman  Empire  consisted  of  a 
conglomeration  of  races  professing  different  faiths,  speak- 
ing different  languages,  and  strongly  attached  to  their  va- 
rious national  ideals  and  customs.  In  Asiatic  Turkey  the 
majority  of  the  inhabitants,  Turks,  Arabs,  and  Kurds,  was 
Mohammedan  in  religion;  the  minority  was  composed  of 


inetz       SOUTHEASTERN  EUROPE 
S>c,  (1815-1908) 


20° 


Vienoa 


Dn^-w        ,>4''»J'-lVa<,WALLACHIA_^i'_?. 


(1815-1908) 

Scale  of  Miles 

6   26  60      T3o      TbO      200     250 

tS     S    1  A 


'•llK*.    Vc         ,     O  S    siiTDrA^         ,>*''»JC)Va<,WALLACHIA__^i'_? 


arua 
rgas 


Sebftstopol| 


^ 


urazzo 

fe^CJ  °Monastfi 
^'  "Ua  OKastorie 


COKfu^ 


Armenian  and  Greek  Christians  and  of  Jews.  In  European 
Turkey  the  Turks,  the  ruling  race,  were  a  small  minority; 
the  overwhelming  majority  were  Slavic  in  race  and  Christian 
in  faith.  The  Near  Eastern  Question  concerns  itself  mainly 
with  the  inhabitants  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  This  region 
has  been  the  "  danger  zone  of  Europe"  for  centuries.  Great 
wars,  involving  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  have  been  fought 
to  determine  the  fate  of  its  inhabitants.    It  is  important, 


THE  NEAR  EASTERN   QUESTION  623 

therefore,  to  describe  the  peoples  of  the  region  and  their 
various  problems. 

In  no  other  part  of  Europe  are  there  so  many  different 
races  within  so  small  a  compass  as  in  the  Balkans.  A  suc- 
cession of  barbaric  hordes  from  Europe  and  The  Serbs 
Asia  had  invaded  the  peninsula  and  had  become  ^^^  Bulgars 
permanent  settlers,  mixing  with  the  native  inhabitants 
and,  in  some  cases,  adopting  their  customs  and  language. 
The  most  important  groups  are  the  Serbs  and  the  Bulga- 
rians. The  Serbs  are  of  Slavic  origin  and  speech,  and 
dwell  in  Serbia,  Montenegro,  Bosnia,  and  Herzegovina. 
The  Bulgarians,  or  Bulgars,  are  also  Slavic  in  speech  and 
supposedly  in  blood  as  well,  although  the  original  Bulgars 
were  a  Turanian  tribe  from  Asia  who  conquered  the  district 
centering  in  what  is  now  called  Bulgaria,  but  who  were  in 
time  assimilated  by  the  native  Slavic  inhabitants. 

The  people  of  Rumania  are  of  mixed  origin.  They  proudly 
believe  themselves  to  be  the  descendants  of  the  Roman 
settlers  in  the  ancient  province  of  Dacia,  as  their  The  Ruma- 
language  belongs  to  the  Latin  family.  But  the  "'^"^ 
majority  of  the  Rumanians,  or  Rumans,  as  they  call  them- 
selves, are  in  all  likelihood  the  descendants  of  the  Slavic 
tribe  of  Vlachs,  or  Wallachs,  who  invaded  the  region  cen- 
turies ago. 

The  southern  part  of  the  peninsula  is  occupied  by  Greece, 
The  inhabitants,  who  call  themselves  Hellenes,  never  tire 
of  boasting  of  their  descent  from  the  people  of 
ancient  Hellas;  hence  they  consider  themselves 
the  leading  nation  of  the  Balkans.  These  "Greeks"  are  of 
mixed  origin.  Although  speaking  a  language  founded  on 
ancient  Greek,  they  are  descendants  mainly  of  Slavic 
tribes  who  invaded  the  country  and  intermarried  with  the 
native  Hellenes  and  their  slaves.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
islands  near  Greece  are,  however,  in  large  part  of  pure 
Hellenic  blood. 

Albania  is  occupied  by  a  nomadic,  warlike  people  who 
speak  a  jargon  made  up  of  the  various  languages  of  the 
peninsula.    The  Albanians  are  rugged  mountaineers  who 


624      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

gain  a  livelihood  as  herdsmen,  soldiers,  and  brigands.  They 
The  Alba-  are  divided  equally  into  Mohammedans  and 
mans  Christians.     Naturally  the    Mohammedan  half 

of  the  population  is  more  faithful  to  the  Sultan  than  the 
Christian  half. 

Scattered  all  over  the  Balkans  are  large  numbers  of 
Armenians  and  Jews.  The  former,  not  having  a  national 
rj.,     .  center  of  their  own  race  to  champion  their  cause, 

1  he  Arme-  '■ 

nians  and  have  been  the  worst  treated  of  all  the  Turkish 
■^^^^  subjects;   time   and   again   have   these   helpless 

Christians  suffered  massacre  at  the  hands  of  fanatical 
Mohammedans.  The  Jews,  also  without  a  national  center, 
have,  on  the  contrary,  been  well  treated,  partly  because  of 
the  affinity  of  Mohammedanism  with  Judaism  and  partly 
because  they,  until  the  appearance  of  Zionism,  had  no  desire 
to  establish  a  separate  nationality.  The  Jews  in  Turkey  are 
largely  of  Spanish  origin,  descendants  of  those  who  fled  to 
escape  the  Inquisition  in  the  sixteenth  century.  Most  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Balkans  are  peasants  engaged  in  tilling 
the  soil  in  a  primitive  manner,  or  herdsmen  whose  flocks 
consist  of  hogs,  sheep,  and  goats.  Commerce  is  almost  ex- 
clusively in  the  hands  of  Armenians,  Greeks,  and  Jews,  who 
constitute  the  middle  class  in  the  peninsula. 

Religion  and  politics  were  closely  connected.  The  va- 
rious races  were  divided  according  to  their  religion,  each 
The  religious  element  constituting  a  millet,  or  religious  group, 
groups  which  exercised  a  considerable  degree  of   local 

autonomy  in  civil  and  political  matters.  The  heads  of  the 
religious  groups  received  recognition  from  the  Government 
as  the  leaders  of  the  community.  In  the  Balkan  Peninsula 
the  great  majority  of  the  inhabitants  are  members  of  the 
Greek  Church,  which,  in  doctrine,  ritual,  and  organization, 
is  almost  identical  with  the  Orthodox  Church  in  Russia. 
They  acknowledged  the  authority  of  the  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople who,  though  the  head  of  their  faith,  was  gen- 
erally suspected  of  being  hostile  to  their  nationalist  aims 
because  he  was  an  appointee  of  the  Sultan. 

The  Turks  were  the  ruling  race.    From  their  ranks  came 


THE   NEAR   EASTERN   QUESTION  625 

most  of  the  higher  officials,  the  great  landowners,  and  the 
upper    classes    generally.     They    regarded    the   Discrim- 
Christians  with  contempt  as  rayahs,  or  "herds  agaVns"  the 
of  cattle,"  whose  main  function  was  to  obey  and  Christians 
to  pay  taxes.    In  legal  trials  the  word  of  a  Mohammedan 
outweighed  that  of  a  Christian,  the  two  faiths  not  being 
equal  before  the  law.    Christians  were  not  admitted  into 
the  army  in  any  capacity,  for  their  loyalty  was  suspected; 
besides,  as  war  was  to  the  Mohammedan  generally  a  cru- 
sade against  the  infidel,  it  could,  therefore,  be  undertaken 
by  the  faithful  only. 

The  government  of  Turkey  was  an  absolute  monarchy, 
all  power  being  lodged  in  the  Padishah,  or  Sultan.  In  ad- 
dition to  his  temooral  power  the  Sultan  claimed  „,    c-  t^ 

1        1  ••111  r     11   1  •  1-    •  The  Sultan 

to  be  the  spiritual  leader  of  all  his  co-rehgion- 

ists  by  virtue  of  being  the  Khalif,  or  lord  of  Islam,  as  the 
Mohammedan  world  is  called.  His  two  chief  assistants  were 
the  Grand  Vizier  and  the  Sheik-ul-Islam,  the  former  the 
political,  and  the  latter  the  religious.  Prime  Minister.  Over 
each  vilayet,  or  province,  was  a  governor  appointed  by  the 
Sultan, 

Turkish  rule  in  Europe  is  a  long  story  of  despotism,  in- 
competence, and  corruption  unrelieved  by  any  notable  con- 
tributions to  civilization  and,  therefore,  a  strik-  Rule  of 
ing  contrast  to  Mohammedan  rule  in  Spain.  All  *^^  ^"""^^ 
that  the  Turks  desired  of  their  subjects  was  tribute  and  obe- 
dience; and  they  never  managed  to  organize  the  former 
into  a  regular  system  of  taxation  nor  the  latter  into  a  stable 
and  orderly  administration.  Spasmodic  fleecing  was  the 
practice,  and  when  the  money  was  not  forthcoming,  cruel 
punishment  was  the  lot  of  the  miserable  rayahs.  In  case 
the  rapacity  of  the  tax-gatherers  could  not  or  would  not  be 
satisfied,  rayahs  would  be  buried  up  to  their  necks  in  the 
ground,  stripped  naked  and  tied  to  trees,  or  roasted  over 
slow  fires.  The  corruption  of  the  Turkish  Government  be- 
came a  byword  in  Europe.  Money  appropriated  for  public 
improvements  went  into  the  pockets  of  officials.  Bribery 
was  almost  universal,  for  the  officials  were  neither  well  nor 


626     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

regularly  paid ;  hence  they  sought  to  recompense  themselves 
by  corrupt  methods.  In  some  regions  disorder  prevailed 
continually ;  armed  bands  of  brigands  terrorized  the  inhabi- 
tants and  put  their  lives  and  property  in  continual  jeopardy. 

Until  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  the  Turks 
scarcely  made  any  serious  attempt  to  adopt  European  civili- 
T  rks  n  zation;  nor  did  they  ever  try  to  assimilate  the 
army  of  oc-  vaHous  peoples  in  the  Empire  to  their  customs 
cupa  ion  ^^^  institutions.  They  were,  in  reality,  an  army 
of  occupation  encamped  on  European  soil,  interested  only 
in  governing  and  squeezing  their  subjects.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  divisions  among  the  latter,  which  the  Turks 
encouraged  on  the  principle  of  divide  et  impera,  and  for  the 
rivalries  of  the  European  Powers,  the  Turks  would  long 
ago  have  been  driven  out  of  Europe. 

Three  elements  entered  into  the  Near  Eastern  Question: 
(i)  the  relation  of  the  Porte  to  its  Christian  subjects; 
Elements  in  (2)  the  relation  of  the  various  Balkan  nationali- 
Eastem*^  ties  to  one  another;  and  (3)  the  rivalry  of  the 
Question  various  European  Powers,  each  intent  on  mak- 
ing its  influence  supreme  in  the  Ottoman  Empire.  Many 
close  students  of  the  Near  Eastern  Question  believed  that 
there  could  be  no  solution  of  these  vexing  problems  unless 
Turkey  were  driven  out  of  Europe,  because  she  had  proved 
herself  neither  willing  nor  capable  of  establishing  institutions 
and  methods  which  conformed  to  the  general  European 
standard.  Although  not  valuable  industrially  because  it 
contains  few  natural  resources,  the  Balkan  Peninsula  is  of 
great  importance  because  of  its  geographical  location.  It 
is  the  gateway  to  the  East  and  the  route  to  the  Mediterra- 
nean. The  European  Powers  have  been  interested  in  the 
fate  of  the  peninsula  mainly  because  it  is  the  connecting  link 
with  the  regions  mentioned,  where  they  have  interests  to 
protect  or  ambitions  to  satisfy. 

During  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
Powers  most  interested  in  Turkish  affairs  were  Russia  and 
Great  Britain.  The  geographical  position  of  Constantinople 
makes  this  city  the  key  to  the  commerce  of  the  Eastern 


THE   NEAR   EASTERN   QUESTION  627 

Mediterranean,  and  puts  it  in  control  of  the  natural  out- 
let of  Russia  to  this  sea.  In  case  of  war  Rus-  Motives  of 
sia  could  be  bottled  up  by  whatever  Power  earring ^"^ 
was  in  possession  of  the  Bosphorus  and  the  upon  Turkey 
Dardanelles.  The  acquisition  of  Constantinople  has,  there- 
fore, been  a  fixed  point  in  Russia's  foreign  policy  for  several 
centuries.  Russia's  racial  and  religious  affinities  with  the 
Slavic  subjects  of  the  Sultan  had  inspired  her  with  the 
idealistic  motive  of  liberating  her  "little  Slav  brothers" 
from  the  rule  of  the  hated  Turk.  Moreover,  to  supplant  the 
crescent  with  the  cross  on  the  dome  of  the  great  mosque 
of  St.  Sophia,  once  a  Christian  church,  has  greatly  appealed 
to  the  religious  imagination  of  the  Russian  people,  to  whom 
a  war  with  Turkey  would  partake  of  the  nature  of  a  crusade. 
England,  on  the  contrary,  was  interested  in  maintaining 
the  integrity  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  and  was  chiefly  instru- 
mental in  foiling  Russia's  many  attempts  to  Motives  of 
dismember  it.  England's  attitude  may  be  ex-  defending ""^ 
plained  by  the  fact  that  some  of  her  citizens  had  Turkey 
large  commercial  interests  in  the  Near  East  which,  she 
feared,  would  be  put  in  jeopardy  in  case  Russia  control  the 
region.  There  was  also  the  dread  lest  the  capture  of  Con- 
stantinople might  be  preliminary  to  a  Russian  advance 
upon  India;  hence,  to  many  English  statesmen  the  safety  of 
the  British  Empire  appeared  to  depend  upon  the  integrity 
of  the  Ottoman  Empire. 

Independence  of  Greece  (1821-29) 

Like  the  other  peoples  of  Europe,  those  in  the  Balkans 
were  inspired  by  the  ideals  of  nationalism  and  democracy 
proclaimed  by  the  French  Revolution.     After  National 
centuries  of  oppression  there  began  a  national  among  the 
revival  among  the  races  in  the  peninsula  which  Greeks 
was  to  end  in  their  emancipation  from  the  rule  of  the  Sultan. 
Nationalism  was  especially  strong  among  the  Greeks,  who 
found  it  intolerable  that  the  "descendants  of  the  wise  and 
noble  people  of  Hellas,"  as  they  called  themselves,  should 
bow  beneath  the  Turkish  yoke.    A  powerful  secret  society 


628     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

was  formed,  the  Hetairia  Philike  (Association  of  Friends), 
which  conducted  a  vigorous  and  widespread  agitation  for 
Greek  independence.  An  uprising  in  1821  was  followed  by 
a  war  between  the  Greeks  and  Turks  which  was  waged 
with  savage  fury  by  both  sides  for  eight  years.  The  en- 
counters which  took  place  were  more  in  the  nature  of  mas- 
sacres than  battles.  Captured  towns  would  be  given  over 
to  pillage  and  slaughter;  nor  was  age,  condition,  or  sex 
spared. 

The  uprising  of  the  Greeks  awakened  general  enthusiasm 
throughout  Europe,  and  many  ardent  lovers  of  ancient 
Foreign  aid  Hellas,  among  them  the  English  poet  Byron, 
to  Greece       volunteered  to  helo  in  the  Greek  struggle  for 

helps  her  to      .  t      '    •  r 

win  inde-  mdepcndcnce.  In  spite  of  many  valorous  deeds, 
pen  ence  ^^^  Greeks  would  have  succumbed  to  the  supe- 
rior forces  of  Turkey  had  not  Russia,  England,  and  France 
intervened  in  their  behalf.  The  Powers  were  induced  to 
champion  the  cause  of  Greece  chiefly  through  the  influence 
of  thousands  of  their  citizens  in  whom  the  memory  of  the 
ancient  land  of  philosophy,  literature,  and  art  had  roused 
an  intense  desire  to  see  it  freed  from  Turkish  misrule.  In 
1827  the  representatives  of  the  Powers  met  in  London  and 
demanded  an  armistice  of  the  Sultan;  but  before  final 
arrangements  for  this  were  made,  a  Turkish  squadron  was 
destroyed  by  the  fleets  of  the  Allies  at  the  Battle  of  Nava- 
rino.  The  Sultan  was  furious,  and  he  determined  to  resist 
the  demands  of  the  Powers  at  all  costs.  England  now  with- 
drew from  the  alliance  because  she  feared  that  a  war  might 
lead  to  the  destruction  of  Turkey,  a  consummation  which 
she  by  no  means  desired.  Tsar  Nicholas  I  decided  to  wage 
war  on  his  own  account.  Russian  armies  defeated  the  Turks 
in  several  battles  and  began  marching  toward  Constanti- 
nople. At  the  same  time  French  armies  drove  the  Turks 
out  of  Morea,  or  southern  Greece.  These  reverses  compelled 
the  Sultan  to  sue  for  peace,  and  he  signed  the  Treaty  of 
Adrianople  (1829)  granting  complete  independence  to 
Greece.  In  1833  the  latter  was  organized  as  a  constitutional 
monarchy  with  a  Bavarian  prince,  Otto,  as  her  first  king. 


THE   NEAR   EASTERN   QUESTION  629 

Another  people,  the  Serbians,  benefited  indirectly  from 
the  Greek  revolution.  Some  time  before,  in  1804,  they  had 
risen  under  a  swineherd  named  Kara  George,  Serbia  wins 
and  had  partially  won  their  independence;  but  autonomy 
they  were  later  reconquered.  In  1815  they  rose  again,  under 
another  national  hero  named  Milosch  Obrenovitch,  and 
defeated  the  Turks.  This  led  to  their  being  granted  local 
autonomy  in  1830  under  the  suzerainty  of  the  Sultan. 
Obrenovitch  was  made  ruler  with  the  title  of  "Hereditary 
Prince  of  the  Serbians." 

The  Crimean  War  (1854-56) 

Russia  emerged  from  the  war  of  1828-29  with  little  gain 
in  territory,^  but  with  great  prestige  among  the  peoples  of 
the  Balkans,  who  now  began  to  regard  her  as  Russian  de- 
the  "big  Slav  brother"  who  was  to  liberate  them  si^gns  upon 
from  Turkish  oppression.  To  Turkey,  Russia 
was  now  the  enemy  to  be  feared  above  all  others;  she  well 
knew  that  the  Tsar's  ambition  to  gain  "a  window  on  the 
Mediterranean"  would  lead  to  renewed  attempts  to  cap- 
ture Constantinople.  Tsar  Nicholas  I  was  convinced  that 
the  Ottoman  Empire  was  on  the  point  of  dissolution.  He 
once  referred  to  Turkey  as  the  "sick  man  of  Europe," 
whose  death  was  imminent  and  whose  estate  ought,  there- 
fore, to  be  partitioned  among  the  Powers.  He  several  times 
suggested  to  the  English  Government  that  Great  Britain 
and  Russia  agree  upon  a  plan  for  the  dismemberment  of 
Turkey;  but  the  former  failing  to  fall  in  with  the  scheme, 
the  Tsar  determined  to  take  the  matter  into  his  own  hands. 

An  excuse  for  war  was  found  in  a  quarrel  that  arose  over 
the  holy  places  in  Palestine.     For  centuries  Christian  pil- 
grims had  been  visiting  the  places  in  the  Holy  -p^e  quarrel 
Land  that  are  considered  especially  sacred  be-  pver  the 

r    1     •  •  •  1      1       1-f       f  /^i     •         holy  places 

cause  01  their  connection  with  the  lite  01  Christ. 
In  1850  a  quarrel  arose  between  the  Roman  Catholic  and 
Greek  Orthodox  monks  living  in  Palestine  over  the  control 
of  these  holy  places.    Russia  came  forward  as  the  champion 

^  She  obtained  a  small  concession  in  the  Caucasus. 


630     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

of  the  Greek  Orthodox  monks,  and  made  a  peremptory 
demand  that  the  Sultan  grant  her  a  protectorate  over  all 
the  Greek  Orthodox  Christians  in  Turkey.  The  Sultan  re- 
fused on  the  ground  that  such  a  concession  would  give 
Russia  the  right  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  his 
dominions. 

War  followed  in  1854;  but  it  was  not  between  Russia 
and  Turkey  alone.  To  the  support  of  Turkey  came  England, 
„  J  J  as  the  champion  of  the  integrity  of  the  Ottoman 
a  coalition  Empire,  and  France  and  Piedmont,  for  reasons 
owers  ^j^^^  have  already  been  stated.^  To  the  amaze- 
ment and  anger  of  Tsar  Nicholas,  Austria  maintained  an 
attitude  of  friendly  neutrality  toward  Turkey.  He  had 
fully  expected  Austria's  help  in  return  for  the  services 
Russian  armies  had  rendered  to  the  Hapsburgs  in  the  try- 
ing days  of  1848,^  and  he  bitterly  resented  what  he  regarded 
as  ungrateful  conduct.  The  estrangement  between  Russia 
and  Austria,  begun  as  a  result  of  the  Crimean  War,  con- 
tinued with  increasing  bitterness,  and  it  was  to  influence 
international  relations  for  many  ^'^ears  to  come.  Prussia 
alone  maintained  an  attitude  of  benevolent  neutrality 
toward  Russia,  which  was  now  faced  by  a  coalition  of  prac- 
tically all  the  Great  Powers  of  Europe. 

Russian  armies  invaded  Moldavia  and  Wallachia,  the 
Danubian  provinces  of  Turkey,  but  were  driven  out  by  the 
The  fall  of  forces  of  the  Allies.  It  was  now  decided  to  pun- 
Sebastopol  jgj^  Russian  aggression  by  invading  the  Tsar's 
territory.  Accordingly,  large  Allied  armies  invaded  Crimea 
and  laid  siege  to  Sebastopol,  which  had  been  magnificently 
fortified  by  Russia  with  the  object  of  dominating  the  Black 
Sea.  The  siege  of  Sebastopol,  lasting  eleven  months,  was 
the  crucial  event  of  the  Crimean  War.  The  great  fortress 
was  gallantly  and  ably  defended;  but  it  finally  fell,  on  Sep- 
tember 8,  1855.  Many  bloody  battles  were  fought  during 
the  siege,  the  most  famous  of  which  were  Alma,  Balaklava, 
and  Inkermann.  The  Charge  of  the  Light  Brigade  at 
Balaklava,  a  troop  of  six  hundred  English  soldiers  against 
1  See  pp.  162,  211.  2  See  p.  135. 


THE   NEAR  EASTERN   QUESTION  631 

a  large  Russian  army,  roused  the  greatest  admiration  all 
over  the  world  and  was  immortalized  in  poetry  by  Tenny- 
son, The  conduct  of  the  war  on  the  part  of  England  was 
disgracefully  incompetent,  and  thousands  of  soldiers  per- 
ished through  a  breakdown  of  the  English  commissariat. 
Only  two  striking  personalities  emerged  from  the  struggle, 
the  Russian  military  engineer,  Colonel  Todleben,  whose 
gallant  defense  of  Sebastopol  won  universal  admiration,  and 
the  English  nurse,  Florence  Nightingale,  whose  tenderness 
and  bravery  while  nursing  the  wounded  soldiers  gained  her 
the  deepest  gratitude  and  affection,  and  whose  labors  in- 
spired the  organization,  a  generation  later,  of  the  Red  Cross 
Society. 

Peace  was  concluded  in  1856  at  the  Congress  of  Paris, 
The  treaty,  which  was  signed  by  England,  France,  Russia, 
Turkey,  Austria,  Prussia,  and  Piedmont,  pro-  The  Peace 
vided  that  the  Black  Sea  be  "neutralized";  °^  ^^"^ 
that  is,  that  no  nation  was  to  build  arsenals  on  its  coast  or 
station  warships  in  its  waters.  Navigation  on  the  Danube 
River  was  made  free  to  all  nations,  and  Russia  was  pushed 
from  the  banks  of  that  river  by  the  annexation  of  a  strip  of 
Bessarabia  to  Moldavia.  Russia's  claim  to  a  protectorate 
of  the  Greek  Orthodox  Christians  in  Turkey  was  denied. 
The  Danubian  provinces,  Moldavia  and  Wallachia,  were 
each  granted  local  autonomy  under  Turkish  suzerainty. 

Directly,  the  Crimean  War  accomplished  little  in  the 
solution  of  the  Near  Eastern  Question.  Turkey  came  out 
unscathed  and  even  respectable,  for  she  was  Results  of 
recognized  as  a  member  of  the  European  family  ^^^  ^'^^ 
of  nations  for  the  first  time  by  the  Congress  of  Paris,  The 
Sultan  continued  to  oppress  his  Christian  subjects  in  spite 
of  promises  to  the  contrary.  Russia,  too,  violated  the  treaty 
by  ignoring  the  clauses  relating  to  the  neutrality  of  the 
Black  Sea.  Indirectly,  however,  the  results  of  the  war  were 
far-reaching.  In  Russia  it  led  to  the  emancipation  of  the 
serfs ;  ^  in  Italy,  to  the  first  step  toward  unification ;  in  France, 
to  the  increase  of  Napoleon's  influence. 

'  See  p,  507, 


632      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

The  Russo-Turkish  War  (1877-78) 
For  a  generation  after  the  Crimean  War  British  influence 
in  the  Balkans  was  predominant.  Turkey  regarded  England 
as  the  bulwark  of  her  defense  against  Russian 
aggression  and,  therefore,  directed  her  policies 
to  please  the  English  Government.  But  the  dismemberment 
of  the  Turkish  dominions  could  not  be  stayed.  Moldavia 
and  Wallachia,  both  inhabited  by  Rumanians,  desired  to  be 
united  and  to  form  an  independent  nation.  In  1859  each 
province  elected  Colonel  Alexander  Couza  as  its  Prince; 
and  three  years  later,  both  provinces  were  completely 
united  under  one  government  with  Couza  as  "Prince  of 
Rumania."  Couza  proved  to  be  a  radical  reformer.  He 
freed  the  peasants  from  feudal  dues,  confiscated  the  prop- 
erty of  the  monasteries,  and  gave  land  to  thousands  of 
peasants.  Naturally,  his  reforms  incurred  the  hostility  of 
the  nobility  and  clergy,  who  in  1866  forced  him  to  abdicate. 
As  his  successor  they  chose  a  member  of  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic branch  of  the  House  of  Hohenzollern,  who  became 
Charles  I,  Prince  of  Rumania. 

Turkish  misgovernment  was  bound  to  bring  the  Near 
Eastern  Question  again  to  the  foreground  of  European  poli- 
Th  B  1  ^^^®"  ^^^  peasants  of  Herzegovina,  unable  to 
garian  atro-  endure  the  heavy  taxes  and  inhuman  cruelty  of 
^***^^  the  Turkish  officials,  rose  in  rebellion  in  1875. 

The  insurrection  spread  all  over  the  peninsula.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  the  Bulgarians  rose  and  killed  many  Turkish 
officials.  In  revenge,  savage  warriors,  called  Bashi-Bazouks, 
were  sent  into  Bulgaria,  and  they  fell  upon  the  inhab- 
itants, slaughtering  men,  women,  and  children  without 
mercy.  These  "Bulgarian  atrocities"  roused  all  Europe 
against  the  Turk.  Gladstone  came  forward  as  the  cham- 
pion of  the  Christians  and  denounced  the  "unspeakable 
Turk"  in  unqualified  language.  He  demanded  that  Eng- 
land cease  to  support  a  Power  that  was  an  "afl'ront  to  the 
laws  of  God  "  and  that  the  Turks  be  driven  out  of  Eu- 
rope, "bag  and  baggage." 


THE   NEAR  EASTERN   QUESTION  633 

In  1876  a  new  Sultan  came  to  the  throne  in  the  person  of 
Abdul  Hamid  II,  who  proved  to  be  as  cruel  and  despotic 
as  he  was  cunning  and  resourceful.  As  we  have  Intervention 
just  seen,  the  year  of  his  accession  witnessed  a 
general  uprising  of  his  Christian  subjects  which  aroused 
wide  sympathy,  especially  among  the  Russian  people,  many 
of  whom  volunteered  to  help  their  "little  Slav  brothers." 
Tsar  Alexander  II  declared  that  the  situation  in  the  Bal- 
kans was  intolerable  and  that  unless  Europe  intervened 
promptly  and  firmly,  Russia  would  do  so  herself.  But  the 
Powers,  particularly  England,  hesitated;  whereupon,  in 
1877,  the  Tsar  declared  war  upon  Turkey. 

Russian  armies  promptly  crossed  the  Danube  and  invaded 
Turkey.  Plevna,  a  Turkish  stronghold  in  Bulgaria,  was 
defended  by  a  large  army  under  the  able  and  p. 
gallant  Turkish  general,  Osman  Pasha.  The 
Russian  forces  made  several  attempts  to  carry  it  by  storm, 
but  were  hurled  back  each  time  with  great  loss.  Plevna  was 
then  besieged  by  a  Russian  army  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  men  under  General  Todleben,  the  hero  of  Sebas- 
topol.  After  holding  out  for  five  months  Osman  Pasha  sur- 
rendered on  December  10,  1877.  The  passes  across  the 
Balkans  were  now  open,  and  Russian  armies  poured  into 
Turkey.  In  January,  1878,  they  captured  Adrianople  and 
prepared  to  march  on  Constantinople.  But  the  Sultan  de- 
cided to  sue  for  peace;  and  on  March  3  the  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano  was  signed  by  Russia  and  Turkey. 

According  to  this  treaty  the  Sultan  agreed  to  recognize 
the  complete  independence  of  Serbia,  Montenegro,  and 
Rumania;  a  new  state,  "Greater  Bulgaria,"  Treaty  of 
consisting  of  Bulgaria,  Rumelia,  and  Macedonia,  ^^"  Stefano 
was  to  come  into  existence.  Of  all  his  European  territory 
the  Sultan  was  allowed  to  keep  Constantinople  and  its 
vicinity  and  Albania.  Had  this  treaty  been  carried  out, 
the  Near  Eastern  Question  might  have  then  been  solved, 
as  Turkish  rule  would  practically  have  ceased  in  Europe. 
But  great  objections  were  raised  to  this  settlement  by 
the  Greeks  and  Serbians,  who  opposed  the  creation  of  a 


634     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

"Greater  Bulgaria  "  because  they  wanted  parts  of  Mace- 
donia for  themselves.  Far  more  serious  was  the  opposition 
that  came  from  England  and  Austria.  The  former  did  not 
propose  to  sit  tamely  by  and  see  Turkey  dismembered  to 
the  advantage  of  Russia,  who  would,  in  all  likelihood, 
dominate  the  new  states  which  her  arms  had  brought  into 
existence.  Austria,  on  her  part,  was  ambitious  to  get  a  port 
on  the  JEgean,  perhaps  Saloniki,  which  the  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano,  if  carried  out,  would  put  out  of  her  reach.  Tsar 
Alexander  was  plainly  told  that  the  Balkan  situation  was 
a  matter  for  all  of  Europe  to  settle,  and  that  war  would 
be  declared  against  Russia  unless  she  submitted  the  whole 
matter  to  the  judgment  of  an  international  convention. 

Russia  felt  obliged  to  yield.  Representatives  of  England, 
Russia,  Germany,  Austria,  France,  Italy,  and  Turkey 
Congress  of  met  in  1878  at  Berlin  to  settle  the  Near  East- 
Berlin  gj-j^  Question.  To  this  Congress  of  Berlin  came 
the  most  famous  statesmen  of  the  day;  Bismarck,  who  was 
its  President;  Disraeli,  who  scored  diplomatic  triumphs  as 
England's  envoy;  and  Prince  Gortchakov,  who  came  as 
the  champion  of  Russia.  The  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  was 
totally  disregarded  by  the  Congress,  which  proceeded 
to  make  quite  another  settlement  of  the  Near  Eastern 
Question. 

The  main  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  were  as 
follows.  Montenegro,  Serbia,  and  Rumania  were  declared 
entirely  independent  of  Turkey.  "Greater  Bulgaria"  was 
split  into  three  parts :  Bulgaria  proper  was  made  an  autono- 
mous state  with  the  Sultan  as  her  suzerain;  Eastern  Ru- 
melia  was  given  "administrative  autonomy"  under  a 
Christian  governor;  and  Macedonia  was  allowed  to  remain 
a  part  of  Turkey.  To  Austria-Hungary  was  given  the  right 
to  occupy  and  to  administer  the  provinces  of  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina,  but  with  the  understanding  that  they  were 
legally  to  remain  a  part  of  Turkey;  she  also  received  special 
commercial  and  military  privileges  in  theSanjak,  or  County, 
of  Novi  Bazaar.  England  was  given  the  right  to  occupy  the 
island  of  Cyprus.    Russia,  who  alone  had  won  the  victory 


THE  NEAR  EASTERN  QUESTION  635 

over  Turkey,  got  almost  nothing.  She  was  allowed  to  ex- 
change with  Rumania  the  Dobrudja  district  for  the  strip 
of  Bessarabia  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Danube.  After 
thus  partitioning  most  of  the  dominions  of  the  Sultan, 
the  Powers  again  solemnly  guaranteed  the  "integrity" 
of  Turkey. 

The  Treaty  of  Berlin  was  considered  by  many  at  the 
time  as  the  final  solution  of  the  Near  Eastern  Question. 
But  that  did  not  prove  to  be  the  case,  as  the  xhe  Near 
settlement    left  bitter    animosities,  which  were  Eastern 

Question  not 

to  be  productive  of  future  wars.  Bulgaria  was  solved  by 
especially  disappointed  and  began  preparing  for  *  ^  ongress 
the  recovery  of  the  "Greater  Bulgaria"  of  San  Stefano. 
Russia  was  incensed  at  being  robbed  of  the  fruits  of  her 
victory,  and,  in  revenge,  began  to  threaten  English  inter- 
ests in  India  ^  and  to  intrigue  against  Austria  in  the  Bal- 
kans.2  England,  in  the  words  of  Disraeli,  achieved  "peace 
with  honor"  in  settling  the  affairs  of  Turkey;  but  time  was 
to  prove  that  she  "put  her  money  on  the  wrong  horse," 
as  Lord  Salisbury,  the  colleague  of  Disraeli,  later  declared. 
A  new  factor,  Austria,  entered  prominently  into  Balkan 
affairs,  a  circumstance  fraught  with  ominous  consequences 
for  the  history  of  Europe.  Germany,  as  yet,  took  no  interest 
in  Turkey.  In  the  opinion  of  Bismarck  the  whole  Near 
Eastern  Question  was  not  worth  "the  bones  of  a  Pomera- 
nian grenadier."  He  contented  himself,  as  President  of  the 
Congress  of  Berlin,  with  playing  the  part  of  "an  honest 
broker"  among  the  Powers  by  acting  as  intermediary  be- 
tween the  various  claimants. 

Bulgaria  (1878-1912) 

Bulgaria  owed  her  existence,  as  we  have  seen,  to  Russia, 
who  regarded  the  newly  created  Balkan  state  as  her  spe- 
cial protege.     Prince  Alexander  of  Battenberg,   Russian  in- 
a  relative  of  the  Tsar,  was  made  Prince  of  Bui-  fluence  in 

o  ,  •        •  11    Bulgaria 

gana  m  1879,  and  a  constitution  was  adopted 
establishing   a  parliament   elected   by  universal   suffrage. 
'  See  p.  673.  2  See  p.  707« 


636      MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Most  of  the  important  officials,  both  civil  and  military,  were 
Russians,  and  they  directed  Bulgarian  policies  to  suit  Rus- 
sian interests.  This  aroused  opposition  among  patriotic 
Bulgarians,  and  a  strong  Nationalist  Party,  whose  motto 
was  "Bulgaria  for  the  Bulgarians,"  demanded  that  their 
country  be  freed  from  Russian  interference. 

In  1885  the  inhabitants  of  Eastern  Rumelia  flouted  the 
Treaty  of  Berlin,  and,  with  the  consent  of  Prince  Alexan- 
War  be-  der,  joined  their  kinsmen  in  Bulgaria.  This 
biaand^^'  greatly  annoyed  Russia,  who  did  not  desire  her 
Bulgaria  protege  to  become  strong  enough  to  manage 
without  her  tutelage.  The  Tsar,  in  anger,  withdrew  the 
Russian  officers  from  the  Bulgarian  army,  thus  badly  crip- 
pling it.  Serbia,  the  rival  of  Bulgaria,  took  advantage  of  the 
situation  by  declaring  war  in  1885;  but,  in  spite  of  the  dis- 
organized condition  of  their  army,  the  Bulgarians  inflicted 
severe  defeats  upon  the  Serbians  and  emerged  triumphant 
from  the  war. 

The  Russian  party,  incensed  at  the  independent  attitude 

of  Prince  Alexander,  organized  a  conspiracy  against  him, 

.   ,         and  in  1886  he  was  forcibly  compelled  to  abdi- 

btambulov  1    a  1  1  1  1      • 

cate.  To  succeed  Alexander,  the  choice  of  the 
anti-Russian  Nationalist  Party  fell  upon  the  German 
Prince,  Ferdinand  of  Saxe-Coburg,  who  was  elected  Prince 
of  Bulgaria  in  1887  by  the  Bulgarian  Parliament.  Stam- 
bulov,  the  leader  of  the  Nationalists,  having  the  full  con- 
fidence of  Ferdinand,  dominated  Bulgarian  politics  in 
opposition  to  Russian  influence.  He  became  known  as  the 
"Bulgarian  Bismarck"  because  of  the  thoroughness  with 
which  he  organized  his  country's  government  and  army 
and  because  of  his  ruthless  suppression  of  opposition  to  his 
rule.  The  many  enemies  that  he  made  conspired  to  destroy 
him,  and  in  1895  they  succeeded  in  having  him  assassinated. 
Bulgaria  was  very  ambitious  to  annex  Macedonia  in 
Bui  ari  Order  to  get  an  outlet  to  the  ^gean  Sea;  but 

becomes  a       in  this  she  encountered  the  opposition,  not  only 
ing  om         ^£  Turkey,  but  also  of  Serbia  and  Greece,  who 
were  also  ambitious  to  expand  in  this  direction.    Bulgaria 


THE   NEAR   EASTERN   QUESTION  637 

declared  her  complete  independence  of  Turkey  in  1908; 
and,  as  a  sign  of  her  increased  dignity,  she  proclaimed  her- 
self a  kingdom  instead  of  a  principality,  and  Ferdinand  took 
the  title  of  King,  or  Tsar,  of  the  Bulgarians. 

Rumania  (1878-1912) 

In  recognizing  the  independence  of  Rumania  the  Con- 
gress of  Berlin  stipulated  that  equality  be  granted  to  all 
citizens  irrespective  of  their  religious  beliefs.  Persecution 
This  was  done  mainly  to  protect  the  interests  °^  ^^^  ^^^^ 
of  the  Jews,  who  were  being  discriminated  against  by  the 
Government.  But  Rumania  ignored  this  provision  of  the 
treaty  and  by  law  classed  the  Jews  as  aliens,  and  there- 
fore not  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  citizenship.  The  per- 
secution of  the  Jews  which  followed  caused  many  of  them 
to  emigrate  to  the  United  States. 

Prince  Charles  and  his  wife  Elizabeth,^  although  for- 
eigners, were  very  popular  with  their  subjects.  A  thorough 
reorganization  of  the  administration  and  of  the  army  was 
undertaken,  and  a  high  degree  of  efficiency  was  introduced 
into  the  Government,  mainly  on  the  initiative  of  the  Prince, 
who  was  able,  hard-working,  and  conscientious.  He  was 
given  large  powers  in  the  Government,  as  the  constitution 
was  framed  on  the  Prussian  model,  with  the  three-class 
system  of  voting  for  members  of  Parliament.  Charles  died 
in  1914  and  he  was  succeeded  by  Ferdinand  I. 

Rumania,  like   the  other   Balkan   states,   was  eager  to 
expand.     The  Russian  province  of  Bessarabia,   the  Aus- 
trian province  of  Bukowina,   and  the  Hunga-  xhe"un- 
rian  province  of  Transylvania  contained  many  redeemed" 

T->  .  ,  11  .1  r  1        Rumanians 

Rumanians;    not    unnaturally,    thereiore,    the 
Rumanians  wished  to  "redeem"  their  brothers  from  for- 
eign rule.    But  Rumania  was  not  strong  enough  to  attempt 
their  redemption  and  contented  herself  with  watching  the 
domestic  politics  of  the  Dual  Monarchy. 

In  1907  a  serious  outbreak  of  the  peasantry  took  place, 

•  She  gained  fame  and  popularity  as  a  poet^sg  under  the  pen-name  of  "  Car- 
men Sylva." 


638      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

which  was  directed  against  the  landlords  and  their  agents 
Outbreak  of  because  of  their  harsh  methods.  The  insurrec- 
the  peasants  ^Jqj^  spread  rapidly,  and  it  took  an  army  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men  to  suppress  it.  Im- 
portant reforms  were  then  made  by  the  Government.  Taxes 
on  peasants'  lands  were  reduced,  leases  of  land  to  middle- 
men were  restricted,  and  land  banks  were  established  to  aid 
needy  peasants. 

Greece  (1832-19 12) 

At  the  beginning  of  her  national  life  Greece  was  a  dev- 
astated, poverty-stricken  land  with  less  than  a  million 
Problems  of  inhabitants.  Two  great  problems  faced  the 
Greece  Greek  people:  to  reorganize  their  country  on  a 

sound  economic  and  political  basis  and  to  acquire  the 
parts  of  Turkey  inhabited  mainly  by  Greeks. 

King  Otto  was  hailed  with  enthusiasm  on  his  accession 
to  the  throne.  But  because  of  his  arbitrary  conduct  and 
Extension  of  because  of  his  filling  the  offices  with  Bavari- 
democracy  ^j^g^  j^g  became  very  unpopular.  In  order  to 
avoid  an  uprising,  Otto  granted  a  liberal  constitution  (1844) 
providing  for  a  legislature  elected  by  the  people  and  a 
Ministry  responsible  to  Parliament.  This  concession  won 
him  a  new  lease  of  power;  but  later  he  again  became  unpopu- 
lar and  in  1862  he  was  forced  to  abdicate.  A  son  of  King 
Christian  IX  of  Denmark  was  chosen  King  of  the  Hellenes 
under  the  name  of  George  I  (1863).  The  constitution  was 
then  radically  revised  (1864)  in  favor  of  a  more  thoroughly 
democratic  regime.  The  Senate  was  abolished,  and  the 
Government  was  put  under  the  control  of  a  parliament  of 
one  house,  the  Boiile,  elected  by  universal  suffrage. 

The  territory  of  Greece  was  enlarged  in  1864  by  the  ac- 
quisition of  the  Ionian  Islands,  ceded  to  her  by  England; 
Pan-  later  (1881),  through    the  good  offices  of   that 

Hellenism  country,  she  acquired  Thessaly  from  the  Sultan. 
Nevertheless,  fully  one  half  of  the  Greek  people  remained 
under  Turkish  rule,  distributed  through  Macedonia,  Epirus, 
and  the  islands  of  the  ^Egean  Sea.^  A  Pan-Hellenic  move- 


THE   NEAR   EASTERN   QUESTION  639 

ment,  known  as  the  "Great  Idea,"  manifested  itself  in  a 
longing  to  wrest  these  lands  from  Turkey;  and  some  of  the 
more  enthusiastic  patriots  dreamed  of  taking  Constanti- 
nople itself  and  of  reestablishing  ihe  old  Byzantine  Empire 
under  Greek  auspices.  The  large  island  of  Crete,  inhabited 
almost  entirely  by  Greeks,  made  many  attempts  to  throw 
off  the  Turkish  yoke  and  to  join  Greece.  To  aid  her  in 
accomplishing  this  purpose  Greece  declared  war  against 
Turkey  in  1897,  but  she  was  badly  defeated  by  that  Power. 
A  powerful  exponent  of  Pan-Hellenism  appeared  in  the 
person  of  Eleutherios  Venizelos,  a  Cretan,  who  became 
the  leader  of  the  nationalist  movement  against  Turkey 
in  the  island.  In  19 10  he  was  appointed  Prime  Minister 
of  Greece,  and  he  now  turned  his  unusual  diplomatic  abil- 
ities toward  enlarging  Greece  and  organizing  the  Balkan 
nations  into  an  alliance  against  Turkey. 

Serbia  and  Montenegro  (1878-1912) 

The  political  history  of  Serbia  during  the  nineteenth 
century  is  largely  a  narrative  of  dynastic  feuds  that  raged 
violently  between  the  Karageorgevitches  and  The  rival 
the  Obrenovitches.  Plots,  assassinations,  and  dynasties 
uprisings  were  common  occurrences  in  Serbian  affairs,  and 
the  possession  of  the  crown  oscillated  between  the  two 
dynasties. 

Prince   Milan,   an   Obrenovitch,   who   became   ruler  in 
1868,  assumed  the  more  dignified  title  of  King  in  1882.  He 
ruled  as  an  absolute  monarch,  supported  by  the  j^^j^  ^f  ^j^^ 
aristocratic  party  and  by  Austrian  influences.  Obreno- 
The   unsuccessful   war  with   Bulgaria   in    1885 
made  the  King  very  unpopular,  and  he  sought  to  conciliate 
his  disaffected  subjects  by  granting  a  liberal  constitution 
in  1889.     But  the  dissatisfaction  was  not  allayed  by  this 
concession,  and  he  was  forced  to  abdicate  in  favor  of  his 
son,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  as  Alexander  I  in  1889. 

The  new  King  was  even  more  autocratic  than  his  father. 
He  disregarded  the  constitution  entirely  and  inaugurated 
a  period  of  personal  rule.     Widespread  opposition  due  to 


640      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

deep  resentment  at  his  course  led  to  the  formation  of  a 
Assassina-  well-laid  Conspiracy  under  the  direction  of  army 
tion  of  King  officers.  In  1 903  King  Alexander,  his  wife  Draga, 
and  nearly  all  the  members  of  the  Obrenovitch 
family  were  assassinated.  Peter,  a  Karageorgevitch,  was 
then  proclaimed  King,  and  the  constitution  of  1889  was 
restored. 

This  dynastic  coup  d'etat  had  important  diplomatic  con- 
sequences. Austrian  influences  in  Serbia  ceased  to  have 
Serbia's  Weight,  because  Peter's  policies  were  pro-Rus- 

Austrian  sian.  Serbia  now  succeeded  Bulgaria  as  the  pro- 
policies  tege  of  the  Tsar.  A  vigorous  anti-Austrian  policy 
was  inaugurated  with  the  object  of  annexing  Bosnia- 
Herzegovina,  which  are  inhabited  by  Serbs.  Patriotic  Serb 
societies  carried  on  an  active  propaganda  in  these  provinces 
to  the  great  anxiety  of  the  Austrian  authorities.  In  retalia- 
tion the  latter  began  a  tariff  war  on  Serbia  by  excluding  her 
exports,  mainly  swine  and  farm  products.  As  Serbian  trade 
was  almost  entirely  with  Austria  and  Germany,  this  "pig 
war"  of  1905  brought  great  hardship  to  the  Serbians  and 
still  further  embittered  them  against  Austria.  When,  in 
1908,  Austria  announced  the  formal  annexation  of  Bosnia- 
Herzegovina,  the  Serbians  were  infuriated  to  the  point  of 
war;  it  required  the  restraining  hand  of  Russia  to  prevent 
an  instant  outbreak  of  hostilities.^ 

The  other  Serb  nation,  Montenegro,  was  for  many  years 

an  autonomous  state  in  the  Ottoman  Empire.     After  her 

independence  was  recognized  by  the  Congress 

Montenegro        ^  ^      ,.       ^^  ,     ,  .      ,, 

of  Berhn,  Montenegro  was  ruled  autocratically 
by  Prince  Nicholas,  and  it  was  not  until  1905  that  he 
granted  a  constitution  establishing  a  parliamentary  regime. 
In  1 9 10  Prince  Nicholas,  although  the  ruler  of  the  smallest 
state  in  the  Balkans,  assumed  the  dignified  title  of  King. 

Turkey  (1878-1912) 

Turkey  came  out  of  the  Congress  of  Berlin  greatly  re- 
duced in  size,  but  she  was  still  a  European  Power  and  one  to 

1  See  p.  645. 


THE   NEAR  EASTERN   QUESTION  641 

be  reckoned  with.  In  spite  of  solemn  promises  to  reform  the 
Government,  Abdul  Hamid's  regime  continued  Turkey  un- 
to be  corrupt,  incompetent,  and  tyrannical,  repentant 
Turkey  was  beaten  but  unrepentant.  For  a  generation  the 
wily  Sultan  managed  to  avoid  foreign  intervention  by  play- 
ing off  one  Christian  Power  against  another,  knowing  full 
well  that  the  nations  of  Europe  were  far  more  interested 
in  advancing  their  own  interests  than  in  the  fate  of  his 
Christian  subjects,  about  whom  they  pretended  to  be  so 
solicitous. 

Disorder  was  rife  in  Macedonia,  where  rival  bands  of 
Bulgars,  Serbs,  Rumanians,  and  Greeks,  aided  by  their 
compatriots  from  without,  made  war  on  the  Growth  of 
Turks  and  upon  each  other.  Innocent  travelers  Armenian^  ^ 
were  frequently  sufferers  from  these  brigand-  massacres 
patriots,  who  infested  the  mountains  and  who  were  not 
averse  to  robbing  those  who  came  their  way.  In  Albania 
the  warlike  mountaineers  were  ever  ready  to  rise  in  rebellion 
at  the  approach  of  the  Turkish  tax  collectors.  In  Constanti- 
nople plots  were  being  continually  hatched  against  Abdul 
Hamid  and  his  regime.  In  1894  the  world  was  shocked  by 
wholesale  massacres  of  the  Armenians,  who  were  suspected 
of  being  implicated  in  these  plots.  More  than  one  hundred 
thousand  men,  women,  and  children  were  cruelly  slaugh- 
tered by  the  Kurds,  a  fanatical  Mohammedan  tribe,  whose 
religious  zeal  was  fanned  into  a  flame  by  the  Turkish  author- 
ities. Once  more  the  world,  and  especially  England,  gave 
vent  to  moral  indignation  at  the  slaughter  of  these  Chris- 
tians  who  had  no  country  of  their  own  to  defend  them. 

During  the  period  following  the  Congress  of  Berlin  a 
profound  change  was  taking  place  in  the  attitude  of  the 
European  Powers  toward  Turkey.     Russia,  dis-  Russia  and 
appointed  at  the  outcome  of  the  Russo-Turkish  England 

.  .  lose  interest 

War,  retired  from  Balkan  affairs  and  sought  to  in  the  Bal- 
find  a  "window  on  the  Pacific."    England,  the  ^^"^ 
traditional  upholder  of  Turkish  integrity  and  long  the  most 
influential   factor  in   directing  the  policies  of  the   Porte, 
began  to  lose  interest  in  the  Near  Eastern  Question,  be- 


642      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

cause  the  acquisition  of  Egypt  and  the  Suez  Canal  safe- 
guarded her  route  to  India. 

A  new  Power,  Germany,  now  came  upon  the  scene  and 
quickly  assumed  the  leading  role  In  Ottoman  affairs.  On 
Rise  of  Ger  ^^^  retirement  of  Bismarck,  the  German  atti- 
man  influ-  tude  toward  the  Balkans  was  reversed;  the 
former  indifference  gave  place  to  an  intense 
interest  in  the  fate  of  Turkey.  The  goal  of  Germany's 
ambitions  lay,  not  in  European,  but  in  Asiatic  Turkey, 
where  she  planned  to  secure  economic  control  of  the  re- 
gion known  as  Mesopotamia,  which  offered  a  rich  field  for 
the  investment  of  German  capital.  To  get  concessions 
from  the  Porte  to  exploit  this  region,  German  diplomacy 
had  to  become  all-powerful  at  Constantinople;  and  studied 
efforts  were  made  by  the  Germans  to  cultivate  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Turks.  In  1883  General  von  der  Goltz,  a  Ger- 
man, was  appointed  by  the  Sultan  to  reorganize  the  Turkish 
army,  and  Turkish  officers  were  sent  for  instruction  to  the 
German  military  schools.  Emperor  William  II  paid  two 
visits  to  the  Sultan,  one  in  1889  and  another  in  1898,  to 
show  his  high  regard  for  his  fellow  sovereign.  During  his 
second  visit  the  Kaiser  delivered  an  address  in  which  he 
fervently  proclaimed  himself  the  friend  of  the  Mohamme- 
dans. Great  care  was  taken  by  the  Germans  not  to  wound 
the  susceptibilities  of  the  Sultan  by  criticizing  his  Govern- 
ment. A  capable  diplomat.  Baron  Marschall  von  Bieber- 
stein,  was  the  German  Ambassador  to  Turkey  from  1897 
to  191 2,  during  which  period  he  practically  controlled  the 
policies  of  the  Porte,  largely  in  Germany's  interest  and  to 
the  detriment  of  that  of  England.  The  first  important 
gain  made  by  Germany  was  a  concession  to  her  capitalists 
to  build  the  Bagdad  Railway  (1899).^ 

Abdul  Hamid's  regime  was  arousing  great  discontent, 
and  uprisings  constantly  took  place  in  Macedonia,  Albania, 
"Young  Arabia,  and  Crete.  The  finances  were  in  such  a 
Turkey"  ]^^(^  Condition  that  the  Government  was  always 
verging  on  bankruptcy.     Promises  of  reform  were  often 

1  See  p.  704. 


THE   NEAR   EASTERN   QUESTION  643 

made  by  the  Sultan  and  as  often  disregarded.  Many  patri- 
otic Turks  began  to  realize  that  any  day  might  witness  the 
spontaneous  dissolution  of  their  country,  so  great  was  the 
disorder,  incompetence,  and  corruption.  At  last  a  movement 
to  reform  the  Government  appeared  among  the  Turks 
themselves.  A  group,  known  as  the  "Young  Turks,"  be- 
gan advocating  radical  reforms  in  the  hope  of  rejuvenating 
their  country  by  introducing  Western  ideas,  methods,  and 
institutions.  Many  of  the  younger  generation  had  been 
educated  in  the  schools  of  Western  Europe,  particularly  in 
those  of  France,  where  they  had  imbibed  modern  ideas. 
They  were  convinced  that  Turkey  could  be  saved  from  final 
disruption  only  by  adopting  the  twin  principles  of  the 
French  Revolution,  nationalism  and  democracy. 

Secret  societies  were  organized,  the  most  famous  of 
which  was  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  that  con- 
ducted an  active  revolutionary  movement.  The  Revolution 
"Young  Turks,"  realizing  that  it  w^as  necessary  °^  ^^08 
to  win  over  the  army  in  order  to  succeed  in  their  plans, 
spread  their  propaganda  among  the  officers  and  induced 
many  of  them  to  join  the  movement.  With  a  swiftness  and 
sureness  that  astonished  the  world,  the  Committee  of 
Union  and  Progress  executed  a  coup  d'etat  on  July  23,  1908, 
by  proclaiming  the  constitution  of  1876.^  They  then  de- 
manded of  the  Sultan  that  he  legalize  their  action  by  a 
decree,  and  they  prepared  to  employ  the  army  against  him 
in  case  he  refused.  Abdul  Hamid  yielded  and  issued  a  call 
for  the  election  of  a  parliament.  Before  long  he  began  to 
plot  the  overthrow  of  the  constitution.  When  his  duplicity 
was  discovered,  an  army  under  the  command  of  Shevket 
Pasha,  a  "Young  Turk"  general,  took  possession  of  Con- 
stantinople in  the  name  of  Parliament.  Abdul  Hamid, 
after  a  long  reign  of  thirty-three  years,  was  deposed  and 
sent  to  the  city  of  Saloniki  to  live  in  closely  guarded  seclu- 
sion. His  brother  succeeded  to  the  throne  and  was  crowned 
as  Mohammed  V  on  May  10,  1909. 

1  On  his  accession,  in  1876,  Abdul  Hamid  had  proclaimed  a  constitution, 
which  he  abrogated  two  years  later. 


644   MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

There  was  widespread  joy  over  the  deposition  of  Abdul 
Hamid.  The  terror  which  for  so  many  years  had  hung  over 
The  new  the  inhabitants  of  the  Empire  vanished  with  the 
liberal  era  f^\i  Qf  ^j^g  dread  Sultan.  Freedom  of  speech,  of 
the  press,  and  of  assembly  was  granted;  Mohammedans, 
Jews,  and  Christians  were  declared  equal  before  the  law; 
Christians  were  now  admitted  into  the  army,  hitherto 
restricted  to  Mohammedans  only.  A  new  era  had  indeed 
opened  for  Turkey,  with  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity 
for  all  the  races  and  religions  under  the  Ottoman  flag. 

The  "Young  Turks,"  however,  were  intense  believers  in 
the  principle  of  nationalism.  In  spite  of  their  liberal  pro- 
National-        fessions  they  therefore  set  about  to  Ottomanize 

ism  of  the         , ,  •  •      -i       t^         •        i_  .       i*    • 

"Young  the  various  races  m  the  Empire  by  centralizing 
Turks"  thg  administration,  by  establishing  a  system  of 

national  schools  wherein  Turkish  was  taught,  and  by  re- 
moving the  privileges  as  well  as  the  disabilities  of  the  various 
races  in  the  Empire.  Through  such  methods  they  hoped  to 
generate  a  spirit  of  patriotism  among  the  diverse  elements, 
that  Turkey  would  no  longer  have  to  appeal  to  the  re- 
ligious fanaticism  of  the  Mohammedans  in  case  of  war. 
The  "Young  Turks"  also  wished  to  free  their  country  from 
the  interference  of  foreign  nations  in  its  internal  affairs. 
In  the  past  a  system  known  as  "capitulations"  had  grown 
up,  whereby  the  various  European  Powers  obtained  special 
treaty  rights  in  Turkey.  France  exercised  a  protectorate 
over  the  Roman  Catholics;  European  residents  were  not 
subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  local  authorities,  but  to 
that  of  their  own  consuls;  no  tariff  could  be  enacted  except 
by  an  agreement  with  the  Powers ;  foreign  merchants  were 
frequently  exempted  from  taxation  and  so  possessed  priv- 
ileges denied  to  the  natives.  The  "Young  Turks"  chafed 
under  these  "capitulations,"  which  made  Turkey  a  kind  of 
dependency  of  Europe ;  and  they  began  to  abrogate  them, 
which  aroused  the  hostility  of  the  Powers,  many  of  whose 
citizens  had  large  commercial  interests  in  the  Empire.  The 
new  regime  looked  with  friendly  eyes  toward  England, 
because  she  was  considered  the  chief  supporter  of  liberal 


THE   NEAR   EASTERN   QUESTION  645 

governments.  The  new  Grand  Vizier,  Kiamil  Pasha,  was  an 
especially  warm  admirer  of  the  English.  Germany,  being 
regarded  as  the  supporter  of  the  old  regime,  lost  her  ascend- 
ancy for  a  time. 

But  the  new  era  of  good  feeling  was  destined  to  last  only 
a  short  time.  The  various  races  in  Turkey  did  not  wish  to 
be  Ottomanized,  and  they  vigorously  resisted  Oppositionto 
the    nationalistic    tendencies    of    the    "Young  the  national- 

. ,      ism  of  the 

Turks."  For  centuries  they  had  lived  a  life  "Young 
apart,  with  their  own  customs,  languages,  and  "^ 
laws,  and  protected  in  their  autonomy  by  special  laws.  To 
give  these  up  in  return  for  "equality"  might  make  matters 
much  worse.  They  had  hailed  the  downfall  of  Abdul  Hamid 
with  delight,  expecting  still  more  privileges  from  the  new 
regime;  now  they  feared  the  liberty  and  equality  of  the 
"Young  Turks"  far  more  than  they  had  the  tyranny  of  the 
old  Sultan.  In  its  efTorts  to  centralize  the  Government,  the 
new  regime  endeavored  to  bring  Albania  and  Arabia  under 
more  direct  control  of  Constantinople,  which  caused  a 
series  of  uprisings  in  these  regions,  where  Turkish  authority 
had  always  been  more  or  less  lax.  In  Macedonia,  too,  the 
Government's  attempt  to  strengthen  the  ^Mohammedan 
element  by  sending  Turkish  immigrants  resulted  in  upris- 
ings among  the  Christians.  The  Greeks  in  Crete  rose  in 
rebellion  and  declared  for  union  with  Greece. 

The  European  Powers  were  not  o\'er-eager  to  see  Turkey 
reformed.  They  preferred  that  evil  conditions  continue  in 
order  to  furnish  them  with  excuses  to  interfere  Powers  take 
for  the  sake  of  territor>^  and  concessions.  Taking  T^urke?r  °^ 
ad\'antage  of  the  confusion  caused  by  the  troubles 
"Young  Turk"  Revolution.  Austria  violated  the  Treaty  of 
Berlin  by  announcing,  on  October  7,  1908,  the  annexation 
of  Bosnia-Herzegovina.  A  few  days  earlier  Prince  Ferdi- 
nand of  Bulgaria  had  repudiated  Turkish  suzerainty.  In 
191 1  Italy  declared  war  and  seized  Tripoli,  Cyrenaica,  and 
some  /Egeasi  islands.  These  acts,  done  evidently  with  the 
consent  of  the  Powers,  brought  about  a  reaction  in  Turkey. 
The  methods  and  policies  of  Abdul  Hamid  were  revived  by 


646      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  "Young  Turks,"  who  were  panic-stricken  lest  their 
country  be  dismembered  in  spite  of  its  rejuvenation.  Ger- 
many now  came  forward  as  the  champion  of  Turkish  integ- 
rity, and,  once  more,  her  influence  gained  ascendancy  at 
Constantinople. 

The  Balkan  Wars  (i 912-13) 

The  various  Balkan  nations,  long  divided  by  jealousies 
and  rival  ambitions,  saw  their  opportunity  in  the  distracted 
The  Balkan  State  of  Turkey.  Largely  under  the  inspiration 
Alliance  ^f  Venizelos,  Greece,  Bulgaria,  Serbia,  and 
Montenegro  formed  an  alliance  with  the  object  of  making 
war  upon  their  ancient  enemy.  The  Balkan  Allies  demanded 
of  the  Porte  that  reforms  be  instituted  in  Macedonia.  This 
was  tantamount  to  a  notice  that  war  was  imminent,  and 
both  sides  mobilized  in  October,  191 2.  The  Great  Powers, 
who  had  just  been  on  the  brink  of  war  on  account  of 
Morocco,^  were  consequently  in  no  mood  for  another  inter- 
national crisis;  they  therefore  admonished  the  Allies  not  to 
press  their  claims,  as  no  territorial  changes  would  be  per- 
mitted by  them  in  European  Turkey.  But  the  little  Balkan 
states  scouted  the  warning  and  decided  to  wage  a  "holy 
war"  against  their  hereditary  foe.  They  sent  an  ultimatum 
to  the  Porte,  demanding  local  autonomy  for  Macedonia, 
which  was  refused.   War  was  declared  on  October  17,  1912. 

Turkey  was  attacked  on  four  sides  at  the  same  time,  as 
the  movements  of  the  Allies  were  well  coordinated.  The 
The  first  Montenegrins  invaded  Albania;  the  Serbians, 
Balkan  War  Northern  Macedonia;  the  Bulgarians,  Thrace; 
and  the  Greeks,  Southern  Macedonia.  General  Savoff,  with 
an  army  of  three  hundred  thousand  Bulgarians,  captured 
Kirk-Kilisseh.  He  then  engaged  the  enemy  at  the  great 
Battle  of  Lule  Burgas  (October  27  to  November  2),  where  a 
Turkish  army  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  was  com- 
pletely routed  by  the  Bulgarians,  who  displayed  great  skill 
and  courage.  The  Turks  were  driven  to  seek  refuge  behind 
the  fortress  of  Tchatalja,  which  barred  the  way  to  Constan- 

1  See  p.  701. 


SLAVONIA/ 


1 


B^ljfdagh 
A 


1 00  1 60  200 

Acquisitions  of  Kew  Territory  through  the 
War  of  l»ia-13  shown  in  lighter  tints. 


Longitude  East  from  Greenwich     24 


THE   NEAR   EASTERN   QUESTION  647 

tinople.  The  Serbians,  too,  won  notable  successes  in  the 
western  field.  They  occupied  Prishtina,  Novi  Bazaar,  and 
Monastir;  and  on  November  28  they  captured  the  impor- 
tant seaport  of  Durazzo.  The  Greeks  invaded  Macedonia 
from  the  south;  and,  after  a  series  of  victories,  they  laid 
siege  to  Saloniki,  which  surrendered  on  November  8.  The 
Greek  navy  did  notable  service  by  blockading  Turkish  ports 
and  by  capturing  many  islands  in  the  ^gean. 

At  the  instance  of  Sir  Edward  Grey,  the  English  Foreign 
Minister,  an  armistice  preliminary  to  peace  was  signed  in 
London  on  December  3,  1912.  The  armistice.  Efforts  for 
however,  accomplished  nothing,  for  Turkey  re-  p^^^^  ^^'^ 
fused  to  surrender  Adrianople  to  Bulgaria  and  the  ^gean 
Islands  to  Greece.  Hostilities  were  resumed  early  in  Febru- 
ary of  the  following  year.  The  Greeks  captured  Janina,  and 
a  combined  army  of  Serbs  and  Bulgarians  forced  their  way 
into  Adrianople.  Scutari,  an  important  town  in  Albania, 
was  invested  by  an  army  of  Montenegrins,  who  continued 
to  besiege  it  even  after  a  second  armistice  was  made  to 
negotiate  a  peace.    It  fell  on  April  23,  1913. 

Representatives  of  the  belligerent  nations  met  at  Lon- 
don, where,  on  May  30,  191 3,  they  concluded  peace.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Treaty  of  London,  Turkey  was  The  Treaty 
practically  ousted  from  Europe,  as  she  was  °^  London 
compelled  to  cede  to  the  Allies  all  her  European  territory 
except  Constantinople  and  the  adjacent  region,  which  lay 
between  the  Sea  of  Marmora  and  the  line  connecting  Midia 
on  the  Black  Sea  with  Enos  on  the  JEgesin.  Crete  was  given 
to  Greece.  The  status  of  the  islands  in  the  -^gean  and  that 
of  Albania  were  left  for  a  later  decision. 

Far  more   difficulty  was  experienced   by   the  Allies   in 

partitioning  the  estate  of  the  "Sick  Man  of  Europe"  than 

in  conquering  him.    A  bitter  quarrel  arose  as  Division 

to  the  share  of  each.     Bulgaria,  who  had  ren-  among  the 

.  1      •  1  Allies 

dered    the    greatest    service    durmg    the    war, 

demanded  all  of  Macedonia  as  her  prize:  she  had  not  for- 
gotten the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano.  In  this  she  was  opposed 
by  Greece,  who  insisted  on  retaining  Saloniki;  by  Serbia, 


648      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

who,  deprived  of  her  conquests  in  Albania  through  Aus- 
trian intervention,  wished  part  of  Macedonia  as  compen- 
sation; and  by  Rumania,  who  desired  a  port  on  the  Black 
Sea. 

A  second  Balkan  war  broke  out  in  July,  1913,  this  time 
between  Bulgaria  and  her  erstwhile  allies.  Hostile  armies 
The  Second  began  to  Converge  on  Bulgaria  from  three  direc- 
Balkan  War  ^ions,  Serbians  and  Montenegrins  from  the 
west,  Greeks  from  the  south,  and  Rumanians  from  the 
north.  Several  battles  were  fought  in  which  the  Bulgari- 
ans were  defeated.  Frightful  atrocities  were  committed  on 
both  sides,  who  now  hated  each  other  more  than  they  hated 
the  Turks.  The  latter,  taking  advantage  of  the  dissensions 
among  their  foes,  reopened  hostilities  and  recaptured  Adrian- 
ople  from  the  Bulgarians.  At  the  instance  of  Austria  the 
Second  Balkan  War  was  brought  to  a  close  by  the  Treaty 
of  Bucharest,  which  was  concluded  on  August  10,  191 3. 
Bulgaria  was  shorn  of  nearly  all  her  conquests.  The  new 
arrangements  provided  for  the  following  territorial  changes : 
Greece  got  the  largest  share.  Southern  Macedonia  including 
the  rich  prize  of  Saloniki;  Serbia  was  almost  doubled  in 
size  by  getting  a  large  part  of  Macedonia  and  half  of  the 
Sanjak  of  Novi  Bazaar;  Montenegro  got  the  other  half 
of  the  Sanjak;  Bulgaria  got  p^rt  of  Macedonia  with  a 
strip  of  the  coast  and  Western  Thrace,  in  all  about  ninety- 
six  hundred  square  miles,  which  was  considerably  less  than 
the  gain  of  Greece  or  that  of  Serbia;  Rumania  got  a  strip 
on  the  Black  Sea,  ceded  to  her  by  Bulgaria.  By  the  Treaty 
of  Constantinople  (September  29,  191 3)  between  Turkey 
and  Bulgaria,  the  former  doubled  the  European  territory 
left  to  her  by  the  Treaty  of  London,  as  Adrianople  and  East- 
ern Thrace  were  given  back  to  the  Sultan. 

A  most  thorny  problem  in  the  new  Balkan  settlement  was 
Albania.  Both  Serbia  and  Montenegro  were  ambitious  to 
.  divide  the  province  between  them,  but  strenu- 

ous objections  were  raised  by  Austria,  who 
feared  that  the  expansion  of  Serbia  would  permanently 
block  her  march  to  the  yEgean,  and  by  Italy,  who  was  am- 


THE   NEAR  EASTERN   QUESTION  649 

bitious  to  control  the  lands  bordering  on  the  Adriatic.  A 
European  crisis  was  almost  precipitated  by  the  Albanian 
Question,  because  Russia  gave  hearty  support  to  her  Slav 
kinsmen,  and  Germany  to  her  ally,  Austria.  Finally,  the 
Serbians  were  induced  to  evacuate  Durazzo,  and  the  Mon- 
tenegrins, Scutari;  and  Albania  was  organized  as  an  in- 
dependent principality  with  William  of  Wied,  a  German 
prince,  as  ruler. 

The  Balkan  Wars  solved  the  Near  Eastern  Question  so 
far  as  Turkey  was  concerned.  But  they  left  behind  a  legacy 
of  hatred  and  distrust  which  was  to  have  mo-  £^,jj  q^^. 
mentous   consequences   for   Europe.      Bulgaria  come  of  the 

,       .  ,      1      1  .  ,  .    ,       Balkan  Wars 

cherished  deep  resentment  agamst  her  neigh- 
bors for  robbing  her  of  the  fruits  of  her  victories  over  the 
Turks.  Serbia  saw  her  dream  of  a  "Greater  Serbia,"  with 
an  outlet  on  the  Adriatic,  vanish  because  of  Austria's  in- 
terference; and  she  was  so  infuriated  that,  in  revenge,  she 
began  a  vigorous  movement  among  the  Slavs  in  Bosnia- 
Herzegovina  to  detach  them  from  the  Hapsburg  allegiance.^ 
The  dismemberment  of  Turkey  brought  out  vividly  con- 
ditions in  the  Dual  Monarchy  where,  as  in  the  Sultan's 
former  domains,  diverse  nationalities  were  striving  for  in- 
dependence. The  most  serious  consequence  of  all  was  the 
revival  of  Russia's  interest  in  the  Balkans.  ^  She  now  came 
forward  to  aid  her  "little  Slav  brothers"  against  the  Aus- 
trians,  as,  in  former  times,  she  had  against  the  Turks, 

1  For  further  details,  see  p.  707.  ^  See  p.  706, 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

THE  EXPANSION  OF  EUROPE 
The  New  Industrial  Revolution 

Toward  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  took 
place  a  new  Industrial  Revolution,  the  results  of  which 
Industry  of  were  almost  as  startling  as  those  of  its  pre- 
to-day  decessor  a  century  before.     The  application  of 

science  to  industry  through  the  extraordinary  develop- 
ment of  the  chemical  and  physical  sciences,  the  better 
organization  of  business  enterprise  through  combination, 
the  larger  use  of  capital,  and  the  opening  up  of  new 
sources  of  raw  material  in  Asia  and  Africa  increased  many 
fold  the  production  of  goods.  Gigantic  plants,  equipped  with 
scientific  laboratories,  worked  by  armies  of  laborers,  and 
capitalized  by  millions  of  dollars  brought  together  in 
syndicates  and  "trusts,"  displaced  the  small  factories,  or 
"mills,"  as  they  were  still  called.  It  is  estimated  that  the 
average  increase  in  the  commerce  of  all  the  countries  of 
Europe  during  the  nineteenth  century  was  over  twelve 
hundred  per  cent. 

There  was  also  a  revolution  in  the  means  of  transportation 
and  communication.  Instead  of  the  small  railways,  often 
r^^^  single  track,  connecting  points  at  no  great  dis- 

"trunk"  tance  from  one  another,  "trunk"  lines  were  built 
rai  ways  with  branches  radiating  to  every  part  of  the 
country.  Transcontinental  lines  were  put  in  operation,  like 
the  Southern  Pacific,  Northern  Pacific,  and  Canadian 
Pacific,  spanning  the  North  American  continent,  and  the 
Trans-Siberian,  traversing  Europe  and  Asia.  The  whole 
world  is  now  covered  with  a  network  of  railways,  and  the 
toot  of  the  locomotive  is  heard  in  darkest  Africa,  on  the 
plains  of  Asia,  and  in  the  deserts  of  Australia.  Gigantic 
locomotives,  pulling  trains  of  seventy-five  cars  or  going 
at  a  speed  of  over  fifty  miles  an  hour,  took  the  place  of  the 


THE   EXPANSION   OF   EUROPE  651 

slow,  old-fashioned  locomotives  that  looked  almost  Hke  toys 
alongside  of  the  new  ones. 

After  1880  steel  began  to  displace  iron  in  the  building 
of  ships.  Huge  ocean  greyhounds  now  traverse  the  seas 
along  definitely  marked  ocean  highways  and  on  The  ocean 
regular  schedule,  carrying  cargoes  and  passen-  greyhounds 
gers  to  all  parts  of  the  world.  A  modern  type  of  sea- 
going vessel  is  the  Hamburg-American  liner,  Vaterland, 
which  is  950  feet  long,  has  a  gross  tonnage  of  54,500,  and  is 
large  enough  to  accommodate  4000  passengers  in  addition 
to  a  crew  of  iioo.  She  is  propelled  by  four  great  "screws" 
and  by  the  new  type  of  marine  engine  called  the  "turbine," 
so  that,  when  going  at  full  speed,  her  propellers  make  more 
than  one  hundred  and  fifty  revolutions  a  minute,  which  en- 
ables her  to  cross  the  Atlantic  in  less  than  six  days. 

Telephones,  telegraphs,  and  cables  have  multiplied  so 
greatly  that  networks  of  wire  are  to  be  found  almost  every- 
where, above  the  surface  of  the  earth  and  at  the  wireless 
bottom  of  the  sea.  To-day  localities,  no  matter  telegraphy 
how  distant  and  obscure,  are  in  immediate  touch  with  all 
parts  of  the  world.  Chicago  now  reads  in  her  morning  paper 
about  the  events  of  the  previous  evening  in  Cairo,  Pekin, 
or  Cape  Town.  Something  like  a  revolution  in  the  meth- 
ods of  communication  occurred  through  the  invention  of 
wireless  telegraphy  by  the  Italo-Englishman,  William  Mar- 
coni. Communication  by  "wireless"  is  based  on  the  trans- 
mission of  electric  wave  currents  through  the  air  instead 
of  through  wires,  which  are  received  by  an  instrument 
called  the  "detector."  Wireless  telegraphy  has  rendered 
incalculable  service  by  establishing  communication  between 
ships  at  sea  which  enables  them  to  send  signals  for  help 
in  case  of  distress.  Vessels  at  sea  are  also  in  constant  com- 
munication with  land,  so  that  daily  newspapers  printed  on 
board  give  to  the  passengers  the  latest  news.  In  1907 
Marconi  established  a  regular  system  of  communication 
across  the  Atlantic  by  means  of  the  "wireless." 

The  production  of  coal  and  iron,  the  two  pillars  of  mod- 
ern  industry,  was   greatly   increased   through   improved 


652      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

methods,  new  inventions,  and  the  opening  of  many  new 
Increase  of  mines.  Up  to  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
steel  supply  ^^-y  England  supplied  most  of  the  coal  and  iron 
needed  for  manufacturing;  later,  extensive  coal  fields  were 
opened  up  all  over  the  world,  particularly  in  the  United 
States  and  Germany.  In  1878  a  great  improvement  in  the 
making  of  steel  came  through  the  Thomas  process,  which 
provided  a  method  of  removing  the  phosphorus  from  "pig 
iron,"  so  that  the  poorest  iron  could  be  converted  into  ex- 
cellent steel.  Extensive  iron  fields  in  Germany,  France,  and 
Belgium,  hitherto  neglected  because  the  product  contained 
too  much  phosphorus  to  be  of  much  use,  were  now  worked, 
and  the  steel  supply  of  the  world  was  greatly  increased. 

A  short,  all-water  passage  to  India,  long  the  object  of 
search  on  the  part  of  navigators  of  the  sixteenth  century 
The  Suez  and  never  found,  was  made  by  the  digging  of  the 
Canal  Suez  Canal  (1859-69),  which  shortened  by  many 

miles  the  water  route  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Indian  and 
Pacific  Oceans.  It  contributed  to  the  economic  revival  of 
lands  along  the  Mediterranean,  notably  North  Africa  and 
Asia  Minor,  which  had  fallen  into  decay  centuries  before. 
Thousands  of  vessels  laden  with  cargoes  from  the  West  and 
from  the  East  pass  through  the  Suez  Canal.  ^  The  construc- 
tion of  the  Panama  Canal  (1904-14)  has  done  a  similar  serv- 
ice for  the  Western  World  by  providing  a  shorter  passage 
between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  ports. 

The  New  Imperialism 

Up  to  the  period  of  voyages  and  discoveries  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  the  territorial  ambitions  of  the  Western 
Lack  of  in-  nations  were  limited  to  seizing  one  another's 
on?afex-''°^'  ^^nds  in  Europe.  The  discovery  of  the  New 
pansion  World  Stimulated  territorial   rivalry  in  a  new 

direction;  and  for  two  centuries  Spaniards,  Dutch,  Por- 
tuguese, French,  and  English  fought  for  the  possession  of 
the  regions  beyond  the  seas,  with  England  finally  triumph- 
ing over  all  her  rivals.  During  the  greater  part  of  the  nine 
*  In  1913  over  five  thousand  vessels  passed  through  the  Canal. 


THE   EXPANSION   OF   EUROPE  653 

teenth  century  the  passion  for  colonies  was  stilled.  Those 
who  had  lost  out  in  the  struggle  naturally  lost  interest  in 
colonies;  and  even  victorious  England  evinced  only  a 
casual  interest  in  her  Empire,  for  reasons  which  have  al- 
ready been  discussed.^ 

But  a  change  came  at  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
An  extraordinary  revival  of  colonial  enthusiasm  began 
that  caused  every  European  nation  to  make  a  Causes  for 
feverish  scramble  for  colonies.  The  explanation  revival, 
for  the  new  attitude  toward  possessions  is  man-  ^ic^^a^Ex- 
ifold ;  but  it  may  be  summed  up  under  three  port  of  goods 
main  causes:  the  economic,  the  political,  and  the  religious. 
The  Industrial  Revolution  at  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  transformed  the  economic  life  of  Western 
Europe  only;  the  new  Industrial  Revolution  at  the  end  of 
the  century  caused  Europe  to  burst  her  industrial  bonds  and 
to  encompass  the  entire  world  in  its  influences.  The  new 
industrialism  multiplied  production  so  enormously  that 
markets  had  to  be  sought  outside  of  the  limits  of  the  home 
country.  As  competition  for  the  home  market  within  the 
leading  industrial  countries  became  very  keen,  the  eyes 
of  the  captains  of  industry  were  naturally  turned  to  the 
many  regions  that  were  at  the  same  time  densely  populated 
and  industrially  undeveloped.  The  vast  populations  of 
Asia  and  Africa  were  so  many  potential  customers  for  the 
business  men  of  Europe.  What  fabulous  profits  awaited 
those  who  got  the  opportunity  of  clothing  and  shoeing  the 
teeming  millions  of  Chinese  and  Hindus! 

With  the  tremendous  increase  in  the  amount  of  business 
came  an  accumulation  of  capital  seeking  investment.  The 
financing  of  home  industries  having  reached  (b)  Export 
almost  the  point  of  saturation,  capital  had  °^  capital 
either  to  remain  idle  or  to  find  a  new  outlet.  The  solu- 
tion of  this  problem  was  most  significant  for  world  his- 
tory and  led  to  a  new  phenomenon  in  the  expansion  of 
trade,  the  export  of  capital.  Opportunities  for  investment 
were  sought  abroad,  and  surplus  capital  was  exported  to 

^  See  p.  418. 


654      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

lands  where  lay  untold  wealth  in  the  shape  of  undevel- 
oped resources.  Concessions,  or  special  privileges,  were 
obtained  from  foreign  Governments,  usually  through  the 
active  assistance  and  under  the  protection  of  the  home 
Government,  to  build  factories,  construct  bridges,  open 
mines,  lay  down  railways,  or  establish  banks.  The  con- 
cessionnaires  were  drawn  as  if  by  magnets  to  the  hidden 
and  virgin  sources  of  wealth,  the  rubber  forests  of  South 
America,  the  gold  and  diamond  mines  of  South  Africa,  the 
coal  and  iron  of  China,  the  copper  of  Morocco,  and  the  oil 
of  Persia  and  Mexico. 

The  leading  industrial  nations  found  foreign  dominions 
desirable  either  as  colonies  or  as  "spheres  of  influence," 
(c)  Colo-  because  they  opened  new  markets  for  surplus 
orraw  m?-^  products  and  because  they  offered  safe  fields 
terials  for  the  investment  of  surplus  capital.    A  third 

economic  factor  entered  to  make  colonies  popular.  The 
mother  countries  had  capital  and  machinery,  but  they 
needed  abundant  raw  materials  to  make  their  prosperity 
secure.  Colonies  appeared  in  the  aspect  of  sources  of  raw 
materials;  they  were  not  only  worth  while,  they  were  in- 
deed necessary.  This  was  the  revival  of  the  old  Mercan- 
tilist theory  in  a  new  form.  In  divers  ways,  by  diplomacy, 
by  secret  understandings,  by  treaty  rights,  all  of  the 
leading  countries  in  the  world  secured  "spheres of  influence " 
for  their  own  capital  and  enterprise  in  which  they  could 
carry  on  the  system  of  exploitation  unhindered  by  their 
rivals. 

Political  influences,  no  less  than  economic,  were  potent 
in  shaping  the  new  development.  The  intense  nationalism 
(2)  Patriotic  which  grew  up  in  Europe  during  the  wars  of 
motives  for  unification  stimulated  a  desire  for  expansion, 
expansi  Germany  and  Italy,  especially,  were  no  longer 

content  to  see  thousands  of  their  people  emigrate  to  foreign 
lands  where  they  were  lost  to  their  mother  country;  like 
England,  they  desired  to  have  colonies  where  their  surplus 
population  could  settle  and  where  they  could  maintain  the 
language,  institutions,  traditions,  and  ideals  of  their  home 


THE   EXPANSION  OF  EUROPE  655 

land.  Defeated  France  sought  solace  for  her  wounds  of  1870 
by  acquiring  a  great  colonial  empire  in  Northern  Africa 
in  order  to  balance  the  loss  of  Alsace-Lorraine.  The  awak- 
ened feeling  of  pride  in  their  world-wide  Empire  caused 
many  Britons  to  rejoice  in  the  spread  of  Anglo-Saxon 
ideals  among  the  peoples  of  the  world ;  and  there  grew  up 
among  them  a  spirit  of  imperial  patriotism  unknown  in 
previous  times,  which  was  fostered  by  prominent  soldiers, 
statesmen,  and  writers. 

Human  motives  are  strangely  mixed.  Along  with  the 
desire  for  new  markets  and  new  territory  there  was  also 
the  desire  for  new  converts  to  the  Christian  faith.  /  x  Religious 
To  many  devout  Christians  the  millions  of  motives  for 
heathen  in  Asia  and  Africa  were  souls  to  be  ^^p^"^'°" 
saved;  and  there  began  a  missionary  movement  among 
both  Catholics  and  Protestants  which  was  an  important 
cause  in  the  expansion  of  Europe.  Ever  since  the  sixteenth 
century  the  Catholic  Church  had  been  sending  missionaries 
to  all  parts  of  the  heathen  world ;  and  they  had  succeeded 
in  converting  to  Catholicism  most  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Latin  America  and  of  the  Philippine  Islands  and  in  gaining 
many  adherents  in  Japan,  China,  and  India.  In  the  nine- 
teenth century  the  Catholics  made  still  greater  efforts  in 
the  foreign  missionary  field  through  societies  that  conse- 
crated themselves  to  the  propagation  of  the  faith  by  collect- 
ing money  and  training  missionaries  for  service  among  the 
heathen.  For  a  long  time  the  Protestants  had  neglected  the 
missionary  field;  but  quite  early  in  the  eighteenth  century 
they  had  founded  several  societies  for  spreading  the  Gospel 
among  the  heathen.  By  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury almost  every  Protestant  denomination,  both  in  Europe 
and  in  America,  had  active  and  devoted  foreign  mission- 
aries in  almost  every  part  of  the  world. 

The  Christian  missionaries  were  the  advance  guard  of 
European  civilization,  for  they  established  schools,  colleges, 
and  hospitals  which  disseminated  the  arts  and  sciences  of 
the  West.  Their  influence  has  been  most  beneficial,  particu- 
larly among  the  savage  peoples  of  Africa;  they  gave  them 


656      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

the  rudiments  of  education,  taught  them  orderly  Hving, 
Influence  of  healed  their  sick,  and  induced  them  to  abandon 
sionariesin  such  inhuman  practices  as  cannibalism  and  hu- 
spreading  man  Sacrifice.  Thousands  of  Japanese,  Chinese, 
civilization  and  Hindus,  by  being  converted  to-  Christianity, 
were  initiated  into  the  civilization  of  the  West,  which  they, 
in  turn,  imparted  to  their  non-Christian  countrymen. 
Occasionally  missionaries,  too  zealous  for  the  faith,  violated 
cherished  customs  of  the  natives,  which  sometimes  led  to 
their  being  attacked  and  slain.  These  murders  furnished 
grounds  for  intervention  by  the  European  nations,  who, 
on  the  pretext  of  defending  their  citizens,  seized  ports  and 
districts.  In  this  way  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  sometimes 
became  the  seed  of  colonial  empires. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  only 
parts  of  Asia  that  were  known  were  India,  Asia  Minor,  and 
the  vast  and  desolate  region  called  Siberia;  China  and  Japan 
The  Euro-  Were  closed  to  the  world.  In  Africa,  Europe 
pean  con-  -^^g  acquainted  with  the  northern  and  southern 
Asia  and  rims  and  an  occasional  trading-post  along  the 
^^^^^^  eastern  and  western  shores;  Central  Africa  was 

an  unexplored  continent.  With  the  exploration  of  Eastern 
Asia  and  Central  Africa  during  the  second  half  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  there  took  place  a  race  for  colonies  among 
the  European  Powers  which  led  to  the  division  of  these 
regions  into  "spheres  of  influence,"  protectorates,  and  colo- 
nies. In  an  incredibly  short  time  Europe,  the  smallest 
of  the  three  continents  in  the  Eastern  Hemisphere,  suc- 
ceeded in  reducing  the  vast  populations  of  the  other  two 
to  her  dominion.  She  had  the  energy,  the  machinery,  the 
capital,  and,  above  all,  the  military  power  with  which  to  do 
it.  On  one  pretext  or  another,  European  Powers  would  in- 
tervene in  the  affairs  of  those  whose  territory  they  desired ; 
sometimes,  as  in  the  case  of  Egypt,  to  safeguard  loans  made 
to  corrupt  native  rulers  by  European  financiers ;  sometimes, 
as  in  Persia  and  Morocco,  "to  restore  order"  by  putting 
down  civil  wars;  sometimes,  as  in  Algiers,  to  avenge  insults 
to  the  flag  or  to  officials;  sometimes,  as  in  Africa,  to  take 


THE  EXPANSION   OF   EUROPE  657 

up  the  "white  man's  burden,"  that  is,  to  spread  European 
civilization;  sometimes,  as  in  China,  to  avenge  the  murder 
of  missionaries.  Intervention  would  be  followed  by  mili- 
tary occupation,  with  promises  to  leave  "as  soon  as  order 
is  restored";  then  a  protectorate  would  be  declared  over 
the  region;  and  finally  it  would  be  annexed  as  a  colony.  We 
will  now  describe  in  detail  what  has  been  called  the  ' '  Euro- 
peanization  of  the  World." 

China 

From  the  point  of  view  of  size  alone,  China,  with  an  area 
larger  than   Europe  and  with  an  estimated  population  of 
over  three  hundred  million,  is  the  most  important  civiliza- 
nation  in  the  world.     The  Chinese  have  dwelt  tion  of  the 
apart  from  the  rest  of  the  world  for  many  cen- 
turies,  perfectly  satisfied   with   their   accomplishments  in 
literature,  art,  science,  and  industry.    Their  silk  manufac- 
tures, woven,  colored,  and  designed  with  exquisite  art,  and 
their  wonderful  work  in  bronze,  wood,  lacquer,  and  ceram- 
ics, showed  that  they  possessed  the  refinements  of  a  highly 
civilized  people.    The  Chinese  also  possessed  in  a  rudimen- 
tary form  such  modern  inventions  as  printing,   gunpowder, 
and  paper.    But  the  great  natural  resources  of  the  country, 
coal,  iron,  copper,  and  other  metals,  remained  undeveloped 
till  the  advent  of  the  Europeans. 

A  slow,  conservative,  peaceful  people,  the  Chinese  were 
content  to  live  in  their  simple  way  by  agriculture,  fishing, 
and  the  handicrafts.  The  merchant  class  was  Their  con- 
highly  respected,  and  commercial  honesty  was  servatism 
considered  the  supreme  virtue.  They  had  come  to  believe 
that  their  civilization  had  reached  a  height  unattained  by 
any  other  people;  hence  what  they  wished  above  all  was 
to  maintain  it  uncontaminated  by  the  rest  of  the  world 
and  to  remain  loyal  to  their  immemorial  customs  and 
traditions. 

The  government  of  the  Celestial  Empire,  as  the  Chinese 
called  their  country,  was  in  theory  an  absolute  monarchy 
under  the  rule  of  the  Son  of  Heaven,  the  Emperor.    In  real- 


658      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ity,  however,  It  was  an  oligarchy  composed  of  an  office- 
The  man-  holding  class  Called  mandarins  by  the  Europeans, 
danns  Selection  for  public  office  was  made  only  after 

rigid  examinations  in  Chinese  literature,  history,  and  philos- 
ophy; and  for  centuries  the  content  and  method  of  these 
examinations  had  remained  the  same.  As  the  Chinese  lan- 
guage has  no  alphabet,  different  symbols  are  employed  for 
different  words;  therefore,  those  who  could  write  the  most 
words  had  the  best  opportunity  of  passing  the  examination. 
During  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  China  was 
conquered  by  a  Tartar  tribe  called  the  Manchus,  who  dis- 
placed the  native  dynasty  by  one  of  their  race.  Most  of 
the  office-holding  class  thereafter  were  Manchus  by  race, 
and  they  were  hated  by  the  Chinese,  who  never  ceased  to 
regard  them  as  foreigners.  The  queue,  or  pigtail,  was  in- 
troduced among  the  Chinese  by  the  Aianchus  as  a  sign  of 
submission. 

China  was  not  a  centralized  empire,  for  the  eighteen 
provinces  under  the  sway  of  the  Emperor  enjoyed  a  con- 
j~j        ,  siderable  degree  of  home  rule.    China  proper  lies 

encies  of  in  the  valleys  of  the  Yangtse-kiang  and  Hoang 
Ho  rivers,  where  live  the  bulk  of  the  teeming 
millions.  Surrounding  it  are  Manchuria  and  Mongolia  in 
the  north,  Tibet  in  the  south,  and  Sin-Kiang  in  the  west, 
all  large  regions  but  sparsely  inhabited.  In  these  outlying 
states  the  Emperor  was  represented  by  viceroys,  whose 
main  function  was  not  so  much  to  govern  as  to  collect 
tribute.  Tibet  was  an  almost  independent  state,  as  the  in- 
habitants acknowledged  the  Dalai  Lama,  living  at  Lhassa, 
as  their  supreme  religious  and  civil  ruler.  On  the  fringe 
of  the  Empire  were  Korea,  Burmah,  Siam,  Cambodia,  and 
Anam,  who,  though  practically  independent,  acknowledged 
China  as  their  suzerain. 

Europe's  first  knowledge  of  the  Chinese  came  during  the 

g   J     J         thirteenth  century  as  a  result  of  the  missionary 

vent  of  the     efforts  of  the  Franciscan  friars  and,  more  espe- 

uropeans      cJaUy^  from  the  accounts  of  the  famous  Venetian 

traveler,  Marco    Polo,   who    sojourned   for    a    number  of 


0     100  200  300  400   600  600   700 
rm  British  Territory            d2  G.rnian  Territory 
nU  Russian  Territory          CU  I'ortuguesc  Territory 
CZ3  f"«°<:h  Territory           J^^  United  States  Territory 
'^-■^^^Railroads --• -Proposed  Railroads 


Longitude  East    SO"  fiou  i 


THE  EXPANSION  OF  EUROPE  659 

years  in  China,  where  he  was  highly  esteemed  by  the 
Emperor.  During  the  sixteenth  century  Portuguese  mer- 
chants estabhshed  a  trading-post  at  Macao,  near  Canton. 
In  the  following  century  the  Dutch  established  one  on  the 
Island  of  Formosa,  and  the  British,  one  at  Canton.  These 
European  traders  were  greatly  harassed  by  the  Chinese 
officials,  who  told  them  that  China  had  no  need  of  them  or 
of  their  goods.  They  managed  to  stay  on  by  bribing  and 
cajoling  the  officials,  but  their  property  and  even  their 
lives  were  frequently  in  great  danger.  There  was  only  one 
port.  Canton,  where  Europeans  were  permitted  to  trade 
freely.  So  careful  was  China  to  keep  out  the  "foreign 
devils"  that  her  isolation  lasted  until  well  into  the  middle 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  it  was  forcibly  broken  down 
by  the  European  Powers. 

The  first  important  step  in  the  opening  up  of  the  Empire 
was  the  Opium  War  (1840-42).    The  Chinese  had  become 
addicted   to   a   harmful   drug   called    "opium,"   The  Opium 
made  from  plants  grown  in  India;  and  so  wide-  ^^^ 
spread  was  the  havoc  caused  by  its  use  that  the  importa- 
tion of  the  drug  was  forbidden.    But  the  traffic  was  very 
profitable  to   British  merchants,  and  it  was  smuggled  in 
with    the    connivance    of   corrupt    officials.     The    Chinese 
Government  determined  on  vigorous  action  and  seized  and 
destroyed  large  quantities  of 'opium.     On  account  of  this 
Great  Britain  waged  war  upon  China  and  defeated  her. 
China  was  compelled  to  sign  a  treaty,   by  which  Amoy, 
Ningpo,  Foochow,  and  Shanghai  were  made  "treaty  ports" 
open  to  European  merchants;  and  the  island  of  Hongkong 
was  ceded  to  Great  Britain,  who  in  addition  received  an  in- 
demnity of  twenty-one  million  dollars. 

On  pretexts  that  Christian  missionaries  were  murdered 
or  that  their  flag  was  insulted,  the  European  Powers  began 
a  series  of  wars  upon  China  with  the  object  of  Treaty  of 
seizing  her  territory.  In  1856  she  was  attacked  Tientsin 
by  Great  Britain  and  France  and  was  compelled  by  the 
Treaty  of  Tientsin  (i860)  to  make  further  concessions:  six 
more  ports  were  opened  to  foreign  traders;  Christian  mis- 


66o     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

sionaries  were  to  receive  special  protection ;  and  the  traffic 
in  opium  was  legalized.  China  again  had  to  pay  the  cost  of 
her  defeat  with  another  heavy  indemnity.  The  Treaty  of 
Tientsin  opened  the  way  for  the  negotiation  of  commercial 
treaties  with  the  various  European  nations  and  America, 
and  China  was  forced  against  her  will  to  enter  into  rela- 
tions with  the  rest  of  the  world. 

Great  discontent  spread  among  the  people,  who  blamed 
the  Government  for  allowing  the  "foreign  devils"  to  enter 
The  Taiping  the  Celestial  Empire.  Moreover,  as  the  Manchu 
Rebellion  dynasty  was  hated  as  foreign,  a  popular  uprising, 
known  as  the  Taiping  Rebellion,  began  in  1853  and  spread 
all  over  China.  For  a  time  the  dynasty  was  in  serious  dan- 
ger of  being  ousted.  In  1861  Tze-hsi,  the  famous  Dowager 
Empress,  came  into  power.  She  exercised  a  great  influ- 
ence over  the  affairs  of  the  Empire,  first  as  Regent  and  later 
as  Empress,  to  the  day  of  her  death  in  1908.  With  her  was 
associated  Li  Hung  Chang,  the  most  famous  statesman 
of  modern  China.  They  succeeded  in  crushing  the  Taiping 
Rebellion,  largely  through  the  aid  of  the  English  soldier, 
Charles  ("  Chinese")  Gordon,  who  led  the  Imperial  troops 
against  the  rebels. 

During  the  second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  Europe 
became  increasingly  aggressive  toward  China.  The  Powers 
European  were  no  longer  Content  merely  to  seize  ports; 
aggression  they  now  began  to  annex  whole  provinces.  By 
the  treaties  of  1858  and  i860  Russia  annexed 
the  coast  district  south  of  the  Amur  River.  In  1885  France 
gained  control  of  Anam  and  Tonkin,  which,  together  with 
Cambodia  taken  in  1863,  form  French  Indo-China.  Bur- 
mah,  a  dependency  of  China,  fell  to  England  in  1885. 

Japan  now  took  a  hand  in  the  game.  She  felt  that  if 
China  was  to  be  dismembered,  she  should  assist  in  the  proc- 
War  be-  ^^^  ^^^  ^°  S^^^  her  share.  Japan  was  especially 
tween  China  eager  to  get  Korea,  a  tributary  kingdom  of 
japan  CJ^jna;  and  with  this  end  in  view  she  began  to 
interfere  in  Korean  affairs,  greatly  to  the  anger  of  the 
Chinese.     The  outcome  was  the  Chino- Japanese  War  of 


THE   EXPANSION   OF   EUROPE  66i 

1894  in  which  the  Chinese,  greatly  to  their  surprise,  were 
badly  beaten  by  the  Europeanized  Japanese,  whom  they 
had  regarded  with  contempt  as  "dwarfs"  and  "upstarts." 
According  to  the  Treaty  of  Shimonoseki,  signed  in  1895, 
Japan  received  the  Island  of  Formosa  and  the  Liao-tung 
Peninsula,  and  Korea  was  henceforth  to  recognize  the 
suzerainty  of  Japan.  China  was  furthermore  compelled  to 
grant  important  commercial  privileges  and  to  pay  an  in- 
demnity of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  million  dol- 
lars to  the  victor.  The  success  of  Japan  aroused  the  envy  of 
the  Western  Powers,  particularly  that  of  Russia,  who  saw 
her  path  to  an  ice-free  port  blocked  by  the  Japanese  acqui- 
sition of  the  Liao-tung  Peninsula,  in  which  was  situated  the 
great  seaport,  Port  Arthur.  A  coalition  was  formed,  com- 
posed of  Russia,  France,  and  Germany  who,  declaring  their 
intention  to  be  the  maintenance  of  the  integrity  of  China, 
compelled  Japan  to  relinquish  all  her  conquests  except  For- 
mosa in  return  for  an  additional  indemnity  from  China 
of  twenty-three  million,  seven  hundred  thousand  dollars. 

The  coalition  then  began  to  reap  the  benefits  of  Japan's 
victory  by  seizing  portions  of  China  for  themselves.     On 
the  plea  of  avenging  the  murder  of  two  German  European 
missionaries,  Germany,  in  1898,  seized  the  valu-  "fjJ'°Q^J^!' 
able  harbor  of  Kiao-chau,  which  was  then  splen-   member 
didly  fortified  and  became  the  center  of  German  ^^^'^^ 
interests  in  the  Far  East.    During  the  same  year  France 
acquired  the  valuable  bay  of  Kwang-chow-wan.    England, 
not  to  be  outdone,  seized  Wei-hai-wei.    Russia  profited  most 
from  Japan's  victory;  to  her  fell  Manchuria  and  the  Liao- 
tung  Peninsula.   The  Powers  then  proceeded  to  divide  China 
into  economic  "spheres  of  influence,"  the  capitalists  of  each 
nation  concerned  to  have  a  monopoly  of  the  concessions 
to  be  granted  by  the  Chinese  Government  in  the  sphere 
allotted  to  that  particular  country.    British  capitalists  were 
to  exploit  the  valley  of  the  Yangtse-kiang :  French,  the  pro- 
vince of  Kwang-tung;  German,  the  province  of  Shan-tung; 
Russian  and  Japanese,  the  regions  in  the  north. 

European  investors  came  among  the  Chinese  and  began 


662      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

to  transform  the  life  of  this  ancient  people.    Railways  and 

„  .,  factories  were  built;  mines  were  opened;  modern 

Railways  ,  ,       ,  . 

steamers  began  to  appear  alongside  the  pictur- 
esque "junks";  the  telegraph  and  telephone  were  installed. 
Modern  scientific  progress  was,  however,  not  at  all  to  the 
liking  of  the  conservative  Chinese.  Railways,  especially, 
were  regarded  as  a  desecrating  innovation,  because  the 
lines  were  sometimes  built  across  graveyards,  which 
aroused  popular  fury  against  those  who  violated  the  sanc- 
tity of  ancestral  tombs. 

It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  a  widespread  revolt 
soon   began   against    the    "foreign   devils."       A    powerful 

^,    „  secret  society  was  formed,  called  the  "Order  of 

The  Boxers        ,       r^       .      .  ,    tt  •  i--        .> 

the  Patriotic  and  Harmonious  foists,      or  more 

popularly,  "Boxers,"  whose  members  strongly  desired  to 
rid  their  country  of  the  foreigners  who  were  "lacerating 
China  like  tigers"  and  who  were  violating  the  cherished 
and  immemorial  traditions  of  the  Chinese  people.  During 
1 899-1 900  anti-foreign  outbreaks  took  place,  and  many 
missionaries  and  traders  lost  their  lives.  The  Europeans 
living  in  Pekin  fled  for  shelter  to  their  legations,  which 
were  thereupon  besieged  by  mobs.  So  great  was  the  anti- 
foreign  fury  that  the  German  Ambassador  was  murdered 
in  the  street.  It  was  known  that  the  Dowager  Empress  was 
in  sympathy  with  the  "Boxers"  and  that  her  officials  were 
secretly  aiding  them;  hence  the  Powers  decided  to  send  an 
expeditionary  force  to  relieve  the  legations.  An  interna- 
tional army,  composed  of  European,  Japanese,  and  Ameri- 
can troops,  invaded  China,  captured  the  capital,  Pekin, 
and  relieved  the  legations.  In  revenge  for  the  uprising  the 
European  troops  committed  frightful  outrages  against  the 
Chinese,  killing  many  people  and  looting  palaces  and  tem- 
ples, which  cast  great  discredit  upon  the  Christian  nations. 
China  was  forced  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  three  hundred 
and  twenty  million  dollars  and  to  suppress  all  anti-foreign 
societies. 

After  her  defeat  by  Japan,  China  began  to  take  more 
kindly  to  European  ways,  and  there  began  a  reform  move- 


THE  EXPANSION  OF   EUROPE  663 

merit  which  aimed  to  Europeanize  China  as  Japan  had 
been.  The  leaders  in  this  movement  were  The  awaken- 
mainly  young  men  who  had  studied  abroad,  ^"^  °^  ^^'"^ 
and  who  had  become  convinced  that,  unless  their  country 
adopted  the  sciences  and  arts  of  the  West,  she  would  fall 
a  prey  to  the  foreigners.  Young  China  found  that  its 
greatest  obstacle  was  the  Dowager  Empress,  who  resisted  the 
introduction  of  reforms  and  hounded  the  reformers  out  of 
the  country.  But  she  was  finally  forced  to  follow  its  lead, 
and  there  began  an  "awakening  of  China"  at  the  beginning 
of  the  twentieth  century  which  astonished  the  entire  world. 
In  1905  a  decree  was  issued  abolishing  the  ancient  system 
of  education  which  prepared  men  for  the  public  service, 
and  establishing  a  modern  one  in  which  modern  history, 
European  languages,  economics,  and  political  science  were 
the  subjects  taught.  In  the  enthusiasm  for  the  new  learn- 
ing, ancient  temples  were  converted  into  modern  schools 
and  colleges  on  the  Western  model.  In  1906  another  decree 
declared  that  the  growth,  sale,  and  consumption  of  opium 
must  cease  within  ten  years.  This  prohibition  law  has  been 
vigorously  enforced  by  the  Government. 

But  the  reformers,  under  the  leadership  of  Sun  Yat-sen, 
a  young  physician  who  had  become  an  enthusiastic  ad- 
mirer of  Western  culture,  would  not  rest  until  The  Chinese 
China  was  completely  modernized  on  the  most  Revolution 
approved  European  and  American  plans.  They  wanted 
China  to  become  a  democratic  republic,  and  they  con- 
tinued their  agitation  against  the  Manchu  dynasty.  In 
191 1  a  revolution  broke  out,  led  by  Young  China  and  backed 
by  the  army,  which  had  been  reorganized  on  European 
lines.  A  Republic  was  proclaimed  with  Sun  Yat-sen  as  pro- 
visional President.  On  February  12,  1912,  the  Manchu 
dynasty  formally  abdicated,  after  having  reigned  for  nearly 
three  hundred  years.  The  adoption  of  a  republican  con- 
stitution presented  great  difficulties  because  of  the  many 
complex  problems,  both  domestic  and  foreign,  which  con- 
fronted the  Chinese  people.  They  called  upon  Professor 
Frank  J.  Goodnow,  a  distinguished  American  authority  on 


664      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

political  science  and  constitutional  law,  to  advise  them. 
Control  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  conservative  element, 
led  by  Yuan  Shih-kai  who,  though  a  former  monarchist, 
now  favored  the  reform  movement.  He  was  elected  Presi- 
dent in  1913  for  a  term  of  five  years.  Before  long  he  found 
himself  in  conflict  with  the  National  Assembly,  called  to 
draft  a  constitution,  because  of  his  desire  for  almost  auto- 
cratic powers.  On  his  own  initiative  President  Yuan  Shih- 
kai  made  important  changes  in  the  government,  virtually 
giving  him  the  power  of  a  dictator.  He  also  negotiated  the 
famous  Five-Power  Loan  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
million  dollars  from  Great  Britain,  France,  Germany,  Russia, 
and  Japan.  Great  opposition  to  the  President's  course  was 
shown  by  the  radical  republicans,  and  they  organized  a 
series  of  uprisings  against  him  which  he  managed  to  sup- 
press. Yuan  Shih-kai  died  in  19 16,  and  he  was  succeeded 
by  Vice-President  Li  Yuan-hung,  who  was  regarded  as 
more  republican  in  his  tendencies  than  his  predecessor. 

Japan 

The  history  of  Japan  during  the  nineteenth  century  has 
filled  the  world  with  wonder  and  admiration.  In  the  pe- 
Rise  of  riod  of  about  one  generation  an  isolated,  almost 

Japan  unknown  country,  whose  inhabitants  were   re- 

garded by  Europeans  merely  as  charming  little  people,  beau- 
tifully dressed  in  colored  gowns,  with  pretty  manners  and 
artistic  tastes,  rose  to  be  a  great  Power,  whose  friendship 
was  eagerly  sought  by  the  European  nations. 

Japan  consists  of  four  large  islands  and  many  small 
ones  situated  off  the  coast  of  China.  In  territory  she  is 
Contrast  be-  somewhat  smaller  than  California,  but  she 
CHnes^and  ^^^  ^  population  of  about  fifty-two  million. 
Japanese  Although  closely  allied  to  the  Chinese  in  race 
and  in  civilization,  the  Japanese  differ  from  them  in  tem- 
perament. The  Chinese  are  a  rather  stolid,  phlegmatic 
people,  whereas  the  Japanese  are  lively,  quick-witted,  and 
possess  great  powers  of  adaptation.  In  spite  of  their  small 
stature  the  Japanese  have  been  a  warlike  people,  and  mar- 
tial virtues  are  held  in  great  esteem  among  them. 


THE  EXPANSION  OF   EUROPE  665 

The  first  Europeans  to  visit  Japan  were  some  Portuguese 
navigators  who,  in  1542,  chanced  to  come  to  the  islands. 
A  few  years  later,  St.  Francis  Xavier,  the  Jesuit  Advent  of 
missionary,  came  to  convert  the  inhabitants.   He  the  Euro- 
and  his  followers  were  welcomed  by  the  Japa- 
nese, and  they  succeeded  in  gaining  many  converts  to  the 
Catholic   Church.     But    the    anti-foreign    feeling    became 
strong,  and  the  Christians  were  accused  of  conspiring  against 
the  Government  in  the  interest  of  Europeans.    A  bitter 
persecution  followed,  and  thousands  of  converts  were  put  to 
death.    By  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  Christianity  in 
Japan  had  almost  entirely  disappeared.    The  Government 
now  determined  on  a  rigid  policy  of  isolation;  foreigners 
and   foreign   goods  were  excluded,  and    the   profession  of 
Christianity  was  made  a  capital  offense. 

Japan  remained  in  a  state  of  seclusion  for  two  centuries 
more.   She  was  opened  to  the  world  in  1853  by  the  famous 
visit  of  an  American  fleet  under  Commodore  yjgj^  ^f 
Perry,    who.  came   with   orders   to   demand   of  Commodore 
Japan  that  she  give  shelter  to  American  sailors 
wrecked  on  her  coasts  and  allow  American  vessels  to  pro- 
vision and  to  trade  in  some  of  her  ports.  A  treaty  embodying 
these  demands  was  signed  a  year  later  by  the  American 
and  Japanese  Governments.    In  1858  Townsend  Harris,  the 
first  American  representative  to  Japan,  negotiated  a  treaty 
establishing  regular  commercial  relations  between  the  two 
countries. 

The  system  of  government  and  society  then  existing  in 
Japan  resembled  that  of  Western  Europe  during  the  Middle 
Ages.  The  mass  of  people  were  serfs  on  the  es-  Feudalism 
tates  of  a  military  aristocracy  called  the  daimios,  ^"  Jap^'^ 
who  governed  their  districts  and  conducted  private  war 
against  one  another  very  much  in  the  fashion  of  the  feudal 
nobility  of  Europe.  Over  these  lords  was  the  Emperor, 
called  the  Mikado  who,  in  theory,  was  the  absolute  mon- 
arch of  Japan,  but  who,  in  practice,  had  little  if  any  author- 
ity. Whatever  real  power  existed  over  the  daimios  was 
exercised  by  an  official  called  the  Shogun,  who  was  to  the 


666      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Mikado  what  the  Mayor  of  the  Palace  was  to  the  Merovin- 
gian Kings  of  France.  The  treaties  mentioned  above  were 
negotiated  by  the  Shogun. 

During  1863-64  Japanese  towns  were  bombarded  by  Euro- 
pean warships  in  retaHation  for  outrages  committed  against 
Transfer-  Europeans.  This  made  a  great  impression  on 
mationof       leaders  of  the  country,  who  beheld  in  gunnery 

Japan  into  .  •'  °  -^ 

a  modern  a  superior  force  which  was  bound  to  conquer 
nation  their  country  unless  she  adopted  the  arts   and 

sciences  of  the  West.  A  group  of  ardent  young  reformers 
took  the  lead  in  the  Europeanization  of  Japan;  and,  in  1867, 
there  began  a  revolution  unparalleled  in  modern  times.  In 
one  generation  the  public  and  private  life  of  the  Japanese 
people  was  almost  completely  transformed.  Hundreds  of 
young  Japanese  became  students  in  the  schools  and  colleges 
of  Europe  and  America  with  the  main  purpose  of  bring- 
ing Western  knowledge  to  their  native  land.  Commissions 
were  sent  abroad  to  study  the  institutions  of  the  West  and 
to  recommend  the  adoption  of  the  best  that .  the  various 
nations  had  to  offer.  Foreigners  were  welcomed  and  treated 
with  consideration ;  and  many  were  employed  by  the  Gov- 
ernment to  instruct  the  natives  in  the  arts  of  the  West, 

As  a  consequence  there  began  the  wholesale  introduc- 
tion of  Western  institutions  in  this  Eastern  land.  Young 
Abolition  of  J^P^-H  keenly  realized  that  the  first  step  must 
the  Shogun-  be  the  abolition  of  feudalism,  with  its  division 
of  the  people  into  castes  and  clans,  and  the 
union  of  the  people  in  one  national  whole.  With  this  end 
in  view,  the  Shogun  was  compelled  to  resign  (1867),  and 
the  Mikado,  Mutsuhito,  then  only  fifteen  years  old,  became 
actual  as  well  as  theoretical  ruler;  for  it  was  the  intention 
of  the  reformers  to  unify  the  people  through  the  Emperor. 
Mutsuhito's  reign,  which  ended  with  his  death  in  1912, 
is  justly  celebrated  in  Japanese  annals  as  the  "Enlightened 
Rule."  In  1871  an  Imperial  decree  abolished  feudalism. 
Most  of  the  daimios  voluntarily  surrendered  their  privileges, 
but  some  rose  in  rebellion  against  the  decree.  Serfdom  was 
abolished  and  the  peasants  became  tenants  or  proprietors 


THE   EXPANSION  OF  EUROPE  667 

of  the  lands  which  they  tilled.  A  great  blow  at  the  caste 
system  was  struck  by  the  organization  of  a  national  army, 
for  it  deprived  the  warrior  caste,  the  samurai,  of  their  mili- 
tary privileges.  The  administration  of  the  Government  was 
highly  centralized  in  order  to  give  greater  power  to  the 
nation.  In  1889  a  constitution  was  promulgated  which  trans- 
formed Japan  into  a  parliamentary  monarchy:  a  bicameral 
legislature  was  organized,  with  an  aristocratic  upper  House 
and  a  popular  lower  House.  The  Cabinet,  however,  was 
made  responsible  to  the  Mikado  who,  in  reality,  was  but 
a  screen  for  an  influential  group  of  nobles  known  as  the 
"Elder  Statesmen,"  the  powers  behind  the  throne.  A  civil 
and  criminal  code  was  adopted,  based  upon  the  French 
and  the  German  systems  of  law.  The  army  was  reorganized 
on  the  German  model  and  the  navy  on  the  British.  A  public 
school  system  was  introduced,  copied  to  some  extent  from 
that  of  America. 

The  Industrial  Revolution  was  even  more  potent  in  the 
transformation  of  Japan  than  enlightened  Imperial  de- 
crees. Japan  has  many  excellent  harbors,  cheap,  introduc- 
intelligent  labor,  and  a  fairly  good  supply  of  tion  of  mod- 
coal  and  iron,  which  facilitated  the  introduction 
of  the  factory  system.  Machine-made  goods  displaced  the 
artistic  products  of  the  handicrafts.^  Railways  and  steam 
navigation  made  extraordinary  progress.^  Japanese  foreign 
trade,  as  a  consequence,  increased  rapidly.^ 

The  new  Japan  that  emerged  as  a  result  of  these 
changes  was  a  nation  of  alert,  ambitious,  efficient  people, 
thoroughly  familiar  with  modern  progress  and  Spirit  of 
animated  by  a  patriotism  almost  religious  in  expansion 
character.  Primarily,  Japan  assimilated  Western  civiliza- 
tion in  order  to  protect  herself  against  Western  encroach- 
ment; but,  once  in  possession  of  the  new  arts  and  sciences, 

^  In  1912  there  were  8710  factories  run  by  motors.  The  cotton  industry 
entirely  new  in  Japan,  operated  in  1914  over  2,400,000  spindles. 

2  In  1872  Japan  had  eighteen  miles  of  railway;  in  1912,  over  six  thousand 
miles,  nearly  all  State-owned.  Her  steam  tonnage  in  1912  was  1,500,000,  which 
was  greater  than  that  of  France. 

'  In  1877  the  foreign  commerce  of  Japan  was  valued  at  $25,000,000;  in  1913, 
at  $680,000,000. 


668      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

she  became  aggressive  like  the  Western  nations.  Her  large 
population  demanded  an  outlet;  her  active  capitalists  wanted 
concessions;  and  her  imperially  minded  statesmen  wanted 
to  spread  Japanese  influence  over  larger  areas.  Near-by 
Korea  and  China  ofi"ered  a  fair  field  for  these  ambitions. 

The  war  with  China  in  1894  showed  the  mettle  of  the 
Japanese  army,  as  the  Chinese  giant  was  easily  overthrown 
Russia  tries  by  the  Japanese  dwarf.  When  the  fruits  of  her 
japanVex-  victory  Were  seized  by  Russia,  Japan  clearly 
pansion  realized  that  there  was  bound  to  be  a  contest  be- 

tween herself  and  the  latter  for  the  mastery  of  the  Pacific. 
Russia's  designs  upon  Manchuria  became  obvious  when  her 
troops  and  settlers  began  to  pour  into  the  province,  and 
her  promises  to  leave  became  more  and  more  evasive.  Port 
Arthur  was  splendidly  fortified  and  connected  by  a  branch 
railway  with  the  Trans-Siberian.  After  Manchuria  and  the 
Liao-tung  Peninsula,  it  would  be  Korea's  turn,  and  the 
way  to  Japan's  expansion  would  be  effectively  blocked. 

Like  the  Prussians  in  1866,  the  Japanese  began  to  make 
careful  preparations  for  the  coming  war  with  Russia.  The 
Pre  arations  ^^^y  ^^^  navy  were  enlarged  and  organized  on 
for  war  with  a  most  efficient  basis,  and  munitions  of  war  of 
the  latest  and  best  patterns  were  assembled  in 
large  quantities.  Thus  prepared,  Japan  was  ready  to  chal- 
lenge the  great  military  power  of  the  West  who,  though 
immensely  superior  to  her  in  men  and  resources,  was  yet 
seriously  handicapped  by  the  fact  that  the  scene  of  conflict 
was  over  three  thousand  miles  from  her  base  of  supplies. 
The  single-track  Trans-Siberian  Railway  was  the  only 
means  of  transporting  Russian  troops  and  supplies  to  the 
posts  on  the  Pacific. 

The  immediate  cause  of  the  war  was  the  refusal  of  Russia 
to  give  a  definite  date  when  she  would  withdraw  from 
Opening  of  Manchuria.  Hostilities  began  in  February,  1904. 
hostilities  j^  ^g^g  ^j^g  primary  intention  of  the  Japanese  to 
drive  the  Russians  out  of  the  Liao-tung  Peninsula,  where 
they  had  large  armies  under  General  Kuropatkin,  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief of  the  Russian  forces  in  the  East.     Two 


THE  EXPANSION   OF   EUROPE  669 

Japanese  armies  invaded  the  peninsula.  One,  under  General 
Kuroki,  marched  north  to  Korea  and  routed  a  Russian 
army  in  a  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  Yalu  River;  another, 
under  General  Oku,  landed  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
Liao-tung  Peninsula,  just  north  of  Port  Arthur,  defeated  a 
Russian  army  at  the  Battle  of  Nanshan,  and  cut  off  the 
communications  of  the  fortress  with  the  Russian  armies 
in  Manchuria, 

A  concentrated  attack  upon  the  large  Russian  forces 
stationed  at  Liao-yang  and  at  Mukden,  north  of  the 
Liao-tung  Peninsula,  was  the  next  plan.  It  was  The  Battle 
brilliantly  executed  by  several  Japanese  armies  °^  Mukden 
under  the  supreme  command  of  Marshal  Oyama.  A  series 
of  engagements  followed,  culminating  in  the  terrific  battle 
around  Mukden  in  which  each  side  had  about  three  hundred 
thousand  men  engaged,  and  which  lasted  from  February  25 
to  March  10,  1905.  The  Russians,  under  General  Kuropat- 
kin,  were  routed  and  compelled  to  beat  a  demoralizing  re- 
treat, with  a  loss  of  about  one  hundred  thousand  men ;  the 
victorious  Japanese  lost  only  half  that  number. 

Early  in  the  war  the  Japanese  made  several  attempts  to 
take  Port  Arthur  by  storm,  but  they  proved  costly  failures. 
Siege  was  then  laid  to  the  fortress  by  General  Capture  of 
Nogi,  who  defeated  several  armies  that  came  to  ^"""^  Arthur 
relieve  it.  After  a  siege  of  ten  months,  the  horrors  of  which 
rivaled  those  of  the  famous  siege  of  Paris  during  the  Franco- 
Prussian  War,  the  commander  of  the  fortress.  General 
Stoessel,  surrendered  with  an  army  of  forty  thousand  men 
on  January  2,  1905.  It  cost  the  Japanese  about  sixty  thou- 
sand in  killed  and  wounded  to  capture  Port  Arthur. 

Japan's  victories  on  the  sea  were  no  less  decisive  than 
those  on  land.    At  the  outset  there  were  two  large  Russian 
fleets  in  Eastern  waters,  one  at  Port  Arthur  and   Destruction 
the  other  at  Vladivostok.  The  first  was  "bottled  0/  the  Rus- 

sicin  ncGts 

up"  for  a  time;  but  later  it  was  almost  entirely 
destroyed  by  Admiral  Togo,  on  August  10,  1904;  the  second 
was  seriously  damaged  and  defeated  in  the  battle  of  August 
14.  Russia  made  a  last  attempt  to  retrieve  her  fortune 


670      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

by  dispatching  a  fleet  of  thirty-five  warships  under  Ad- 
miral Rodjestvensky.  It  reached  the  Sea  of  Japan  and 
was  almost  entirely  annihilated  by  Admiral  Togo  in  the 
Straits  of  Tsushima  on  May  27,  1905. 

Both  combatants  were  now  tired  of  the  war  and  eager  for 
peace;  Russia,  because  of  her  defeats,  and  Japan,  because 
Peace  of  of  the  enormous  expense  that  her  victories  en- 
Portsmouth    ^^jjg^  ypQj^  jjgj.     ^^  ^j^g  suggestion  of  Theodore 

Roosevelt,  President  of  the  United  States,  representatives 
of  both  combatants  met  in  the  United  States  at  Portsmouth, 
New  Hampshire,  where  they  signed  a  treaty  of  peace  on 
September  5,  1905.  According  to  its  terms  Manchuria  was 
to  be  evacuated  by  both  Russia  and  Japan;  the  lease  of  the 
Liao-tung  Peninsula,  including  Port  Arthur,  was  to  be 
given  to  Japan,  who  was  also  to  have  paramount  influence 
in  Korea;  Russia  was  also  to  cede  the  southern  half  of  the 
Island  of  Sakhalin.  No  indemnity  was  paid  by  either  side. 
In  1910,  greatly  to  the  indignation  of  the  Koreans,  their 
country  was  annexed  to  Japan  and  renamed  Chosen. 

The  overwhelming  defeat  of  Russia,  long  regarded  as  a 
formidable  military  power,  by  an  Asiatic  people  just  out 
Effects  of  of  Oriental  seclusion,  astounded  the  world.  Ja- 
Japan's  vie-  p^n  leaped  forward  as  one  of  the  great  Powers 
China  and  and  as  the  dominant  influence  in  the  Far  East, 
on  Europe  -^Qr  victory  was  an  important  factor  in  the 
"awakening  of  China,"  who  realized  that  Orientals,  if  armed 
and  trained  like  Europeans,  could  fight  as  effectively  as 
they.  A  wave  of  discontent  with  European  rule,  which,  up 
to  this  time,  had  been  accepted  as  inevitable,  began  to 
spread  throughout  the  East.  The  West  was  disturbed  by 
the  dread  of  what  was  termed  the  "Yellow  Peril,"  the  fear 
that  the  millions  of  the  yellow  race,  inspired  and  led  by 
Japan,  might  start  a  world  war  against  the  whites. 

Great  Britain  was  the  first  to  welcome  Japan  into  the 
.,,.         c      ranks  of  the  Great  Powers.    In  1902  a  treaty 

Alhance  of  i  •  i     ,  i 

Japan  and      of    friendship    had    been    signed    by    the    two 

ngland         island  nations;  in  1905  this  compact  was  greatly 

strengthened  by  a  treaty  of  alliance.  The  latter  provided  for 


THE  EXPANSION   OF  EUROPE  671 

(i)  the  preservation  of  peace  in  Eastern  Asia  and  India; 
(2)  the  maintenance  of  the  integrity  of  China  and  of  the 
principle  of  the  "open  door";  and  (3)  the  defense  of  the 
territorial  rights  of  each  party  in  Eastern  Asia  and  India. 
This  treaty,  which  was  renewed  in  191 1,  gave  Japan  a  free 
hand  in  the  Far  East,  so  far  as  England  was  concerned,  in 
return  for  Japan's  promise  to  safeguard  British  rule  in 
India. 

No  sooner  was  the  Russo-Japanese  War  over  than  there 
began  a  rapprochement  between  the  two  erstwhile  enemies. 
The  friendly  understanding  ripened  in  19 16  into  japan's  de- 
a  treaty  of  alliance.  Both  recognized  that  their  signs  upon 
interests  in  the  Far  East  could  be  best  promoted 
by  cooperation  instead  of  by  war.  This  boded  ill  for  China, 
which  was  the  special  object  of  Japan's  ambitions.  In  191 5, 
evidently  with  Russia's  consent,  Japan  made  five  demands 
upon  China,  the  most  important  of  which  were  that  she 
grant  special  commercial  privileges  to  Japanese  capitalists 
and  that  she  engage  Japanese  to  advise  her  in  political, 
financial,  and  military  matters.  China  protested  against 
these  demands  as  an  infringement  upon  her  sovereignty; 
but  she  was  forced  to  accept  some  of  them.  The  most 
important,  that  concerning  Japanese  advisers,  was  with- 
drawn in  deference  to  the  protest  of  the  United  States,  who 
came  forward  as  China's  champion.  On  November  2,  1917, 
an  important  agreement  was  entered  into  between  Japan 
and  the  United  States  in  reference  to  China.  Both  Powers 
pledged  themselves  to  respect  the  territorial  integrity  and 
independence  of  China  and  to  maintain  the  principle  of  the 
"  open  door"  in  reference  to  China.  But  the  United  States 
recognized  that  Japan  had  special  interests  in  China,  "  par- 
ticularly in  the  part  to  which  her  possessions  are  con- 
tiguous." 

Expansion  of  Russia 

The  defeat  of  Russia  in  the  Crimean  War  marked  the 
beginning  of  a  new  era  in  her  history.  Foiled  in  the  attempt 
to  get  to  the  Mediterranean  by  conquering  Constantinople, 


672      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Russia  turned  her  face  to  the  East  in  the  hope  of  getting 
Foundation  ^^  ice-free  port  on  the  Pacific.  China  was  com- 
ofVladi-  pelled,  in  i860,  to  cede  to  Russia  the  region 
north  of  the  Amur  River  and  a  stretch  of  terri- 
tory on  the  Pacific  running  to  the  south  of  that  river  and 
facing  Japan.  Vladivostok,  ice- free  for  nine  months  in  the 
year,  was  founded  on  the  southern  extremity  of  the  coast. 

The  newly  acquired  region  attracted  many  settlers  from 
Russia.  After  the  abolition  of  serfdom  peasants  poured  into 
Settlement      ^^^  fertile  Amur  Valley,  where  they  were  given 
of  the  Amur    liberal  grants  of  land  by  the  Government  in  the 
^^  hope  of  establishing  a  large  Russian  population 

in  Eastern  Asia.  To  facilitate  this  immigration  the  Trans- 
Siberian  Railway  was  built,  which  would  at  the  same  time 
serve  as  a  connecting  link  between  Russia  in  Asia  and 
Russia  in  Europe.  This  was  at  first  the  main  object  in 
building  the  Trans-Siberian;  later,  when  Russian  ambitions 
in  the  Far  East  became  all  important,  the  railway  became 
primarily  a  military  highway  over  which  to  transport  troops 
for  the  conquest  of  new  territory.  From  the  terminus, 
Vladivostok,  Russia  was  to  expand  southward  into  a  warmer 
climate  and  a  richer  land. 

She  turned  her  eyes  to  the  Chinese  province  of  Man- 
churia, to  the  peninsula  of  Liao-tung,  and  to  Korea,  the 
Manchuria  peninsula-kingdom  of  Eastern  Asia.  Russian 
L^ao-tung  diplomacy  for  a  time  became  all-powerful  in 
Peninsula  Pekin.  A  Russo-Chinese  bank  was  established, 
which  lent  large  sums  of  money  to  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment; in  return  Russia  was  granted  special  privileges  in 
Manchuria,  across  which  she  built  the  Trans-Siberian 
Railway.  Russian  troops  were  sent  into  Manchuria,  but 
with  the  promise  that  they  would  remain  only  till  "lasting 
order  shall  have  been  established."  In  1898  Russia  obtained 
from  China  a  lease  of  the  Liao-tung  Peninsula  for  a  period 
of  twenty-five  years,  across  which  a  railway  was  built  to 
connect  the  Trans-Siberian  with  Port  Arthur.  In  this  place 
she  secured  an  ice-free  port  and  "a  window  on  the  Pacific." 
At  last  her  century-old  search  for  an  outlet  on  the  warmer 


THE   EXPANSION   OF   EUROPE  673 

seas  was  rewarded;  but  her  satisfaction  was  destined  to  be 
short-lived,  for,  as  we  have  already  seen,  the  war  with 
Japan  blasted  her  hopes  on  the  Pacific. 

During  the  nineteenth  century  Russia  was  expanding 
southward  as  well  as  eastward,  with  the  idea  of  reaching  the 
warm  waters  of  the  Indian  Ocean.  She  succeeded  Turkestan 
in  conquering  the  half-civilized,  nomadic  tribes  and  Afghan- 
in  Turkestan  and  in  annexing  the  Caspian  region. 
Until  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  Russia  was 
regarded  by  England  as  her  chief  enemy  in  Western  Asia; 
a  struggle  between  these  two  Powers  for  the  possession  of 
India  was  deemed  not  unlikely.  The  tribes  living  in  Afghan- 
istan and  Baluchistan,  on  the  border  of  India,  were  contin- 
ually giving  trouble  to  the  British,  due,  it  was  said,  to  the 
secret  aid  and  encouragement  of  Russian  agents.  But  the 
building  of  the  Suez  Canal  made  it  possible  for  the  British 
navy  to  maintain  the  line  of  communication  with  India,  and 
England  was  freed  from  the  fear  of  Russian  designs.  In  1907 
an  agreement  between  England  and  Russia  recognized  Af- 
ghanistan as  a  buffer  state,  which  practically  ended  Russia's 
hopes  of  conquering  India.  Again  Russia  was  foiled  but  not 
discouraged ;  she  now  shifted  her  gaze  to  the  Persian  Gulf. 

Between  Russian  territory  and  the  Persian  Gulf  lies 
Persia  which,  like  China,  is  the  home  of  an  old  but  unpro- 
gressive  civilization,  and  therefore  likely  to  be  The  Persian 
an  easy  prey  for  the  Western  Powers.  In  1902  Revolution 
Russia  secured  special  privileges  for  her  merchants  and 
capitalists  to  build  railways  and  factories  in  Persia,  and 
there  began  the  "peaceful  penetration"  of  this  ancient 
land  by  a  European  Power.  The  Persian  Government  was 
weak  and  corrupt  and  was  soon  in  the  financial  toils  of 
European  bankers.  A  revolution  against  the  Shah,  or  ruler, 
broke  out  among  the  people,  led  by  a  party  called  the 
Nationalists,  who  demanded  a  constitution  and  reform.  In 
1906  the  Shah  was  compelled  to  call  a  Mejliss,  or  Parlia- 
ment, to  which  was  entrusted  the  control  of  the  finances. 
But  he  remained  strongly  opposed  to  parliamentary  govern- 
ment, and  a  civil  war  broke  out  between  the  Absolutists 


674      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

and  the  Nationalists,  the  former  receiving  the  secret  sup- 
port of  Russia. 

The  outcome  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War  had  taught 
Russia  that  the  best  way  of  expanding  in  Asia  was  by 
Partition  of  Cooperating  with  the  Power  most  interested  in 
Persia  ^^  particular  region.   In  Western  Asia  this  was 

England.  On  August  31,  1907,  a  treaty  was  signed  be- 
tween England  and  Russia,  according  to  which  they  agreed 
"to  settle  by  mutual  agreement  the  different  questions  con- 
cerning the  interests  of  their  States  on  the  continent  of 
Asia."  Afghanistan,  as  we  have  just  seen,  was  made  a  buffer 
state,  but  the  important  matter  to  be  settled  was  Persia, 
which  was  divided  into  three  "spheres  of  influence,"  the 
northern  to  be  exploited  by  Russian  capitalists,  the  south- 
ern, by  British,  and  the  central  to  be  free  to  both.  This 
economic  partition  of  their  country  aroused  the  Persians  to 
fury.  In  1909  the  Shah  was  deposed,  and  his  son,  Ahmed 
Mirza,  a  child  of  eleven,  was  placed  on  the  throne.  Two 
years  later  the  Persian  Parliament  selected  an  American, 
W.  Morgan  Shuster,  as  financial  adviser  to  the  Govern- 
ment. Mr.  Shuster  was  deeply  interested  in  the  welfare  of 
the  Persian  people.  He  saw  clearly  that  financial  reform 
was  the  first  step  to  their  political  independence,  because 
it  would  enable  them  to  get  out  of  the  toils  of  the  European 
bankers.  Mr.  Shuster  set  about  with  great  energy  and 
ability,  and  with  the  full  support  of  Parliament,  to  put  the 
Persian  finances  on  a  sound  basis.  He  encountered  the  de- 
termined opposition  of  Russia  and  England,  who  feared 
that  if  Persia  put  her  house  in  order  it  would  deprive 
them  of  a  pretext  for  intervention.  Accordingly,  Russia  de- 
manded that  Mr.  Shuster  be  dismissed  and  that  another 
financial  adviser,  one  having  her  approval  and  that  of  Eng- 
land, be  appointed.  Too  weak  to  resist,  Persia  was  forced 
to  yield ;  Mr.  Shuster  was  dismissed,  and  the  finances  were 
taken  in  charge  by  Russia  and  Great  Britain.  Persia  could 
no  longer  be  called  an  independent  State ;  for,  being  in  the 
economic  grip  of  these  Powers,  she  was  not  really  in  a  posi- 
tion to  conduct  her  own  policies. 


THE  EXPANSION   OF   EUROPE  675 

Africa 

Although  of  immense  size,  three  times  that  of  Europe, 
Africa  is  the  least  developed  of  the  six  continents.  Her  back- 
wardness may,  in  part,  be  ascribed  to  geographic  ^fj-ica  a 
conditions.  Her  coast  line  is  unindented,  and  closed  con- 
therefore  it  contains  but  few  harbors,  to  the 
detriment  of  her  communication  with  the  outside  world; 
furthermore,  tall  mountain  ranges,  stretching  in  a  chain 
around  the  outer  rim  of  the  continent,  hinder  communica- 
tion between  the  coast  and  the  interior.  Conditions  in  the 
latter  have  prevented  the  development  of  a  high  civiliza- 
tion. Almost  the  entire  north  is  a  barren  desert;  the  center 
is  excessively  hot  and  wet;  and  the  south  is  a  vast,  almost 
rainless,  plateau.  The  great  rivers  that  traverse  the  conti- 
nent have,  until  lately,  been  unnavigable,  because  they 
are  broken  by  rapids  and  falls.  It  is  no  wonder,  then,  that 
Africa  remained  the  "dark  continent"  until  recently  and 
that  most  of  its  inhabitants  were  savage  tribes  living  amid 
primitive  conditions. 

The  northern  rim,  being  more  indented  and  facing  the 
Mediterranean,  has  had  a  wholly  different  history  from 
the  rest  of  the  continent.  It  was  well  known  in  Northern 
earliest  times;  and  some  parts,  like  Egypt  and  -^^'"'ca 
Carthage,  are  famous  in  the  history  of  civilization.  During 
the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries  North  Africa  was  over- 
run by  Mohammedans  from  Asia  Minor,  who  converted 
the  inhabitants  to  their  faith.  Arab  missionaries,  traders, 
and  slave-hunters  spread  along  the  eastern  coast,  where 
they  established  trading- posts. 

At  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  the  Portuguese  navi- 
gators, Diaz  and  Vasco  da  Gama,  rounded  the  southern 
coast  of  Africa.      The   Portuguese  established  coming  of 
trading-centers  at  various  points  along  the  coast,  the  Euro- 
where  they  did  a  profitable  business  in  ivory, 
gold,  slaves,  gum,  and  rubber.     Before  long  merchants  of 
other  nations,  Dutch,  British,  and  French,  established  sim- 
ilar stations.    For  several  centuries  Africa  was  regarded  by 


676      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Europeans  mainly  as  a  source  of  supply  for  the  slave  trade, 
and  nearly  every  nation  was  engaged  in  this  inhuman, 
though  profitable,  traffic.  Expeditions  were  regularly  organ- 
ized to  kidnap  the  black  inhabitants,  and  thousands  were 
annually  seized  by  brutal  men,  packed  into  the  holds  of 
ships,  and  transported  to  the  New  World  to  be  sold  as 
slaves  on  the  plantations.  Except  by  the  Dutch  in  South 
Africa,^  no  attempt  was  made  to  establish  white  settlements 
on  this  continent  for  many  years  because  of  its  inhospitable 
climate. 

The  situation  in  Africa  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century  was  as  follows:  In  the  north,  Egypt,  Tripoli,  Tunis, 
Africa  at  ^^^  Algeria  were  theoretically  parts  of  the  Ot- 
the  begin-       toman  Empire  and  under  the  suzerainty  of  the 

ning  of  the  -hi  ■     1 

nineteenth  Sultan;  practically,  however,  they  were  mde- 
century  pendent  communities  under  tribal  chiefs.    Mo- 

rocco was  independent  under  its  own  Sultan.  In  the  south, 
Cape  Colony,  settled  during  the  previous  century  by  the 
Dutch,  passed  to  Great  Britain  in  18 14.  At  various  points 
along  the  coast,  particularly  at  the  mouths  of  rivers,  there 
were  European  trading-posts.  The  interior  was  entirely 
unknown. 

Scientific  curiosity  and  missionary  zeal  were  aroused  by 
the  wonderful  tales  that  traders  and,  adventurers  brought 
^    .    .,    .      back  from  Africa.    They  told  of  strange  animals 

Curiosity  in  . 

regard  to        and  Still  Stranger  human  beings,  and  of  trackless 
"^^  forests  containing  unusual  flora.     At  one  time 

slavery  had  been  justified  by  some  Christians  on  the  ground 
that  if  the  negro  lost  his  body,  he  at  any  rate  saved  his  soul 
by  becoming  a  Christian.  During  the  first  half  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  the  slave  trade  was  abolished  by  the  Euro- 
pean countries,  and  the  African  coast  was  patrolled  by 
warships  to  prevent  the  continuance  of  the  traffic.  Indi- 
rectly the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  acted  as  a  stimulus  to 
missionary  effort,  for  zealous  Christians  went  to  Africa  to 
convert  the  heathen  blacks,  who  were  now  no  longer  being 
brought  to  Christian  lands. 

1  See  p.  413. 


NORTH 

ATLANTIC 

OCEAN 


10°/     SPAIN^'-te,,^  \o    ,U'    €m 


20°  LonifUude       Went     J0°    /i 


ich    0*    Lonyitude      East     10' 


I 


THE  EXPANSION  OF  EUROPE  677 

The  greatest  name  associated  with  the  exploration  of 
"Darkest  Africa,"  as  the  interior  was  called,  is  that  of  the 
Scotch  explorer-missionary,  David  Livingstone.  . .  . 
In  1840  he  was  sent  to  Africa  by  an  English 
Protestant  missionary  society,  but  he  soon  became  far 
more  interested  in  exploration  than  in  converting  the 
heathen.  Until  his  death,  in  1873,  Livingstone  was  almost 
continuously  engaged  in  African  exploration ;  and  he  showed 
great  bravery  and  resourcefulness  in  meeting  unknown 
dangers  and  in  solving  difficult  problems.  He  discovered 
the  Zambesi  River,  the  Upper  Congo,  and  Lake  Nyassa, 
the  regions  around  which  he  opened  up  to  the  world. 

At  one  time  nothing  was  heard  of  Livingstone  for  several 
years,  and  it  was  feared  that  he  was  dead  or  lost  in  the 
heart  of  Africa.  To  find  him,  another  exploring 
expedition,  led  by  Henry  M.  Stanley,  was  sent 
out  by  the  New  York  Herald  as  a  journalistic  enterprise. 
Stanley  wrote  a  book,  Through  the  Dark  Continent,  in  which 
he  described  his  adventurous  trip  and  how  he  found  Liv- 
ingstone. This  book  had  a  great  vogue  throughout  the 
world  and  greatly  stimulated  the  desire  to  open  up  the 
continent  to  European  influences.  Stanley's  contribution 
to  African  exploration  was  almost  as  notable  as  that  of 
Livingstone.  During  1874-78  he  journeyed  across  the  con- 
tinent from  Lakes  Victoria  Nyanza  and  Tanganyika,  ex- 
plored the  Congo  and  its  various  tributaries,  and  finally 
reached  the  Atlantic  coast.  Other  explorers  followed  these 
pioneers,  and  the  map  of  Africa,  hitherto  largely  blank, 
began  to  show  rivers,  lakes,  mountains,  and  plateaus. 

Great  interest  was  now  felt  by  the  European  nations  in 
the  future  of  Africa.  Here  was  a  new  continent,  inhabited 
by  weak,  savage  tribes,  who  could  offer  no  effec-  The  Congo 
tive  resistance  to  organized  conquest.  In  a  very  ^""^^  ^^^^^ 
short  time  almost  the  whole  of  Africa  was  partitioned  among 
the  various  nations  of  Europe.  The  first  to  take  up  the 
matter  was  the  shrewd  King  of  the  Belgians,  Leopold  II, 
who,  in  1876,  called  a  conference  of  the  Powers  at  Brussels, 
where  he  formed  the   "International  Association  for  the 


678      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Exploration  and  Civilization  of  Africa."  A  group  of  Bel- 
gian capitalists,  backed  by  the  King,  formed  a  corporation 
known  as  the  "International  Association  of  the  Congo," 
whose  ostensible  object  was  to  Christianize  and  civilize  the 
Africans.  To  this  body  was  given  complete  control  of  the 
region  of  the  Congo.  Its  rights  were  recognized  by  a  con- 
ference of  the  Powers  in  1884-85,  held  at  Berlin,  with  the 
proviso  that  the  "  open  door,"  or  equality  of  trading  with 
the  region,  was  to  be  guaranteed  to  all  nations.  It  was 
organized  as  the  Congo  Free  State,  with  Leopold  as  chief 
proprietor  and  ruler.  The  region  proved  to  be  rich  in  rub- 
ber and  yielded  large  profits  to  the  investors  who,  in  spite 
of  the  "open  door,"  exercised  a  complete  monopoly  in  ex- 
ploiting the  country.  The  government  was  administered 
solely  in  the  interest  of  the  stockholders,  and  the  natives 
were  reduced  to  virtual  slavery.  To  make  them  collect  as 
much  rubber  as  possible  they  were  subjected  to  cruel  treat- 
ment, to  whipping,  torture,  and  death.  The  Congo  out- 
rages finally  became  an  international  scandal  and  aroused 
the  indignation  of  the  world,  which  led  to  the  adoption  of 
reforms.  In  1908  the  Congo  Free  State  became  a  colony 
of  Belgium,  subject  to  the  rule  of  the  Belgian  Parliament 
and  not  to  that  of  the  King. 

During  the  decade  1890-1900  there  began  the  "Great 
African  Hunt,"  as  the  European  scramble  for  colonies  was 
Partition  of  Called.  The  rights  of  the  natives  were  totally 
Africa  disregarded  in  a  series  of  treaties   among  the 

Powers  in  which  they  carved  Africa  into  colonies  and 
"spheres  of  Influence."  According  to  an  agreement,  no 
annexation  of  territory  in  Africa  was  to  be  made  by  any 
European  nation  without  a  notification  to  all  the  others. 

Great  Britain  got  the  lion's  share,  about  one  third  of  the 
entire  continent.  In  the  north,  she  possesses  Egypt;  In  the 
„    ,     ,         east,  the  Sudan,  Uganda,   British  East  Africa, 

England  ...  . 

and  British  Somaliland;  in  the  south,  Rhodesia, 
Bechuanaland,  and  the  Union  of  South  Africa;  In  the  west, 
Nigeria,  the  Gold  Coast,  Sierra  Leone,  and  the  mouth  of 
the  Gambia  River. 


THE  EXPANSION  OF  EUROPE  679 

Germany  made  her  debut  as  a  colonizing  nation  in  the 
partitioning  of  Africa.  She  became  very  energetic  in  sending 
out  explorers  and  traders  to  lay  claims  to  ter-    _ 

T         1  1    /">  T^  Germany 

ritory.  In  the  east  "she  secured  German  East 
Africa,  wedged  in  between  the  British  possessions  on  the 
north  and  south;  in  the  west,  German  South-West  Africa, 
Kamerun,  and  Togo.  On  the  whole,  German  possessions  in 
Africa,  although  large,  were  inferior  to  those  of  England  or 
France,  because  they  were  climatically  unsuited  to  white 
settlement.  The  Germans  have  had  serious  trouble  with  the 
natives,  who  refused  to  work  on  the  plantations  and  who 
resented  the  harsh  treatment  by  the  officials.  An  uprising 
of  the  warlike  Herero  tribes  in  German  South-West  Africa 
took  place  in  1903,  and  it  was  suppressed  with  great  diffi- 
culty and  at  great  expense.  Two  years  later  an  uprising  in 
German  East  Africa  threatened  for  a  time  to  overwhelm 
the  German  forces,  but  this,  too,  was  finally  put  down  with 
great  bloodshed.^ 

Italy  had  acquired  Eritrea,  a  region  along  the  coast  of 
the  Red  Sea,  and  Italian  Somaliland.  She  was,  however, 
ambitious  to  possess  Abyssinia,  a  large  district  . 
situated  between  these  two  possessions.  But 
the  Abyssinians  are  a  warlike  race  in  a  state  of  semi-civiliza- 
tion, with  a  fairly  well  organized  government,  and  not  help- 
less savages  like  the  negroes.  Their  Negus,  or  ruler,  named 
Menelek,  inflicted  a  severe  defeat  on  the  Italian  army  at 
the  Battle  of  Adowa,  in  1896,  and  Italy  was  compelled  to 
recognize  the  independence  of  Abyssinia,  which  to-day  is 
the  only  independent  State  of  any  importance  in  Africa. 
Disappointed  at  the  annexation  of  Tunis  by  France  and 
by  the  Abyssinian  misadventure,  Italy  turned  her  eyes 
toward  the  Turkish  provinces  of  Tripoli  and  Cyrenaica, 
which  she  determined  to  annex  at  the  first  opportunity. 
This  came  in  191 1,  soon  after  the  revolution  in  Turkey, ^ 
and  an  Italian  army  invaded  the  region,  where  it  en- 
countered more  opposition  from  the  Arab  tribesmen  than 

'  For  a  discussion  of  the  colonial  question  in  Germany  see  p.  313. 
*  See  p.  643. 


68o      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

from  the  Sultan's  troops.  Turkey  was  obliged  to  cede 
Tripoli  and  Cyrenaica  to  Italy,  who  renamed  the  country 
Libya.  Except  along  the  coast,  Libya  is  largely  a  desert  and 
sparsely  inhabited. 

Portugal  has  large  and  profitable  colonies  in  Portuguese 
East  Africa,  Angola,  and  Portuguese  Guinea,  which  produce 
Portugal  and  gold,  ivory,  and  rubber.  To  Spain  has  fallen  the 
Spain  smallest  share,  as  she  possesses  only  Northern 

Morocco,  Rio  de  Oro,  and  Rio  Muni,  strips  of  coast  along 
the  Atlantic. 

In  point  of  area  the  French  possessions  in  Africa  are 

the  largest  of  any  nation,  but  they  include  the  Sahara,  a 

vast  desert.    In  the  east,  France  owns  French 

France  r^  im        i  •  •  i  •        r     i 

Somaliland,  a  strategic  pomt  at  the  exit  oi  the 
Red  Sea,  and  the  large  island  of  Madagascar,  which  was 
conquered  in  1894;  in  the  west,  French  Equatorial  Africa, 
Dahomey,  Ivory  Coast,  French  Guinea,  and  Senegal.  Her 
most  important  possessions,  however,  are  in  the  north, 
Tunis,  Algeria,  and  Morocco. 

A  keen  rivalry  between  England  and  France  began  for 
the  control  of  the  Sudan,  which  culminated  in  the  famous 
The  "  Fasho-  "  Fashoda  incident "  of  1898.  A  French  exploring 
da  incident"  expedition,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Marchand,  entered  the  valley  of  the  upper  Nile  and  planted 
the  French  flag  at  Fashoda,  a  "mud  flat,"  greatly  to  the 
anger  of  the  British,  who  dispatched  a  force  from  Khartum 
to  drive  them  out.  Feeling  rose  high  in  both  countries  and, 
for  a  time,  it  looked  like  war  between  them.  But  matters 
quieted  down  as  a  result  of  concessions  on  both  sides.  The 
French  retired  from  Fashoda,  but  they  were  allowed  to 
annex  Wadai,  thus  connecting  their  northern  with  their 
western  possessions.  The  "Fashoda  incident"  was  the 
starting-point  of  the  close  relations  between  England  and 
France  which  culminated  in  the  Entente  cordiale}  In  1904 
they  agreed  by  treaty  to  support  each  other  in  African 
affairs.  France  acquiesced  in  the  formal  annexation  of 
Egypt  by  England,  and  the  latter  agreed  to  allow  France  a 
free  hand  in  Morocco. 

'  See  p.  691. 


THE   EXPANSION   OF   EUROPE  68i 

France  has  succeeded  in  establishing  a  colonial  empire 
in  Northern  Africa  rivaling  the  one  she  possessed  in  Amer- 
ica back  in  the  eighteenth  century.    The  begin-  France  ac- 
ning  was  made  in  1830,  when  a  punitive  expedi-  gerSand 
tion  was  sent  into  Algiers  because  the  Dey,  or  Tunis 
native  ruler,  had  insulted  a  French  official.     Algiers  was 
occupied  and,  in  spite  of  many  uprisings  on  the  part  of  the 
native  tribes,  the  French  managed  to  conquer  and  to  annex 
the  country.  In  188 1  a  French  army  from  Algeria  marched 
into  Tunis  and  took  possession,  ignoring  the  rights  of  the  Bey 
and  of  his  suzerain,  the  Sultan  of  Turkey.    Indignant  pro- 
tests came  from   Italy,  who,  because  of  the  large  Italian 
population  in  Tunis,  had  hoped  to  annex  the  region  herself. 

French  ambitions  now  turned  toward  Morocco,  which 
was  considered  a  promising  place  for  European  occupation. 
It  has  a  good  soil  and  a  mild  climate,  possesses   ,, 

,    -         ,        ,  ,..,,.  Morocco 

several  nne  harbors,  and  is  rich  in  iron,  copper, 
and  other  metals.  The  country  is  inhabited  by  about  five 
million  people  for  the  most  part  in  the  tribal  stage  of 
civilization.  Tribal  wars  have  been  frequent;  and  the 
country  became  notorious  because  of  the  great  disorder 
that  prevailed  there.  Attacks  upon  the  lives  and  property 
of  the  European  traders,  who  came  to  exploit  the  region, 
have  also  been  of  frequent  occurrence. 

France,  being  a  neighbor  in  Algiers,  cast  covetous  eyes 
on  this  promising  region.  Attacks  upon  French  citizens 
by  the  Moroccan  tribes  gave  her  the  pretext  for  Struggle  of 
sending  punitive  expeditions.  From  that  to  Ce^manTfor 
"peaceful  penetration"  through  concessions  by  Morocco 
the  native  chiefs  was  a  short  step.  But  Germany,  too,  had 
cast  covetous  eyes  on  Morocco,  which  was  the  only  desirable 
part  of  Africa  not  yet  occupied  by  a  European  Power.  A 
struggle  followed  between  France  and  Germany  for  the 
possession  of  this  region,  which  several  times  threatened 
to  result  in  a  general  European  war.  But  France  finally 
triumphed  over  Germany  and,  in  1912,  Morocco  was 
formally  declared  a  French  protectorate.^ 

^  For  a  more  detailed  narrative  of  the  Morocco  question  see  pp.  700  ff. 


682      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 


Results  of  Imperialism 

Not  all  the  expectations  of  the  enthusiastic  advocates  of 
expansion  were  realized.  The  colonial  trade  of  Germany 
Colonial  was  insignificant,  though  the  expense  of  main- 
trade  a  small  taining  the  colonies  was  very  great.  France  has 

factor  in  in-  r    i     i  i 

ternatlonal  been  more  successful;  but  she,  too,  has  had  to 
trade  make  up  annually  a  large  colonial  deficit.    Eng- 

land has  more  to  justify  her  imperialism  than  any  other 
country,  for  she  has  a  large  and  growing  colonial  trade ;  but 
her  important  customers  are  Germany,  France,  and  the 
United  States,  and  not  Canada,  Australia,  or  South  Africa. 

The  colonies  have  not  proved  successful  in  drawing  off 
the  surplus  population  of  the  mother  countries.  Because 
Compara-  they  wcre  not  attractive  to  white  settlement, 
emLratTto  ^^^^  ^^^  Germans  went  to  the  German  colonies, 
the  colonies  But  many  went  to  the  British  possessions  and 
to  the  United  States.  French  colonies,  although  near  the 
mother  country,  contain  few  Frenchmen  besides  military 
and  civil  officials.  The  immigration  of  Italians  to  Libya 
has  hardly  justified  Italy's  "war  for  a  desert."  Even 
Great  Britain,  with  a  large  surplus  population  and  colonies 
in  every  climate,  has  failed  to  people  the  Empire  with  her 
children.  During  1 870-1905,  a  generation  which  saw  the 
high  tide  of  imperialism,  six  and  a  half  million  emigrated 
from  the  United  Kingdom;  of  these,  only  two  million 
settled  in  the  colonies,  whereas  four  million  went  to  Amer- 
ica and  half  a  million  to  other  places.  So  reluctant  are  the 
English  masses  to  go  to  the  colonies  that  societies  have 
been  organized  to  encourage  them  to  emigrate  there. 

In  spite  of  the  enthusiasm  and  devotion  of  hundreds  of 
Christian  missionaries,  only  a  small  insignificant  fraction  of 
Missionaries  the  heathen  millions  have  embraced  Christianity. 
vert'theTea-  China,  India,  Japan,  and  Africa,  still  overwhelm- 
then  world      Ingly  non-Christian,  are  likely  long  to  remain  so. 

There  is  one  element  in  the  new  imperialism  that  has 
proved  eminently  successful,  namely,  the  investment  of 
surplus  capital.     Enormous  fortunes  have  been  made  by 


THE  EXPANSION  OF   EUROPE  683 

those  who  invested  money  in  the  development  of  backward 
lands.     The   success   of   these   ventures  is  due  Success  of 
partly  to  the  fact  that  foreign  investments  are,   foreign  m- 

'^         •'  1111  y">  vestments 

in  many  cases,  guaranteed  by  the  home  Govern- 
ment, but  mainly  to  the  power  of  armies  and  navies  to 
force  modern  economic  life  on  backward  races.  These 
methods  have  been  defended  on  the  ground  that  progress 
is  accelerated  among  those  peoples  who  otherwise  would 
have  to  go  through  the  slow  stages  of  evolution;  and  thus 
the  entire  world  is  likely  to  be  brought  to  the  same  high 
level  of  progress  in  a  comparatively  short  time.  Other  argu- 
ments advanced  in  favor  of  economic  imperialism  are  that 
capital  not  needed  at  home  finds  profitable  employment 
abroad,  and  that  labor  at  home  also  reaps  benefits.  An  Eng- 
lish company,  for  example,  securing  a  contract  to  build  a 
railroad  in  China,  usually  stipulates  that  the  equipment 
be  made  in  England,  thus  stimulating  home  industry. 

The  critics  of  imperialism  reply  that  foreign  investments 
have  the  effect  of  draining  a  country  of  its  capital,   as 
investors   prefer   to   send   their   money   abroad  Criticism 
because   of  the   inducement   of  greater   profit,  of  economic 

.  1  1.  1  r  •       imperialism 

A  capitalist  prefers  to  establish  a  factory  in 
China,  with  the  prospect  of  earning  twenty-five  per  cent 
profit,  to  improving  one  in  Lancashire  which  earns  only 
ten  per  cent.  These  critics,  furthermore,  declare  that  eco- 
nomic imperialism,  which  benefits  only  a  small  group  of 
investors,  threatens  grave  danger  to  the  entire  nation;  for 
in  the  struggle  to  acquire  colonies  the  nations  are  drawn 
into  quarrels  which  may  lead  to  war.  Frequently,  also,  the 
nation  has  to  intervene  in  the  affairs  of  those  countries 
that  have  no  strongly  organized  governments  capable  of 
maintaining  order,  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of 
her  investing  nationals.  There  has  consequently  grown  up 
a  strong  feeling  in  the  world  that  economic  imperialism 
contains  grave  dangers  for  the  peace  of  mankind,  and  that 
a  new  international  attitude  should  be  adopted  toward 
foreign  investments,  which  would  at  the  same  time  protect 
these  investments  and  preserve  the  peace  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS 
1870-1914 

The  Triple  Alliance 

The  system  of  international  relations  established  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  was  completely  shattered  by  the  events 
rr,  of  1870.   Two  great  Powers  came  into  existence, 

The  new  /  o 

diplomatic  Germany  and  Italy,  which  necessitated  a  re- 
arrangement of  the  European  system ;  and  the 
new  diplomatic  structure  that  was  erected  was  based,  like 
the  old  one,  on  the  principle  of  the  balance  of  power.  For- 
merly it  was  France,  now  it  was  Germany,  who  was  feared 
as  a  possible  disturber  of  the  peace  of  Europe. 

For  twenty  years  after  1870  the  leading  figure  in  inter- 
national affairs  was  Bismarck,  who  dominated  the  policies 
Th  Th  ^^  Europe  as  completely  as  Metternich  had  dur- 

Emperors'  ing  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  It 
^^^"^  was  Bismarck's  aim  to  organize  an  alliance  of 

powerful  nations,  pledged  to  the  maintenance  of  the  sta- 
tus quo  as  fixed  by  the  events  of  1870.  With  this  in  view, 
he  formed,  in  1872,  the  Dreikaiserbund  (Three  Emperors' 
League),  consisting  of  Germany,  Austria,  and  Russia,  who 
agreed  to  act  in  concert  in  matters  affecting  territorial 
changes  in  Europe,  especially  in  the  Near  East,  and  to  sup- 
press revolutionary  uprisings  in  their  lands.  This  was  to  be 
a  new  Holy  Alliance,  as  great  fear  was  inspired  at  the  time 
by  the  socialistic  movement  known  as  the  "  International."^ 

Although  the  Congress  of  Berlin  (1878)  was  called  prima- 
rily for  the  purpose  of  settling  the  Near  Eastern  Question, 
The  Triple  it  became  the  starting-point  of  new  alliances 
Alhance  g^^^  counter-alliances  which  shaped  European 
diplomacy  for  an  entire  generation.  At  this  convention 
the  antagonism  between  Russia  and  Austria,  which  origi- 

1  See  p.  586, 


INTERNATIONAL   RELATIONS  685 

nated  during  the  Crimean  War,  was  greatly  intensified  by 
the  clash  of  their  interests  in  the  Balkan  settlement.^  Bis- 
marck's support  of  Austria  so  angered  Russia  that  she 
withdrew  from  the  Dreikaiserbund,  thus  causing  its  dissolu- 
tion. Austria  and  Germany  drew  more  closely  together  and, 
in  1879,  they  formed  a  new  alliance,  each  promising  to  assist 
the  other  in  case  of  an  attack  by  Russia  and  to  adopt  an 
attitude  of  benevolent  neutrality  in  case  of  an  attack  by 
any  other  Power.  Bismarck,  however,  was  anxious  to  keep 
on  good  terms  with  Russia,  whose  hostility  he  feared  be- 
cause of  Germany's  exposed  eastern  frontier.  He  succeeded 
in  making  a  compact  with  the  Tsar,  known  as  the  Reinsur- 
ance Treaty,  which,  it  was  understood,  effectually  guaran- 
teed Russian  neutrality  should  Germany  be  attacked.  In 
1882  Italy  joined  Germany  and  Austria,  thus  forming  the 
famous  Triple  Alliance,  which  was  renewed  at  regular  in- 
tervals. A  solid  block  of  Central  European  Powers  was 
facing  France,  who  was  now  isolated ;  this  was  exactly  what 
Bismarck  desired. 

The  strength  of  the  Triple  Alliance  lay  in  the  common 
interests  that  bound  Germany  and  Austria.  The  latter, 
driven  from  Italy  by  Sardinia  and  from  Ger-  Common 
many  by  Prussia,  sought  to  find  compensation  Germany^ 
by  expanding  in  the  Balkans.  A  policy,  known  as  and  Austria 
the  Drang  nach  Osten  (Movement  to  the  East),  was  inau- 
gurated by  Austria,  with  the  object  of  getting  a  port  on 
the  iEgean  Sea.  In  the  way  were  Serbia  and  Montenegro, 
who  could  count  on  the  assistance  of  Russia  to  oppose 
the  extension  of  Austrian  influence  among  the  Slav  States 
of  the  Peninsula;  hence  Austria  leaned  heavily  on  Ger- 
many, without  whose  backing  she  could  make  no  headway 
in  the  Drang  nach  Osten.  Germany  at  first  entered  the 
alliance  primarily  as  a  protection  against  a  war  of  revenge 
by  France;  but  later,  when  she  embarked  on  a  vigorous 
policy  in  the  Near  East,^  she  found  Austria's  assistance 
of  great  value  to  her.  There  was  also  a  common  fear  of 
Pan-Slavism,  particularly  in  Austria-Hungary,  where  nearly 
1  See  p.  634.  ^  See  p.  642. 


686     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

half  of  the  population  is  Slavic,  Should  a  national  move- 
ment start  among  these  Slavs  and  be  encouraged  by  Russia, 
the  integrity  of  the  Hapsburg  dominions  would  be  endan- 
gered. The  destruction  of  her  ally  would  leave  Germany 
the  only  Teutonic  Power  in  Europe,  faced  by  hostile  France 
in  the  West,  and  by  a  possibly  hostile  Russia  in  the  East. 
To  guarantee  the  integrity  of  the  Dual  Monarchy  became 
a  matter  of  enlightened  self-interest  on  the  part  of  Ger- 
many, and  she  loyally  supported  Austria  in  her  struggle 
with  the  Slavs,  both  inside  and  outside  of  her  dominions. 

The  weak  spot  in  the  Triple  Alliance  was  Italy,  who  had 
joined  the  Teutonic  Powers  because  of  her  resentment 
Italy  and  against  France  for  annexing  Tunis.  ^  It  was 
the  Alliance  unnatural  for  Italy  to  be  leagued  with  Austria, 
her  hereditary  enemy,  from  whom  she  hoped  some  day  to 
wrest  the  Italian-speaking  regions,  Trieste  and  Trentino. 
Both  nations,  moreover,  were  rivals  in  Albania  and  for  the 
control  of  the  Adriatic.  The  staggering  cost  of  armament 
demanded  by  the  Triple  Alliance  bore  heavily  on  Italy 
who,  being  a  poor  country,  could  not  carry  the  burden  as 
easily  as  her  rich  allies.  Should  her  differences  with  France 
be  composed  and  her  desire  for  expansion  be  appeased, 
Italy's  adherence  to  the  Alliance  would  become  uncertain. 

The  Dual  Alliance 

Bismarck's  astute  diplomacy  left  France  isolated  for  al- 
most two  decades  following  the  Franco- Prussian  War.  The 
t:.  ,     feelings  of  revenge  and  fear  agitated  the  French: 

b  ranee  seeks  °  .       . 

an  alliance      revenge  for  wounds  inflicted  by  that  war  and 

with  Russia      r  r   r    .  r^  •  t^ 

fear  of  future  German  aggression.  Every  year 
saw  an  increase  in  German  wealth,  power,  and  population, 
so  that  a  conflict  between  France  and  Germany  would  end 
in  the  certain  defeat  of  the  former,  whose  population  re- 
mained almost  stationary.  To  save  herself  from  such  a 
calamity,  the  Third  Republic  sought  an  alliance  with 
Russia,  whose  teeming  millions  and  geographical  situation 
on  Germany's  flank  would  make  her  a  most  desirable  ally. 

1  See  p.  68i. 


INTERNATIONAL   RELATIONS  687 

Russia,  although  rich  In  natural  resources,  had  little  capital; 
whereas  France  possessed  capital  in  abundance  and  was  will- 
ing to  lend  it  freely  in  return  for  an  alliance.  The  building 
of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  by  the  Russian  Government 
necessitated  the  floating  of  large  loans,  to  which  French 
capitalists  subscribed  heavily.  Many  private  enterprises 
in  Russia  were  also  financed  by  French  investors. 

Every  year  saw  a  coming  together  of  these  two  nations, 
though  they  had   fought  each  other  bitterly  during  the 
Napoleonic  wars   and    though    they  differed  so  -pj^^  j^^^j 
markedly   in    ideals,    the   one   a   revolutionary  Alliance  con- 

1  ,.  ,     ,  1  •  summated 

republic  and  the  other  a  reactionary  autocracy. 
Friendly  relations  between  them  were  signalized  by  visits 
exchanged  between  the  Tsar  and  the  President.  A  French 
fleet,  visiting  Cronstadt  in  1891,  was  welcomed  with  great 
ceremony  by  Tsar  Alexander  III,  who  listened  with  bowed 
head  to  the  strains  of  the  Marseillaise.  During  the  same 
.year  a  treaty  was  signed  between  Russia  and  France,  the 
terms  of  which  were  secret ;  but  it  was  generally  understood 
that  they  were  to  act  in  common  in  international  matters. 
This  Dual  Alliance,  officially  confirmed  in  1895,  gave  great 
joy  to  France.  No  longer  isolated,  she  could  now  breathe 
more  easily.  Germany's  diplomatic  hegemony  was  conse- 
quently seriously  shaken,  greatly  to  the  chagrin  of  Bismarck 
who,  from  his  retirement,  made  sarcastic  comments  on  the 
diplomacy  of  Emperor  William  11. 

Rivalry  between  England  and  Germany 

During  the   Franco- Prussian  War  England's  sympathy 
had  been  with  Germany.    Throughout  the  period  of  Bis- 
marck's   chancellorship    friendly    relations    be-  Friendly 
tween  the  two  countries  continued,  in  spite  of  relations 

...  between 

the  fact  that  the  English  people  had  little  liking  Germany 
for  the  autocratic  regime  in  Germany,  so  con-  during^Bis" 
trary  to  their  own  traditions  of  liberal  govern-  marck's 

T-.'  1  1  •  1   •  1       regime 

ment.    Bismarck   took    pains    to    cultivate  the 
friendship  of  England.     One  of  the  reasons  for  his  disin- 
clination to  embark  on  a  colonial  policy  was  that  it  would 


688      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

arouse  the  hostility  of  the  British.  So  long  as  Germany 
remained  a  land  Power,  England  had  no  cause  to  be 
alarmed;  for,  in  Bismarck's  phrase,  there  could  be  no  war 
between  a  "  land  rat"  and  a  "water  rat." 

With  the  accession  of  Emperor  William  II  there  came  a 
profound  change  in  Germany's  foreign  policies.  Her  ex- 
Economic  panding  trade,  rapid  increase  in  population,  and 
rivalry  be-  exuberant  energy  were  seeking  an  outlet,  and 
many  and  she  became  exceedingly  eager  for  a  "place  in 
England  ^^^  sun,"  or  the  possession  of  a  colonial  empire. 
Having  come  into  existence  long  after  the  most  desirable 
portions  of  the  world  had  been  annexed,  she  possessed  only 
a  few  colonies,  and  these  were  in  the  poor  parts  of  Africa. 
There  was  only  one  way  that  Germany  could  now  expand, 
and  that  was  at  the  expense  of  the  great  colonial  Powers 
like  England  and  France. 

The  passion  for  colonies  was  especially  strong  among 
the  industrial  and  Junker  classes.  To  the  former,  colonies 
„, ,     ,.  .,      meant  sources  of  raw  material  for  their  factories 

Weltpohkk  ,  r    -i  ^        r    -  r  1       •  l 

and  a  neld  oi  mvestment  tor  their  surplus  cap- 
ital; to  the  latter,  they  meant  opportunities  for  military 
activity  and  for  positions  as  governors  over  subject  peoples. 
These  classes  had  sujfificient  influence  to  cause  Germany  to 
abandon  Bismarck's  cautious  policy  of  "satiation,"  and  to 
embark  upon  an  aggressive  policy  of  Weltpolitik,  the  object 
of  which  was  to  win  for  Germany  a  dominant  position  in 
world  affairs.  This  was  emphatically  expressed  by  the  Em- 
peror when  he  said:  "Without  Germany  and  the  German 
Emperor  no  important  step  in  international  matters  should 
be  taken,  even  beyond  the  seas." 

Germany's  new  attitude  soon  brought  her  into  hostile 
relations  with  England.  The  latter,  with  rich  lands  in 
Rivalry  be-  every  part  of  the  globe,  aroused  the  jealousy  of 
fami  amT^  Germany,  who  felt  that,  with  her  efficiency  and 
Germany  military  power,  she  could  govern  distant  lands 
far  better  than  England.  The  latter  she  believed  was  now 
a  decadent  nation  living  on  the  fruits  of  her  great  past. 
Commercial  rivalry  between  the  two  nations  also  caused 


INTERNATIONAL   RELATIONS  689 

constant  irritation,  as  in  almost  every  market  of  the  world 
the  supremacy  of  the  long-established  English  trade  was 
being  challenged  by  German  merchants.^ 

The  first  sign  of  ill-feeling  between  Germany  and  Eng- 
land was  the  "  Kruger  telegram."  In  1896  Emperor  William 
sent  a  telegram  of  congratulations  to  President  The  Kruger 
Kruger  of  the  South  African  Republic  on  the  telegram, 
occasion  of  his  victory  over  the  Jameson  raiders.  This 
caused  a  furor  in  England,  where  it  was  regarded  as  a 
sign  of  German  hostility  to  the  British  Empire.  During  the 
Boer  War  the  Germans  s^^mpathized  with  the  Boers  and 
denounced  Great  Britain  as  a  bully  for  making  war  on  the 
little  Republics.  This  increased  still  more  the  already  ex- 
isting ill-feeling  between  the  two  peoples.  In  England  the 
pro-Boer  attitude  of  Germany  was  interpreted  to  mean 
not  sympathy  for  the  Boers,  but  hostility  to  the  British. 

But  this  unfriendliness  might  have  passed 'away  in  time 
had  it  not  been  for  the  famous  German  navy  law  of 
1900,2  which  England  regarded  as  a  direct  chal-  German 
lenge  to  her  position  as  mistress  of  the  seas.  A  "roiTses  Eng- 
veritable  panic  reigned  in  Great  Britain  for  a  land 
decade  on  account  of  the  rapid  increase  of  the  German 
navy,  in  spite  of  the  constant  assurances  that  it  was  purely 
for  defensive  purposes,  that  is,  to  protect  German  shipping 
in  case  of  war.  England's  very  existence  depends  upon  her 
control  of  the  seas,  as  nearly  all  of  her  food  supply  comes 
from  abroad  and  the  best  part  of  her  trade  is  with  foreign 
nations.  Should  she  be  successfully  blockaded,  starvation 
and  ruin  would  immediately  stare  her  in  the  face.  For  this 
reason  she  has  been  obliged  to  maintain  the  "two- Power 
standard,"  or  a  fleet  equal  in  strength  to  any  two  other 
fleets. 

Under  stress  of   German  rivalry  the  British   navy  was 
almost   completely   reorganized   at   the   beginning   of   the 
twentieth  century.   A  new  type  of  monster  war-  Naval 
ship,  the  Dreadnought,  was  constructed,  which  ^^^^^^y 
became  the  model  of  the  highest  type  of  warship  for  all  the 

^  See  p.  369.  2  See  p.  312. 


690      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

navies  of  the  world.  Rivalry  in  naval  armaments  between 
England  and  Germany  continued  fast  and  furiously.  This 
was  so  expensive  to  both  nations  that,  several  times,  the 
British  Government  suggested  a  "naval  holiday,"  or  an 
agreement  with  Germany  to  keep  down  the  rate  of  increase. 
But  the  latter  refused  to  accept  this  plan,  for  the  reason 
that  it  would  still  leave  England  in  command  of  the  sea, 
which  she  evidently  hoped  to  wrest  in  the  course  of  time. 

The  Diplomatic  Revolution 

Ever  since  the  Crimean  War  England  had  been  pursuing 
a  policy  of  "splendid  isolation"  by  refusing  to  ally  her- 
England  self  with  any  other  nation.  On  account  of  her 
fromlier  powerful  fleet  and  insular  position,  she  felt  safe 
isolation  from  attack.  But  the  challenge  from  across  the 
North  Sea  awakened  her  to  the  grave  danger  that  lay  in 
a  Germany,  already  supreme  on  land,  energetically  striv- 
ing for  supremacy  at  sea.  England  thereupon  decided  to 
emerge  from  her  isolation.  This  brought  about  so  great  a 
change  in  international  relations  that  it  might  well  be  called 
a  diplomatic  revolution.  During  the  decade  1897-1907, 
century-old  enemies  became  friends  and  allies,  and  the 
balance  of  power  as  established  by  the  Congress  of  Berlin 
was  completely  upset. 

In  order  to  understand  this  fully  it  is  necessary  to  go 

back  to  the  last  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century.     This 

Strained         period    witnessed    an    intense    rivalry    between 

relations         England  and  France  in  Northern  Africa  and  be- 
between  ° 
England  and  tween   England   and   Russia    in    Central    Asia. 

ranee  Gabriel    Hanotaux,    who    became    the    French 

Foreign  Minister  in  1894,  was  hostile  to  the  English  occu- 
pation of  Egypt.  French  policies  became  so  anti-English 
that  a  rapprochement  with  Germany  became  possible, 
greatly  to  the  delight  of  Emperor  William,  who  began  to 
flatter  the  French  in  the  hope  that  they  would  forget  the 
revanche,  or  the  reconquest  of  Alsace-Lorraine.  Lord  Salis- 
bury, who  then  directed  British  affairs,  was  distinctly  hos- 
tile to  France,  and  he  once  referred  to  the  Latins  as  "dying 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS  691 

nations."  His  attitude  toward  Germany  was,  on  the  con- 
trary, quite  friendly;  he  signed  treaties  with  her  dehmiting 
EngHsh  and  German  possessions  in  Africa,  and  he  showed 
in  many  other  ways  his  friendhness  for  the  Teutons.  The 
strained  relations  between  England  and  France  led  them  to 
the  very  verge  of  war  in  the  famous  Fashoda  Affair  of  1898."^ 

During  the  same  year  there  came  to  the  French  Foreign 
Office  a  remarkable  diplomat,  Theophile  Delcasse,  who 
remained  in  control  of  his  country's  foreign  Delcasse 
policies  till  his  retirement  in  1905.  Delcasse  ^EntenS  cor- 
was  decidedly  opposed  to  a  rapprochement  with  diaie 
Germany,  and  he  enthusiastically  favored  establishing 
friendly  relations,  and  even  an  alliance,  with  England. 
Once  the  latter,  with  her  enormous  sea  power,  was  on  the 
side  of  the  Dual  Alliance,  Germany's  position  would  be 
seriously  weakened.  With  this  in  view,  he  settled  the 
Fashoda  Affair  satisfactorily  to  England,  who  now,  out  of 
fear  of  Germany,  was  willing  to  join  her  historic  enemy, 
France.  The  armies  of  France  and  Russia  would  balance 
the  armies  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  while  England's  navy 
would  more  than  balance  that  of  the  latter.  Friendly  rela- 
tions between  France  and  England  were  marked  by  visits 
of  King  Edward  VII  to  Paris  and  of  President  Loubet 
to  London.  Delcasse's  efforts  were  crowned  with  success 
in  the  treaty  of  1904,  which  settled  all  disputes  between 
the  two  nations  in  Northern  Africa.  There  followed  what 
was  called  an  entente  cordiale,  or  amicable  agreement,  be- 
tween the  French  and  English  Governments,  which  had 
all  the  practical  effects  of  a  close  alliance,  although  no 
treaty  was  signed  so  binding  them.  The  ancient  feud  was 
now  at  an  end,  to  the  great  joy  of  both  nations. 

Delcasse  was  convinced  that  Northern  Africa  was  the 
natural  field  for  French  expansion  on  account  France  es- 

i"3.DllSnGS 

of  its   proximity,  and  he  determined  to  come  good  rela- 
to  a  friendly  agreement  with  Italy  and  Spain,  1'°"^  ^^^j^ 
the    other    Mediterranean   Powers.     In  1898  a  Spain 
commercial  treaty  was  signed  between  France  and   Italy 

1  See  p.  680. 


692      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

which  put  an  end  to  the  tariff  war  between  them.  An  under- 
standing was  later  reached  that  Italy  would  be  allowed  a 
free  hand  in  Tripoli,  provided  she  relinquished  all  claim  to 
Tunis.  Friendly  relations  were  now  resumed  between  the 
two  Latin  nations  after  a  generation  of  estrangement,  and 
Italy's  adherence  to  the  Triple  Alliance  was,  as  a  conse- 
quence, considerably  shaken.  Between  France  and  Spain 
friendship  was  established  by  a  treaty  in  1904,  which  de- 
fined their  spheres  of  influence  in  Morocco. 

Equally  remarkable  was  the  great  change  effected  in 
the  relations  between  Great  Britain  and  Russia.  During 
Relations  the  whole  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  hos- 
En^dand  tility  between  these  two  Powers  was  intense, 
and  Russia  because  England  was  continually  blocking  Rus- 
sia's march  to  Constantinople.  After  the  Russo-Turkish 
War  of  1877  Russia  sought  to  revenge  herself  upon  Eng- 
land by  threatening  India.  She  began  a  secret  propaganda 
against  England  among  the  tribes  in  Afghanistan  and 
Baluchistan,  with  the  object  of  getting  their  aid  in  case 
she  determined  to  make  a  descent  upon  India.  Great  indig- 
nation was  felt  in  England  at  these  machinations.  Russia 
was  characterized  by  Kipling  as  "a  bear  that  walks  like  a 
man";  and  Joseph  Chamberlain  declared  in  a  warning 
speech  to  his  countrymen  that  "he  who  sups  with  the  devil 
must  use  a  long  spoon." 

With  the  advent  of  Sir  Edward  Grey  to  the  British 
Foreign  Office  in  1905,  there  came  a  reversal  of  the  English 
attitude  toward  her  rival  in  Central  Asia.  Fear  of  Ger- 
many had  driven  England  to  friendship  with  France;  it 
was  now  driving  her  to  friendship  with  Russia.  This  new 
policy  culminated  in  the  famous  treaty  of  1907,^  which 
settled  all  differences  between  the  two  Powers  in  Central 
Asia  and  consequently  removed  all  causes  of  friction  be- 
tween them.  England,  now  joined  to  France  and  to  Russia, 
transformed  the  Dual  Alliance  into  the  Triple  Entente,  or 
friendly  understanding  among  the  three  nations.  Ger- 
many was  furious  at  what  she  called    the  Einkreisungs 

1  See  p.  674. 


INTERNATIONAL   RELATIONS  693 

politik  (encirclement  policy)  of  her  enemies,  for  tie  dip- 
lomatic revolution  resulted  in  her  being  almost  entirely 
surrounded  by  unfriendly  Powers.  Europe  was  now  di- 
vided into  two  great  coalitions,  the  Triple  Alliance  and  the 
Triple  Entente,  who  were  facing  each  other  threateningly; 
should  a  dispute  arise  which  involved  any  member  of 
either  combination,  a  world  conflagration  undoubtedly 
would  be  precipitated. 

The  Peace  Movement 

Ever  since  the  Congress  of  Vienna  there  had  grown  up 
an  idea,  very  dim,  it  is  true,  of  a  union  of  all  the  nations 
for  common  action  in  matters  affecting  world  The  Concert 
politics.  This  union  was  known  as  the  "  Concert  °^  Europe 
of  Europe,"  and  it  pledged  the  various  Powers  to  maintain 
peace,  to  protect  the  independence  of  states  and  to  ob- 
serve agreements  faithfully.  Two  aspects  of  the  Concert 
were  the  Holy  Alliance,  and  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  which 
have  already  been  described.^ 

Discord,  however,  soon  appeared  among  the  five  great 
Powers,  England,  France,  Prussia,  Austria,  and  Russia, 
who  really  constituted  the  Concert,  although,  jj^^  Declar- 
in  theory,  it  included  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  ation  of 
Conflicting  interests  and  ideals,  rival  ambitions, 
and  jealousies,  frequently  brought  them  into  hostile  rela- 
tions, resulting  in  the  wars  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Yet 
the  idea  of  union  persisted;  and  the  Concert  performed 
notable  services  for  humanity.  At  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
it  declared  the  slave  trade  abolished  and  dispatched  war- 
ships to  capture  slavers.  At  the  Congress  of  Paris,  in 
1856,2  it  issued  the  document  known  as  the  "Declaration  of 
Paris,"  which  gave  protection  to  neutral  trade  in  time 
of  war.  This  Declaration  established  the  following  rules: 
(i)  privateering  was  abolished;  (2)  a  neutral  flag  was  to 
cover  enemy  goods  except  contraband  of  war;  (3)  neutral 
goods,  except  contraband  of  war,  were  not  liable  to  capture 
under  the  enemy  flag,  and  (4)  blockades,  to  be  binding, 
1    See  pp.  30  ff.  2  See  p.  631. 


694      MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

must  be  effective,  that  is,  they  must  be  maintained  by  a 
force  sufficient  to  prevent  access  to  the  enemy's  coast. 

Another  great  service  performed  by  the  Concert  was 
the  adoption  of  rules  intended  to  humanize  warfare.  By 
The  Geneva  the  Geneva  Convention  of  1864  the  nations 
Convention  bound  themselves  to  treat  as  neutral,  hence  not 
subject  to  attack,  the  hospital  corps  and  equipment  of 
every  army.  To  carry  out  this  Convention,  societies, 
known  as  the  "Red  Cross,"  because  their  symbol  was  an 
international  flag,  a  white  field  with  a  red  cross,  were 
organized  in  every  country.  Their  headquarters  was  es- 
tablished at  Geneva,  in  honor  of  Switzerland,  who  origi- 
nated the  idea. 

After  1870  the  Concert,  now  consisting  of  Great  Britain, 
Germany,  Russia,  France,  Austria-Hungary,  and  Italy, 
The  Con-  began  to  reassert  its  interest  in  the  Near  East- 
N*^^  ^E^  t^^  ^^^  Question,  which  had  played  a  part  in  the 
ern  Ques-  proceedings  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  At  the 
**°"  Congress  of  Berlin  the  principle  was  accepted 

that  the  settlement  of  this  question  was  a  matter  for  all 
Europe,  and  the  Concert  endeavored  to  force  the  Sultan 
to  treat  his  Christian  subjects  with  consideration;  but  it 
failed  because  of  the  rival  ambitions  of  the  Powers.  This 
failure  caused  the  Concert  to  fall  into  temporary  disrepute. 
The  new  partition  of  Turkey  after  the  Balkan  Wars  of 
1 91 2-1 3  was,  however,  largely  the  work  of  the  Concert. 
It  was  also  active  in  Africa,  when  it  organized  the  Congo 
Free  State  and  when  it  tried  to  settle  the  Morocco  Ques- 
tion at  the  Algeciras  Conference.  In  the  Far  East  it  sent 
an  international  force  to  suppress  the  Boxer  uprising  in 
China. 

These  instances  of  international  cooperation  for  the  wel- 
fare of  mankind  did  not  result  in  the  formation  of  an  "in- 
Failureof  ternational  state,"  with  supreme  authority  over 
the  Concert  ^j^g  various  nations.  Whatever  was  achieved 
came  mainly  as  an  outcome  of  bargains  and  compromises 
among  the  Powers,  each  of  whom  was  seeking  primarily 
to  advance  its   own   interests  and,  only  secondarily,  the 


INTERNATIONAL   RELATIONS  695 

general  good.  At  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century 
the  fundamental  principle  of  European  politics  was  still 
national  rivalry,  not  international  comity. 

In  a  previous  chapter,^  we  have  learned  how  the  Indus- 
trial Revolution  resulted  in  creatmg  many  bonds  of  union 
among  the  peoples  of  the  world.  There  is  hardly  interna- 
a  field  of  human  endeavor  which  has  not  an  in-  tional  or- 

,  .        .  1         1     1  1     •  •         t    ganizations 

ternational  organization  that  holds  international 
congresses  from  time  to  time.  Questions  affecting  religion, 
labor,  race,  woman,  war,  peace,  science,  and  education  have 
all,  at  various  times,  been  the  subject  of  discussion  at  in- 
ternational gatherings.  It  is  estimated  that  about  two 
thousand  such  meetings  took  place  between  1840  and  1910. 
There  has  existed  an  international  political  party,  the  So- 
cialist, which  held  international  conventions  to  determine 
upon  a  common  policy  for  the  socialists  throughout  the 
world.  To  some  extent  there  has  grown  up  a  kind  of  inter- 
national government,  as  represented  by  the  Universal  Tele- 
graph Union,  which  formulates  the  rules  for  the  use  of  the 
telegraph,  and  by  the  Universal  Postal  Union,  which  is 
an  agreement  among  the  nations  regarding  postal  rates. 
The  metric  system  has  been  adopted  by  nearly  all  the 
European  countries,  and  patent  and  copyright  laws  are 
now  also  to  a  large  degree  international. 

The  Franco- Prussian  War  ushered  into  the  world  an  en- 
tirely new  military  system.     Hitherto,  the  defenses  of  a 
country   consisted   of   a   small  standing   army,   Universal 
composed  of  mercenaries  and  volunteers,   and  military 
of  a  popular  militia,  for  the  purpose  of  repel- 
ling invasion.    In  the  e\'ent  of  war,  the  army  was  increased 
by  drafting  men,  generally  those  from  the  lower  classes, 
into  military  service.    As  we   have   already   seen,^  a  new 
principle  was  adopted  by  Prussia  during  the  Napoleonic 
wars,  namely,  universal  military  service,  or  conscription, 
which  makes  it  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to  render  mili- 
tary service  in  time  of  peace  as  well  as  in  time  of  war. 
Citizens,  under  this  system,  are  required  to  devote  several 

^  See  p.  42.  ^  See  pp.  120,  173. 


696      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

years  wholly  to  training  in  the  army.  Conscription  was 
crowned  with  success  in  the  triumphs  of  Prussia  over  Aus- 
tria in  1866  and  over  France  in  1870  and,  consequently, 
it  was  soon  adopted  by  nearly  every  nation.  Europe  was 
turned  into  a  huge  military  camp.  England  alone,  of  the 
Great  Powers,  did  not  introduce  the  new  system  because, 
being  an  island,  she  could  best  be  protected  by  the  large 
fleet  which  she  assiduously  maintained. 

Almost  as  important  as  universal  conscription  was  the 
great  change  that  took  place  in  armament  through  the 
.     ,.    ,.        application  of  science  to  war.     The  simple  rifle 

Application         ^^  ,  ^ 

of  science  and  cannon  of  former  days,  which  almost  any 
to  war  ^^^  could   learn   to  use,   gave  place  to  highly 

complicated  machinery  of  destruction,  the  handling  of  which 
required  expert  technical  knowledge  on  the  part  of  men 
trained  for  the  purpose.  A  modern  army  is  a  highly  scien- 
tific organism,  demanding  a  great  and  varied  knowledge  of 
the  sciences,  such  as  chemistry,  physics,  mathematics,  and 
sanitation,  for  its  efficient  management.  Generals  are  no 
longer  the  dashing  figures  of  old,  gallantly  leading  charges 
against  the  enemy,  but  highly  trained  technical  experts 
in  the  art  of  modern  war.  The  part  of  the  common  soldier 
is  more  simple  now  than  it  was  in  former  days;  he  has 
become  a  cog  in  a  great  and  complicated  machine,  the 
smooth  running  of  which  is  essential  to  success.  What 
the  new  military  system  demanded  was  a  large  number  of 
men  ready  to  spring  into  place  and  a  small  body  of  highly 
trained  officers  to  lead.  Hence  "preparedness"  was  neces- 
sary, as  an  army  of  raw  volunteers,  no  matter  how  brave 
and  patriotic,  would  be  no  match  for  troops  trained  in  the 
manner  described  above.  To  maintain  a  large  standing 
army  and,  especially,  to  provide  for  its  equipment,  proved 
enormously  expensive.  But  the  nations,  regarding  it  as  an 
insurance  against  the  greater  evil  of  war,  decided  to  bear 
the  great  burden  of  an  "armed  peace." 

From  time  immemorial  there  has  been  a  dream  of  uni- 
versal peace.  Isaiah,  prophet  of  ancient  Israel,  looked  for- 
ward to  the  day  when  swords  would  be  beaten  into  plough- 


INTERNATIONAL   RELATIONS  697 

shares  and  spears  into  pruning-hooks.   The  very  essence  of 
Christianity  is  universal  brotherhood,  and  Christ  ideals  of 
has   been   depicted   as   the   "Prince   of  Peace"   universal 
bringing  "peace  on  earth  and  good  will  toward 
men."    Proposals  for  universal  peace  have  at  various  times 
been  suggested  by  Henry  IV,  King  of  France,  Grotius,  the 
father  of  international  law,   Kant,   the  father  of  modern 
philosophy,  and   by  many  other  distinguished   men.     But 
no  serious  attention  was  paid  to  such  projects  till  the  end 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  the  burden  of  taxation  nec- 
essary to  maintain  the  "armed  peace"  ^  aroused  so  much 
discontent,  that  practical  statesmen  and  rulers  began  to 
consider  seriously  the  possibility  of  universal  disarmament 
or,  at  least,  the  reduction  of  armaments. 

A  widespread  peace  movement  made  its  appearance. 
Numerous  societies  in  every  country  began  a  popular  agi- 
tation to  substitute  arbitration  for  war  as  a  The  peace 
mode  of  settling  disputes  between  nations,  rnovement 
Large  sums  of  money  were  donated  to  the  cause  of  peace. 
International  peace  congresses  were  held  regularly;  and 
at  Bern,  Switzerland,  a  permanent  peace  headquarters  was 
established.  Alfred  Nobel,  the  Swedish  inventor  of  dyna- 
mite, left  part  of  his  large  fortune  to  be  awarded  in  annual 
prizes  to  those  of  any  nation  who  render  the  greatest  serv- 
ice to  science,  to  idealistic  literature,  and  to  the  cause  of 
peace.  The  Scotch-American  iron-master,  Andrew  Carne- 
gie, spent  large  sums  in  furthering  the  peace  propaganda. 
In  1898  there  appeared  a  book  entitled  The  Future  of 
War,  by  a  Polish  Jew,  Ivan  S.  Bloch,  which  created  a 
deep  impression  at  the  time.  The  author  tried  to  prove 
that  war  under  modern  conditions  was  impossible;  for 
It  must  lead  to  universal  bankruptcy  and  starvation  and 
be  followed  by  revolutions.  Another  remarkable  peace 
book  was  The  Great  Illusion,  written  by  an  English- 
man, Norman  Angell,  who  argued  that  modern  social  and 
economic  conditions  make  military  victories  and  defeats 

'  For  the  year  1914-15  Germany  appropriated  about  $407,000,000  for  her 
army  and  navy;  England,  $404,000,000;  France,  $326,000,000. 


698      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

"illusions,"  because  the  essential  economic  life  of  a  country 
remains  unchanged  even  though  it  be  conquered  in  war. 
The  Austrian  writer,  Alfred  Fried,  the  French  publicist, 
D'Estournelles  de  Constant,  and  the  Russian  novelist. 
Count  Leo  Tolstoy,  contributed  powerfully  by  their  pens 
to  the  peace  movement.  An  active  anti-militarist  agitation 
was  conducted  in  every  country  by  radicals  and  socialists. 
In  France,  particularly,  the  movement  was  so  strong  that 
great  anxiety  was  felt  by  the  Government  lest  the  soldiers 
and  the  masses  be  infected  with  the  spirit  of  revolt  against 
armament. 

On  August  24,  1898,  the  world  was  astonished  by  an 
address  of  Tsar  Nicholas  II  to  the  nations  represented  at 
Xsar  Petrograd,   in  which  he  declared  that  the  sys- 

Nicholas         ^ern  of  "  armed  peace"  was  ruinous  to  all  coun- 

summons  .  ,  ,        .         ,1  1  1       1        •      1 

a  peace  tries,  that  the  mtellectual  and  physical  powers 

congress  ^^  every  people  were  thereby  diverted  to  use- 
less channels,  and  that,  if  it  were  prolonged,  a  cataclysm 
of  indescribable  horror  would  be  the  outcome.  He  then 
suggested  that  an  international  conference  be  held  to  dis- 
cuss the  matter  of  armaments  in  order  to  find  some  way 
of  solving  the  problem.  The  result  of  the  Tsar's  appeal 
was  the  convening  of  a  remarkable  world  assembly,  the 
First  Peace  Conference,  which  met  at  The  Hague,  Holland, 
from  May  i8  to  July  29,  1899,  and  to  which  twenty-six 
of  the  fifty-nine  independent  nations  sent  delegates. 

To  enthusiastic  lovers  of  peace  the  dream  of  universal 
disarmament  seemed  about  to  be  realized.  The  least  that 
The  First  ^^^  expected  was  the  reduction  of  armaments 
Peace  to  lighten  the  burden  that  lay  so  heavily  upon 

on  erence  gyj-Qp^  j^  sqq^  became  evident,  however,  that 
the  Conference  would  accomplish  little  in  that  direction, 
because  of  the  national  rivalries  and  jealousies,  which  did 
not  abate  even  at  this  peace  meeting.  Every  effort  looking 
toward  the  limitation  of  armaments  was  blocked,  especially 
by  the  German  delegates,  because  it  was  feared  that  the  ter- 
ritorial status  quo  would  thus  be  permanently  established 
and  nations  would  then  have  to  give  up  all  hopes  of  expan- 


INTERNATIONAL   RELATIONS  699 

sion.  Although  the  chief  aim  of  the  Conference  remained 
unfulfilled,  several  things  of  importance  were  accomplished. 
A  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  was  established  at  The 
Hague,  to  which  nations  were  advised  to  go  to  settle  their 
disputes.  This  Court  was  not  an  organized  body  with  regu- 
lar sessions,  but  a  list  of  distinguished  jurists  selected  by 
all  nations,  from  which  disputants  may  choose  a  board,  of 
arbitrators.  In  the  interest  of  humanity  the  Conference 
also  codified  the  laws  of  warfare.  It  forbade  the  dropping 
of  projectiles  from  balloons  and  the  use  of  asphyxiating 
gases  and  "dumdum"  bullets;^  it  adopted  the  rules  of  the 
Geneva  Convention  for  the  treatment  of  the  wounded. 

A  second  Peace  Conference  was  called  at  The  Hague  in 
1907  by  Tsar  Nicholas   II   and  by  President  Roosevelt. 
This  time  it  was  attended  by  representatives  of  j^^  second 
forty-four  sovereign  States,    twenty-one   Euro-  Peace 
pean,  nineteen  American,  and  four  Asiatic.    The 
work  of  the  Second  Peace  Conference  was  largely  a  repe- 
tition of  that  of  the  First.    Rules  were  adopted  for  the  more 
humane  conduct  of  naval  as  well  as  of  land  warfare,  and 
an  international  prize  court  was  authorized.     In  regard  to 
the  limitation  of  armaments  there  was  much  discussion,  but 
no  plan  was  presented  to  the  Conference  for  adoption. 

A  satiric  commentary  on  the  peace  movement  was  fur- 
nished by  the  outbreak  of  wars  at  the  beginning  of  the 
twentieth    century,    the    Russo-Japanese,    the  yj^^^^  follow 
Italo-Turkish,    and   the   Balkan   Wars.     Arma-  the  Peace 

•  •  ■      •  •  ConicrGnccs 

ments,  mstead  of  being  limited,  were  mcreased 
at  a  greater  rate  than  ever  before.  The  Permanent  Court  of 
Arbitration  did  settle  a  number  of  disputes  between  nations, 
but  these  were  generally  of  a  minor  character.  In  impor- 
tant matters  the  nations  refused  to  go  to  the  Court,  either 
because  they  did  not  wish  to  do  so  or  because  they  felt  that 
it  was  useless,  for  military  force  was  not  provided  to  enforce 
its  decisions. 

1  This  is  a  bullet  with  a  soft  "  nose  "  which,  upon  striking,  is  flattened  ot 
spread,  thus  inflicting  a  shocking  wound. 


700     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Morocco 

The  last  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century  witnessed  the 
revival  of  the  Mediterranean  as  a  highway  of  commerce. 
The  Al  e-  ^^'^^  was  due  to  the  building  of  the  Suez  Canal, 
ciras  Con-  which  gave  a  shorter  all-water  route  to  India, 
^^^^^  to  the  economic  development  of  the  Balkan  Pe- 

ninsula, and  to  the  European  occupation  and  exploitation  of 
Northern  Africa.  At  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century 
Morocco  was  an  independent  State  under  the  rule  of  a 
sultan  whose  authority  was,  however,  frequently  flouted  by 
the  semi-civilized  tribes  that  roamed  through  the  country. 
Germany,  ever  on  the  lookout  for  colonies,  saw  in  Mo- 
rocco an  excellent  field  for  expansion,  and  German  capital- 
ists succeeded  in  getting  concessions  from  the  Sultan  and 
from  some  of  the  tribal  chiefs.  But  France,  too,  was  am- 
bitious to  expand  in  that  region,  and,  being  next  door  in 
Algiers,  she  began  a  policy  of  "peaceful  penetration"  by 
acquiring  rights  for  her  capitalists  to  build  railways  and 
telegraphs  and  to  open  mines.  But  the  semi-civilized  tribes 
in  the  interior  attacked  the  Europeans,  and  punitive  expe- 
ditions of  French  troops  had  to  be  sent  to  quiet  them.  It 
looked  as  if  the  fate  of  Algiers  would  befall  Morocco,  be- 
cause the  native  sultan  was  unable  to  protect  himself 
against  aggression.  But  he  found  a  powerful  champion  in 
Germany,  who  took  up  his  cause  because  she  was  eager  to 
get  a  foothold  in  the  country.  A  struggle  then  ensued  be- 
tween France  and  Germany  for  the  possession  of  Morocco, 
which  brought  about  a  great  European  crisis.  Taking 
advantage  of  the  preoccupation  of  France's  ally,  Russia, 
in  her  war  with  Japan,  Emperor  William  II,  in  1905, 
paid  a  visit  to  the  Sultan  at  Tangier  and  pointedly  rec- 
ognized him  as  the  independent  ruler  of  Morocco.  This  was 
in  the  nature  of  a  challenge  to  France,  who,  deprived  of 
the  aid  of  her  ally,  agreed  to  submit  the  question  to  an 
international  congress.  Delcass6,  who  was  largely  respon- 
sible for  the  crisis,  was  obliged  to  resign  from  the  Foreign 
Ofifice,  dismissed,  it  was  rumored,  at  the  command  of  the 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS  701 

German  Emperor.  The  congress  met  at  Algeciras,  Spain, 
in  1906,  and  agreed  on  the  following:  that  a  bank  should 
be  established  under  international  control,  each  signatory 
Power  to  have  one  share,  except  France,  which  was  to 
have  three;  that  all  nations  should  have  equal  opportunities 
to  trade;  and  that  the  independence  of  the  Sultan  should 
be  recognized,  but  that  France  should  have  the  right 
to  maintain  order  under  international  supervision.  The 
Algeciras  Congress  was,  to  some  extent,  a  triumph  for 
Germany;  for  it  forbade  the  annexation  of  Morocco  and 
established  there,  in  theory  at  least,  the  "open  door." 

But  France  was  determined  to  annex  this  valuable  region. 
In  1907  French  citizens  were  attacked  in  Casablanca,  which 
was  then  bombarded  by  French  warships.  Civil  The  Agadir 
war  was  raging  between  the  Sultan  and  a  pre-  '"cident 
tender  to  the  throne,  and  disorder  was  rife.  The  Sultan 
applied  to  the  French  for  money  and  troops  with  which  to 
put  down  the  uprising,  and  both  were  given.  In  191 1  a 
French  army  marched  into  Fez,  the  capital  of  Morocco,  to 
suppress  the  rebels.  Having  succeeded,  it  refused  to  leave 
the  country  until  order  should  have  been  permanently 
established.  To  Germany  this  plainly  meant  the  determin- 
ation of  France  to  annex  Morocco,  and  a  German  warship, 
the  Panther,  was  sent  to  Agadir,  ostensibly  to  defend  Ger- 
man interests,  but  really  as  a  warning  to  France.  Feeling 
rose  high  in  both  countries,  and  Europe  was  again  trembling 
on  the  brink  of  war.  Germany  wanted  to  know  the  full 
extent  of  English  support  of  France.  She  had  not  long  to 
wait.  The  British  Government,  with  the  approval  of  both 
parties  in  Parliament,  came  out  in  full  and  hearty  sup- 
port of  the  French  claims.  The  Entente  was  in  perfect 
working  order  and  Germany  decided  to  yield.  She  signed 
a  convention  with  France  in  191 1,  agreeing  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  French  protectorate  in  Morocco  on  condition 
that  the  "open  door"  be  maintained;  in  return  Germany 
was  to  get  part  of  French  Congo.  In  the  following  year 
(191 2)  France  formally  declared  Morocco  a  protectorate. 
In  the  "Agadir  incident"  Germany  suffered  a  diplomatic 


702      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

defeat,  which  infuriated  her  against  England  whom  she 
charged  with  conspiring  to  foil  her  efforts  to  expand. 

The  Bagdad  Railway 

To  be  a  great  Power  and  yet  to  be  restricted  to  the  nar- 
row confines  of  her  European  territory  caused  Germany 
Germany's  much  chagrin.  To  many  Germans  the  British 
economfc"  Empire  was  a  standing  proof  of  the  benefits  of 
empire  colonies.    The  trade  of  England  with  her  colo- 

nies was  growing,  and  their  development  was  largely  carried 
on  by  British  capital.  Besides  the  economic,  there  was  the 
military  advantage  of  having  a  large  number  of  men,  who 
would  flock  from  all  over  the  world  to  defend  their  common 
flag.  But  as  there  seemed  to  be  no  possibility  of  acquiring 
new  territory,  Germany  decided  to  expand  in  a  different  man- 
ner, —  by  getting  diplomatic  control  of  weak  governments 
in  undeveloped  but  fertile  countries.  Economic  benefits 
in  trade  and  in  concessions  would  naturally  follow;  even 
military  help  could  be  gained  by  becoming  an  ally  of  the 
country  that  was  being  exploited.  Germany  fixed  her  eyes 
on  Mesopotamia,  in  Asiatic  Turkey,  a  fertile  region  at  one 
time  the  seat  of  a  flourishing  civilization,  but  now  fallen 
into  decay.  Mesopotamia  was  to  be  the  scene  of  a  new  kind 
of  expansion;  there  Germany  hoped  to  build  a  great  eco- 
nomic empire  that  would  furnish  an  outlet  for  her  trade  and 
capital.  To  accomplish  this  it  was  necessary  to  gain  a 
dominant  influence  over  the  Turkish  Government.  How 
this  was  done  has  already  been  described.^ 

In  modern  times  the  exploitation  of  an  undeveloped  re- 
gion begins  with  the  building  of  railways.  As  soon  as  rapid 
Function  of  means  of  communication  and  transportation  are 
undevelVed  established,  Connecting  isolated  with  civilized 
lands  regions,  the  pulse  of  commerce  begins  to  beat 

more  rapidly;  factories  are  built,  cities  grow,  and  even  agri- 
culture is  stimulated  by  the  prospect  of  new  and  better 
markets.  German  financiers  determined  to  build  a  great 
railway  from  the  Bosphorus  to  the  Persian  Gulf.     They 

^  See  p.  642. 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS 


703 


believed  that  under  German  tutelage  Asia  Minor  could 
once  more  become  a  flourishing  region,  and  they  were  pre- 
pared to  invest  heavily  to  exploit  this  region  in  order  to 
reap  the  fruits  of  its  future  prosperity. 

The  Anatolian  Railway  from  Ismid,  a  point  on  the  Bos- 
phorus,  to  Konia,  in  Anatolia,  which  was  constructed  by 
German  and  British  capitalists,  was   completed  in  1896. 


704     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Following  the  second  visit  of  Emperor  William  to  Constan- 
The  Bagdad  tinople,  the  Sultan  granted  a  concession  in  1899 
Railway  ^q  ^  group  of  German  capitalists  backed  by  the 
Deutsche  Bank,  the  greatest  financial  institution  in  Ger- 
many, to  continue  the  railway  to  Bagdad,  and  from  thence 
to  a  point  on  the  Persian  Gulf.  This  was  the  beginning  of 
the  "peaceful  penetration"  of  Asiatic  Turkey.  The  pro- 
jected "B.-B.-B."  (Berlin-Byzantium-Bagdad),  as  the  Bag- 
dad railway  was  called,  aroused  the  greatest  enthusiasm 
in  Germany.  A  masterly  and  far-seeing  policy  was  thereby 
inaugurated  of  connecting  the  Baltic  Sea  with  the  Persian 
Gulf  through  a  "corridor,"  beginning  at  Berlin,  running 
to  Vienna,  thence  to  Constantinople,  thence  to  Bagdad,  and 
finally  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  Should  this  dream  be  real- 
ized, Germany  would  be  "satiated"  once  more,  as  a  large 
region,  comprising  Central  and  Southeastern  Europe  and 
Western  Asia,  would  eventually  become  her  economic  col- 
ony, from  which  she  would  draw  rich  tribute.  The  Sultan 
renewed  the  concession  in  1902,  permitting  the  Bagdad 
Railway  Company  to  extend  the  line  to  Koweit,  on  the 
Persian  Gulf,  which  was  to  be  the  terminus.  Another  rail- 
way, the  Hedjaz,  running  from  Aleppo  through  Syria  and 
Hedjaz  to  Mecca,  was  also  being  built  under  German 
auspices. 

At  the  beginning  of  these  railway  projects  the  Germans 
invited  British  and  French  capitalists  to  join  them  in  their 
Opposition  enterprises,  and  some  did  so.  But  England  fore- 
toapSan  ^^^^  ^^^  political  and  military  possibilities  that 
Gulf  ter-  lay  in  the  Bagdad  Railway.  Were  a  fortified 
"*""^  naval  base  established  in  the  Persian  Gulf  at 

the  terminus  of  the  railway,  it  might  become  a  dangerous 
base  of  operations  against  India,  because  it  would  be  in 
direct  communication  with  Germany  and  Austria.  Oppo- 
sition in  England  to  the  Bagdad  Railway  was  not  slow  in 
developing.  In  1903  Lord  Lansdowne,  the  British  Foreign 
Secretary,  declared  that  his  country  "would  regard  the 
establishment  of  a  naval  base  or  of  a  fortified  port  in  the 
Persian  Gulf  by  any  other  Power  as  a  grave  menace  to 


INTERNATIONAL   RELATIONS  705 

British  interests  and  would  certainly  resist  it  by  all  means 
at  her  disposal."  British  capitalists  refused  to  subscribe 
to  the  bonds  of  the  Bagdad  Railway.  Through  British 
pressure  the  local  sheik,  who  ruled  the  district  of  Koweit, 
defied  his  suzerain,  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  and  refused  to 
permit  the  extension  of  the  railway  to  the  Gulf. 

To  the  British,  Germany  had  now  succeeded  Russia  as 
the  nation  that  was  threatening  India.    The  region  around 
Suez  has  been  described  as  the  "spinal  cord"   England's 
of  the  British  Empire,  for  it  is  the  vital  link  in  Germany's 
the  communication   between   England,   Egypt,  ambitions 
and  India.    This  was  now  in  danger  of  being  cut  by  the 
Bagdad  and  Hedjaz  Railways.    There  was  great  irritation 
and  alarm  in  England  at  what  were  called  the  schemes  of 
Germany  to  use  Turkey  as  a  tool  with  which  to  destroy 
the  British  Empire. 

The  Balkans 

The  Bagdad  Railway  matter  was  closely  connected  with 
the  Balkan  situation,  particularly  as  both  affected  German 
interests.  Germany  herself  had  no  ambitions  Influence  of 
in  the  Balkans;  her  interests,  as  we  have  just  th? Balkan" 
seen,  lay  in  Asiatic  Turkey.  But  in  order  that  States 
the  "corridor"  from  the  Baltic  to  the  Persian  Gulf  re- 
main unobstructed,  the  Balkan  nations  had  to  be  amenable 
to  German  influence.  At  the  opening  of  the  twentieth 
century  the  political  situation  in  the  Balkans  was  most 
favorable  to  Germany.  Turkey  was  so  closely  tied  to  Ger- 
many that  she  was,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  a  member 
of  the  Triple  Alliance.  Nearly  all  the  rulers  of  the  Chris- 
tian states  in  the  Balkans  were  Germans  or  under  German 
influence.  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria  was  a  German; 
King  Charles  of  Rumania  was  a  member  of  the  Hohenzol- 
lern  family;  the  wife  of  the  future  King  Constantine  of 
Greece  was  a  sister  of  Emperor  William;  King  Alexander 
of  Serbia  was  under  Austrian  influence.  ^  Dynastic  consid- 
erations have  played  a  big  part  in  the  conduct  of  affairs 
in  the    Balkans,   where  most  of  the  people,   having  just 


706      MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

emerged  from  semi-serfdom,  were,  consequently,  ill-fitted 
for  self-government. 

All  was  well  from  the  German-Austrian  point  of  view  till 
the  assassination  of  King  Alexander  of  Serbia  in  1903. 
Serbia  be-  King  Peter,  the  new  Serbian  monarch,  showed 
friendly  to  ^  decided  leaning  toward  Russia.  The  latter, 
Russia  after  her  defeat  by  Japan,  revived  her  interest 

in  the  Balkans  to  offset  Austrian  aggression,  and  she  now 
reentered  Balkan  politics  with  zest.  Great  alarm  was  felt 
by  the  Teutonic  Powers  at  the  growing  friendship  between 
Serbia  and  Russia;  Germany,  because  she  feared  the  erec- 
tion of  a  Slav  barrier  across  her  "corridor";  Austria,  be- 
cause she  feared  a  Pan-Slavic  agitation  which  might  disin- 
tegrate her  empire  as  it  had  disintegrated  Turkey. 

It  was  to  the  interest  of  both  of  these  Powers  to  crush 
any  Balkan  state  that  should  play  into  the  hands  of  Russia. 
Annexation  They  therefore  determined  to  deliver  their  first 
Herzego-"  blow  at  Slavism  before  Russia  could  recover 
vina  from  the  effects  of  the  Revolution  of  1905  and 

from  her  defeat  by  Japan.  On  October  7,  1908,  Baron  von 
Aerenthal,  the  Austrian  Foreign  Minister,  announced  the 
annexation  of  Bosnia-Herzegovina  to  Austria,  thus  violat- 
ing the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  which  gave  her  merely  the  right 
to  "administer"  this  region.  Strenuous  protests  against 
Austria's  action  were  made  by  Serbia,  who  had  hoped  some 
day  to  incorporate  these  provinces,  which  are  inhabited  by 
Serbs,  into  the  "Greater  Serbia"  of  which  she  was  dreaming. 
Russia,  too,  was  indignant  at  what  she  regarded  as  a  blow 
aimed  at  the  Slavic  race  by  a  Teutonic  Power.  War  clouds 
began  to  gather  on  the  European  horizon.  To  the  side  of 
Austria  sprang  Germany,  "like  a  knight  in  shining  armor," 
as  Emperor  William  expressed  it,  and  dared  Russia  to  attack 
her  ally.  Russia,  however,  was  in  no  condition  to  fight,  as 
her  finances  were  badly  involved  and  her  army  in  process 
of  reorganization.  She  therefore  beat  a  humiliating  retreat 
and  agreed  to  the  incorporation  of  Bosnia- Herzegovina 
with  Austria.  The  first  Balkan  crisis,  like  the  first  Moroccan 
crisis,  ended  in  a  distinct  triumph  for  Germany.  She  recov- 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS  707 

ered  for  a  time  the  diplomatic  hegemony  of  Europe  which 
she  had  enjoyed  in  the  days  of  Bismarck.  In  both  instances 
it  was  Emperor  WilHam  who  was  the  central  figure  and,  as 
a  consequence,  he  became  the  hero  of  the  new  Germany  as 
Bismarck  had  been  of  the  old. 

But  the  blow  delivered  to  Pan-Slavism  by  no  means  de- 
stroyed it.  On  the  contrary,  it  awoke  in  Russia  and  in  Ser- 
bia a  grim  determination  to  have  it  out  with  the  r^,       „• 

°  Close  alli- 

Teutonic  Powers  on  some  future  day  when  con-  ance  of 
ditions  would  be  more  favorable  for  them.    In  andXustria 
the  meantime  they  began  a  vigorous  Pan-Slavic  ^^^^^}   . 

10         101  -A  Pan-Slavism 

propaganda  among  the  Southern  Slavs  m  Aus- 
tria with  the  object  of  weakening  and  even  of  disintegrat- 
ing the  Dual  Monarchy.  The  Triple  Alliance  was  seriously 
weakened  by  the  Italo-Turkish  War  in  which  Italy  gained 
Tripoli;  Italy's  support  of  the  Alliance  became  doubtful 
now  that  she  had  made  territorial  gains  with  the  consent  of 
France  and  England.  Austria  and  Germany  consequently 
drew  more  closely  together;  Austria,  fearful  of  disintegra- 
tion, clung  desperately  to  her  mighty  Teutonic  sister;  Ger- 
many, seeing  in  Austria  her  only  friend,  determined  to  sup- 
port her  to  the  utmost,  lest  the  destruction  of  the  Dual 
Monarchy  should  leave  her  unsupported  in  a  hostile  world. 

The  second  Balkan  crisis  came  during  the  Balkan  Wars 
of  191 2-1 3.     As  both  the  Serb  states,  Serbia  and  Monte- 
negro, desired  to  expand  toward  the  Adriatic,  a  -p,  , 
Montenegrin  army  took  Scutari,  and  a  Serbian  Balkan 
took  Durazzo,  from  the  Turks.    Austria,  how-  ^^^^^^ 
ever,  was  opposed  to  the  expansion  of  the  Serbs  and,  again 
backed  by  Germany,  she  demanded  the  evacuation  of  these 
two  cities.    Serbia  and  Montenegro,  supported  by  Russia, 
refused.  Once  more  a  crisis  was  precipitated  in  Europe,  and 
the  nations  began  to  prepare  for  war.     But  the  crisis  was 
passed  safely,  the  Serb  states  yielding  to  Austria's  demand 
that  the  two  cities  become  part  of  the  newly  formed  King- 
dom of  Albania. 

Hatred  between  Slav  and  Teuton  became  more  intense 
than  ever.    The  feeling  in  the  Slav  world  was  that  Austria 


7o8      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

was  the  enemy  of  their  national  aspirations,  just  as  in  the 
Hatred  past  she  had  been  the  enemy  of  those  of  the 

sfav  and  Germans  and  ItaHans.  Austria  must,  therefore, 
Teuton  be  expelled  from  the  Balkans  as  she  had  been 

from  Germany  and  Italy.  The  Pan-Slavic  propaganda  in 
the  Hapsburg  dominions  was  now  pushed  with  renewed 
vigor  through  secret  societies  and  patriotic  journals. 

The  common  opinion  in  the  year  191 3  was  that  Europe 
could  not  stand  another  crisis.  Let  another  "incident" 
Secret  arise  and  the  world  would  be  plunged  into  war. 

Diplomacy  js^  disturbing  feature  of  the  state  of  Europe  was 
the  prevalence  of  secret  diplomacy.  Democracy  had  made 
giant  strides  during  the  nineteenth  century,  but  it  had  not 
succeeded  in  gaining  control  of  international  policies.  That 
remained  largely  in  the  hands  of  the  diplomats,  who  for  the 
most  part  were  men  of  aristocratic  birth  and  association,  and 
therefore  far  removed  from  the  democratic  masses  in  ideals 
and  sympathy.  The  fate  of  nations  was  often  in  the  hands 
of  irresponsible  diplomats,  who  might  be  swayed  by  all 
sorts  of  motives  in  their  conduct  of  foreign  affairs.  A 
secret  treaty  or  an  "understanding"  could  be  entered  into 
by  a  government,  committing  the  nation  to  policies  which 
might  jeopardize  its  very  existence;  and  yet  only  the  "inner 
circle"  would  know  of  its  terms.  Parliament,  even  in  demo- 
cratic lands  such  as  England  and  France,  exercised  no  con- 
trol over  foreign  affairs,  which  were  conducted  exclusively 
by  the  Cabinet.  In  autocratic  lands,  such  as  Russia  and  Ger- 
many, the  monarch  himself  often  took  a  leading  hand  in  the 
diplomatic  game.  Many  an  international  crisis  was  brought 
on  by  the  irresponsible  conduct  of  autocrats  and  cabinets. 


Longitude  West  from  Greenwich         0°     Longitude  East  from  G 


CHAPTER  XXX 

THE  WORLD  WAR 
Introduction 

In  1 91 4  the  possibility  of  a  world  war  seemed  remote, 
in  spite  of  the  highly  inflammable  condition  of  European 
affairs  during  the  preceding  year.  By  many  Seeming  im- 
persons  it  was  thought  that  wars  between  great  J^Jneraf  °^ 
nations  belonged  to  the  dead  past.  The  last  war 
important  war  fought  in  Europe  was  the  Franco- Prussian 
War  which,  to  the  generation  living  in  1914,  was  hardly 
a  memory.  Wars  might  still  be  fought  between  small  na- 
tions or  in  far-off  Asia;  but  the  great  nations  of  Europe 
would  assuredly  manage  to  ride  safely  over  crises  in  the 
future  as  they  had  so  often  succeeded  in  doing  in  the  past. 
As  ever>^  great  Power  was  now  in  a  coalition,  the  period  of 
localized  wars  w^as  past.  If  two  nations  went  to  war  under 
present  conditions,  they  would  be  sure  to  drag  all  the 
others  into  a  general  conflict.  For  that  reason,  responsible 
statesmen  would  tread  their  ground  warily  and  use  their 
utmost  endeavors  to  ward  off  such  a  catastrophe. 

During  the  first  decade  of  the  twentieth  century  there 
were  indications  of  continued  peace,  notwithstanding  the 
menace  of  increasing  armaments.    The  nations  j  ^  j.j^  1 
were  more  and  more  turning  their  attention  to  problems  of 
domestic  problems,  to  those  affecting  the  wel- 
fare of  the  working  classes  in  particular.    Legislation  of  a 
far-reaching  kind  was  being  enacted  or  contemplated  in 
every  country.    In  England  social  insurance,  land  reform, 
woman  suffrage,  and  Irish  Home  Rule  occupied  the  public 
mind.    In  Germany  the  Reichstag  elections  of  1912  resulted 
in  a  greatly  increased  Socialist  vote ;  and  the  Government 
was  seriously  contemplating  a  modification  of   the  auto- 
cratic   system.    In    France    the    Church  question,  educa- 
tional   reform,    social    insurance,    and    proportional    rep- 
resentation monopolized  public  attention.    In  Russia  the 


7IO  MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Government  was  busy  suppressing  revolutionists  and  in- 
augurating agrarian  reforms.  In  Italy  the  problems  of 
taxation,  housing,  and  education  engaged  the  attention  of 
the  people.  In  Austria,  as  ever,  the  internal  race  problems 
continued  to  be  uppermost  in  public  affairs. 

Another  significant  trend  in  favor  of  continued  peace  was 
the  growth  of  socialism.  The  Socialist  Party  was  interna- 
Growth  of  tional  and  pacifistic  in  principle.  In  conventions 
socialism  g^^^  jj^  parliaments,  it  had  uniformly  denounced 
war  as  an  institution  that  benefits  capitalists  and  mili- 
tarists, but  which  brings  nothing  but  suffering  to  the  work- 
ing class.  During  the  Morocco  crises,  the  Socialist  Parties 
in  France  and  Germany  had  warned  their  Governments 
that  the  workingmen  would  revolt  in  case  war  was  de- 
clared; and  the  peaceful  settlement  of  these  disputes  was 
due  largely,  it  was  then  said,  to  the  attitude  of  the  Social- 
ists. Syndicalism  was  even  more  violently  anti-militaristic. 
It  was  conducting  an  aggressive  agitation  against  conscrip- 
tion, armaments,  and  war;  and  it  threatened  to  bring  about 
a  revolution  that  would  spread  throughout  Europe  should  an 
international  conflict  arise.  The  nations  of  Europe  seemed 
too  occupied  with  their  domestic  concerns  to  think  of  war. 
Moreover,  the  peace  movement  as  described  in  the  last  chap- 
ter was  making  rapid  headway.  The  situation,  however, 
was  deceptive.  There  was  one  Power  which,  in  spite  of  its 
prodigious  progress  in  the  arts  of  peace,  had  been  develop- 
ing still  more  the  arts  of  war;  and  which,  as  was  soon  to  be 
seen,  had  yielded  itself  to  the  control  of  militarists.  That 
Power  was  Germany. 

Quarrel  between  Austria  and  Serbia 

On  June  28,  191 4,  the  world  was  startled  by  news  from 
the  obscure  little  capital  of  Bosnia,  Sarajevo.  The  Arch- 
Murder  of  duke  Francis  Ferdinand,  heir  to  the  Hapsburg 
Francis'^^  throne,  and  his  wife  were  assassinated  in  its 
Ferdinand  streets.  The  motivc  for  the  murder  was  politi- 
cal; it  was  committed  by  two  young  Bosnian  patriots  as  a 
protest  against  Austria's  attitude  toward  the  Jugo-Slavs. 


THE  WORLD   WAR  711 

Throughout  Austria  and  Germany  the  assassination  was 
regarded  as  an  act  of  defiance  against  Teuton  supremacy 
by    the    Southern    Slavs,  and    consequently    it  Serbia  held 
aroused    great    indignation.     An    investigation  responsible 
claimed  to  establish  the  fact  that  the  murder  was     ^ 
the  culmination  of  a  conspiracy  formed  by  a  secret  political 
society  whose  headquarters  was  in  Serbia.    The  Austrian 
Government  felt  convinced  that  the  plot  to  murder  the 
Archduke  was  aided  and  abetted,  if  not  actually  planned, 
by  Serbian  officials  in  Belgrade ;  and  that  it  was  the  natural 
outcome  of  the  Serbian  nationalist  agitation  among  the 
Slavic  population  of  Bosnia.^ 

Austria  determined  to  put  a  stop  to  the  Serbian  con- 
spiracies which,  she  declared,  menaced  her  very  existence; 
and  she  prepared  to  go  to  the  length  of  suppress-  ultimatum 
ing  her  small  but  troublesome  neighbor  by  force  *°  Serbia 
of  arms.  On  July  23  Count  von  Berchtold,  the  Austrian 
Foreign  Minister,  dispatched  an  ultimatum  to  Serbia.  It 
declared  that  the  latter  had  broken  her  promise  "  to  live  on 
good  neighborly  terms  "  by  encouraging  an  unfriendly  prop- 
aganda aimed  against  the  Dual  Monarchy,  and  it  charged 
that  Serbian  officers  had  planned  the  Sarajevo  crime  in 
Belgrade  and  had  provided  the  assassins  with  weapons  for 
that  purpose.  The  ultimatum  then  made  several  peremp- 
tory demands,  the  most  important  of  which  were:  (i)  that 
the  Serbian  Government  officially  condemn  the  anti-Aus- 
trian propaganda  by  her  citizens;  (2)  that  it  suppress  all 
publications  and  societies  which  incite  hatred  and  contempt 
of  the  Dual  Monarchy;  (3)  that  all  anti- Austrian  teachers 
and  books  be  eliminated  from  the  public  schools;  (4)  that 
the  public  officials  implicated  in  the  anti-Austrian  propa- 
ganda be  dismissed ;  (5)  that  two  Serbian  officers,  named  in 
the  ultimatum,  be  arrested  at  once;  (6)  that  Serbia  accept 
the  "collaboration"  of  Austrian  officials  in  the  suppression 
of  the  anti-Austrian  propaganda  within  her  borders;  and 
(7)  that  Serbia  accept  the  help  of  Austrian  officials  in  the 

^  For  additional  details  concerning  the  Serbian   nationalist  propaganda 
see  pp.  707,  708. 


712      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

investigation  of  those  implicated  in  the  Sarajevo  crime. 
A  reply  was  demanded  within  forty-eight  hours. 

Serbia  saw  in  this  ultimatum  an  interference  with  her 
sovereign  rights  which  would  reduce  her  to  a  condition  of 
.   ,.  ,  virtual  vassalage  to  Austria;  nevertheless,  her 

Serbia's  ?  .  '  ,,     i   <- 

conciliatory  reply  was  Conciliatory  in  tone.  It  recalled  Ser- 
^^^  ^  bia's  moderate  and  pacific  attitude  toward  Aus- 

tria during  the  Balkan  Wars,  and  avowed  that,  although  not 
responsible  for  the  activities  of  private  individuals  and  so- 
cieties in  their  propaganda  against  the  Dual  Monarchy,  she 
was  willing  to  condemn  them  officially.  Serbia  then  offered 
to  accede  to  all  the  demands  of  the  ultimatum,  except  the 
ones  referring  to  the  participation  of  Austrian  officials,  on 
Serbian  soil,  in  the  suppression  of  anti-Austrian  propaganda 
and  in  the  investigation  of  the  Sarajevo  crime.  To  permit 
aliens  so  to  act,  she  declared,  would  be  a  violation  of  her  rights 
as  a  sovereign  State.  Should  Austria  find  the  reply  unsatis- 
factory, Serbia  offered  to  refer  the  whole  matter  to  The  Hague 
International  Tribunal  or  to  the  decision  of  the  Great  Powers. 
Austria's  ultimatum  was  not  the  first  evidence  of  her  deter- 
mination to  crush  Serbia.  In  the  Balkan  crisis  of  1913  ^  Aus- 
tria had  planned  war  on  Serbia,  and  had  asked  Italy,  as  a 
member  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  to  support  her.  But  Italy 
had  refused  on  the  ground  that  the  Triple  Alliance  bound  the 
allies  to  act  only  in  matters  of  common  defense;  and  that  a 
war  against  Serbia  would  be  an  act  of  aggression  by  Austria 
for  the  latter's  benefit  only.^  Plainly  the  Sarajevo  incident 
was  seized  upon  by  Austria  as  an  excellent  opportunity  to 
settle  accounts  with  Serbia,  even  if  it  resulted  in  a  European 
war.   In  this  Austria  was  supported  by  Germany. 

Russia  and  Germany 

Austria  refused  to  accept  this  reply  because  Serbia  had 
Russia  and  not  met  every  demand  to  the  very  letter.  Both 
ter^i^fo^he""  sides  at  once  made  ready  for  war.  But  it  soon 
quarrel  became  apparent  that  the  coming  conflict  was 

not  to  be  "localized,"  because  of  the  intervention  of  Russia 

^  See  p.  707. 

2  Statement  of  former  Premier  Giolitti  to  the  Italian  Parliament,  on  De- 
cember 5,  1914. 


THE   WORLD   WAR  713 

on  the  side  of  Serbia,  and  of  Germany  on  the  side  of  Austria. 
Indignation  in  the  Tsar's  dominions  at  the  Austrian  ulti- 
matum ran  high  because  it  was  regarded  as  an  attempt  of 
a  great  Teutonic  Power  to  destroy  the  independence  of  a 
little  Slav  nation.  Russia,  declaring  that  the  quarrel  was 
full  of  European  consequences,  demanded  that  it  should 
therefore  be  submitted  to  arbitration.  She  threatened  to 
mobilize  her  troops  the  moment  Austrian  armies  crossed 
the  Serbian  frontier.  Germany,  as  in  1908  and  1913,  sup- 
ported Austria,  declaring  that  the  latter  must  be  allowed  a 
free  hand  in  punishing  Serbia  for  conspiring  against  her ;  and 
that,  as  a  matter  of  self-defense,  Germany  would  do  all  in 
her  power  to  save  her  ally  from  being  weakened  or  disrupted. 
Even  when  it  became  apparent  that  a  war  with  Serbia  would 
involve  all  Europe,  Germany  gave  her  whole-hearted  sup- 
port to  Austria,  who  was  thereby  emboldened  to  press  her 
ultimatum  on  Serbia.  Germany  threatened  to  mobilize 
against  Russia  and  France  the  moment  Russia  attacked 
Austria.  The  quarrel  was  thus  taken  up  by  two  far  greater 
antagonists,  Russia  and  Germany,  and  the  danger  of  a 
European  war  became  imminent. 

On  July  26,  Sir  Edward  Grey,  the  British  Foreign  Secre- 
tary, suggested   a   conference   between    England,   France, 
Germany,  and  Italy  to  settle  the  Austro-Serb  Qreysug- 
quarrel.    Germany,  however,  refused  to  accept  gests  arbi- 
the  suggestion  on  the  ground  that  only  Russia 
and  Austria,  the  parties  vitally  interested  in  the  matter, 
could  call  such  a  conference.    Events  moved  so  rapidly  that 
the  world  was  dazed.  On  July  28,  Austria  declared  war  on 
Serbia.  The  next  day,  Russia  issued  an  order  mo-  ^^j.  t,g(.^ggn 
bilizing  her  armies  against  Austria.  This  was  im-  Germany 
mediately  followed  by  a  German  mobilization 
against  Russia  and  France.  The  situation  was  most  critical, 
and  Sir  Edward  Grey  again  made  efforts  for  a  peaceful 
settlement.   To  his  overtures  the  Russian  Foreign  Minister, 
Sazonov,  replied  that  his  Government  would  stop  mobiliz- 
ing on  condition  that  Austria  withdrew  from  her  ultimatum 
those  points  which  violated  Serbian  sovereignty.    Herr  von 
Jagow,  the  German  Foreign  Secretary,  declared  this  reply 


714      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

to  be  unsatisfactory.  Sazonov  then  modified  his  demand  by 
declaring  that,  if  Austria  stopped  her  advance  on  Serbian 
territory  and  recognized  the  dispute  as  a  matter  concerning 
all  of  Europe  by  calling  in  the  Great  Powers  to  help  toward  a 
settlement,  Russia  would  maintain  a  waiting  attitude.  This 
was  also  rejected  by  Germany,  who  was  aiming  to  create  a 
situation  in  which  Russia  would  be  forced  to  mobilize ;  then 
she  would  lay  the  responsibility  for  the  war  on  Russia,  and 
appeal  to  her  people  to  protect  the  Fatherland  against  Slavic 
aggression.  Sir  Edward  Grey  then  came  out  with  a  state- 
ment that  England  would  support  her  allies  only  on  the  con- 
dition that  they  heeded  a  reasonable  proposal  of  peace  from 
Germany.  On  July  31,  Germany  dispatched  an  ultimatum 
to  Russia  demanding  the  immediate  and  unconditional  with- 
drawal of  her  mobilization  orders  against  Austria  as  well  as 
Germany.  No  reply  was  received.  On  August  i  war  was 
declared  by  Germany  against  Russia. 

Violation  of  Belgian  Neutrality 

Now  that  these  two  giants  were  in  the  field,  it  became  in- 
evitable that  all  those  allied  with  them  would  be  drawn  in. 
W  r  b  t  Germany  sent  an  ultimatum  to  France  demand- 
Germany  ing  to  know  her  attitude  in  the  coming  war,  and 
demanding,  as  a  pledge  of  her  neutrality,  the 
fortresses,  Verdun  and  Toul.  France's  reply  was  such  that 
Germany  felt  sure  that  she  would  support  her  ally,  Russia; 
and  Germany  declared  war  against  her  on  August  3. 

On  the  inquiry  of  Sir  Edward  Grey  regarding  Germany's 
intentions  toward  France,  Chancellor  von  Bethmann- 
England  and  Hollweg  gave  assurance  that  his  country  had 
Germany  ^^  desire  to  take  European  territory  from  France ; 
but  he  refused  to  commit  himself  in  reference  to  the  French 
colonies.  To  keep  England  neutral  was  a  matter  of  vital 
importance  to  Germany.  She  keenly  realized  the  great 
part  the  British  navy  would  play  in  driving  her  commerce 
from  the  seas  and  in  blockading  her  ports.  But  Germany's 
plan  of  campaign  was  bound  to  draw  England  into  the 
war.  She  planned  to  crush  France  by  a  swift  march  on 
Paris  before  Russia's  armies  were  ready  for  an  attack  upon 
her  in  the  East;  France  crushed,  she  would  then  turn  on 


THE  WORLD  WAR  715 

Russia  with  all  her  forces.  Victory  to  German  arms  seemed 
assured  according  to  this  plan;  but  it  must  be  executed 
quickly  in  order  to  frustrate  a  simultaneous  move  against 
her  frontiers  by  both  Russia  and  France.  The  quickest  way 
to  reach  the  heart  of  France  was  through  Belgium. 

The  neutrality  of  Belgium  had  been  guaranteed  by  the 
Powers  including  Prussia.^  That  Germany  intended  to 
violate  the  neutrality  of  Belgium  and  that  of  Violation 
the  other  little  buffer  state,  Luxemburg,  ap-  nlSity 
peared  manifest,  for  German  troops  were  being  by  Germany 
concentrated  on  their  frontiers.  On  July  31,  Sir  Edward 
Grey  addressed  a  note  to  France  and  Germany  in  reference 
to  the  neutrality  of  Belgium.  France  replied  that  she  would 
respect  it.  Germany's  answer  was  evasive:  she  was  "not 
in  a  position  to  reply."  On  August  2,  Germany  addressed 
a  note  to  Belgium  saying  that  as  France  was  preparing  to 
violate  her  neutrality  in  order  to  invade  Germany,  to  fore- 
stall her  she  must  pass  through  Belgian  territory  to  invade 
France.  She  declared  that,  if  Belgium  permitted  the  Ger- 
man armies  to  pass  through  her  territory,  indemnity  would 
be  paid  for  all  damage  done  by  them;  but,  if  she  refused,  her 
fate  would  be  determined  by  the  "decision  of  arms."  The 
reply  of  Belgium  is  noteworthy.  She  reminded  Germany 
of  her  pledge  as  a  guarantor  of  Belgian  neutrality;  and  she 
declared  that  Belgium  could  not  accept  Germany's  ulti- 
matum without  being  faithless  to  her  obligations  and  with- 
out sacrificing  her  honor.  She  refused  to  believe  that  her 
independence  could  be  preserved  only  at  the  price  of  the 
violation  of  her  neutrality;  and  she  was  firmly  resolved  to 
repel  every  attack  upon  her  rights.  On  the  same  day  that 
the  ultimatum  was  sent  to  Belgium,  German  troops  oc- 
cupied Luxemburg  against  the  protests  of  her  ruler,  the 
Grand  Duchess.  Two  days  later,  the  memorable  August  4, 
German  troops  crossed  the  Belgian  frontier.  Great  Britain 
immediately  declared  war  against  Germany. 

The  world  was  profoundly  shocked  by  Germany's  open 
violation  of  international  law  and  by  her  breach  of  faith. 

1  See  p.  485. 


7i6      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Chancellor  von  Bethmann-Hollweg  defended  his  country's 
German  action  in  a  famous  speech.    ' '  We  are  now  acting  in 

and  English  self-defcnse,"  he  announced.  "Necessity  knows 
Belgian  no  law.    Our  troops  have  occupied  Luxemburg 

neutrality  ^^^  have  probably,  by  this  time,  entered  Bel- 
gian soil.  This  is  a  breach  of  international  law  .  .  .  but  we 
shall  try  to  make  good  the  injustice  as  soon  as  our  military 
goal  has  been  reached."  He  bitterly  denounced  England's 
action  in  going  to  war  over  "a  scrap  of  paper,"  as  he  char- 
acterized the  treaty  guaranteeing  Belgian  neutrality.  Ger- 
many's conduct  aroused  the  English  people  to  a  high  pitch 
of  indignation;  and  all  classes  rallied  to  the  support  of  the 
Government  which,  otherwise,  might  have  encountered 
serious  opposition  from  the  liberal  and  radical  elements. 

Germany's  main  defense  of  her  breach  of  faith  has  been 
that  secret  documents,  which  were  subsequently  found  in 
Germany's  Brussels,  disclosed  a  plan  of  cooperation  be- 
her^breach  tween  the  English  and  Belgian  armies  in  case 
of  faith  of  a  German  invasion  of  Belgium ;  this,  she  de- 

clared, constituted  an  Anglo-Belgian  alliance  against  Ger- 
many which  relieved  her  of  the  obligation  to  respect  Bel- 
gium's neutrality.  In  reply  Albert,  King  of  the  Belgians, 
declared  that  his  Government  had  informed  Germany  of  this 
military  convention  at  the  time  that  it  was  made ;  and  that 
it  could  not  be  fairly  interpreted  as  an  alliance  with  Eng- 
land, for  the  reason  that  the  latter,  as  one  of  the  guarantors 
of  the  neutrality  of  Belgium,  was  obliged  to  aid  her  against 
any  nation  that  attempted  to  violate  it ;  and  the  only  nation 
that  was  planning  to  do  so  was  Germany.  The  Germans  also 
asserted  that  French  aeroplanes  had  flown  over  Belgium 
before  war  was  declared,  thus  violating  her  neutrality.  But 
there  was  no  evidence  to  sustain  this  assertion. 

One  month  later,  on  September  5,  England,  France,  and 
Russia  signed  an  agreement  mutually  pledging  one  another 
^  not  to  make  a  separate  peace,  and  to  accept  a 

Common  t-  r-  '         ^  r- 

policy  of         general  peace  only  on  terms  which  would  be 
'^^        agreeable  to  all  of  them.    The  Triple  Entente, 
under  stimulus  of  war,  became  a  hard-and-fast  alliance. 


THE   WORLD   WAR  717 

The  European  War  cast  Its  shadow  over  Asia  also.  Japan, 
as  an  ally  of  Great  Britain  pledged  to  support  her  in  Asia- 
tic waters,  sent  an  ultimatum  to  Germany  de-  japan  joins 
manding  that  she  withdraw  all  her  warships  ^^^  "^'^'^^ 
from  Far  Eastern  waters  and  that  she  evacuate  Kiau-chau, 
her  great  Chinese  port.  Upon  Germany's  refusal,  Japan 
declared  war  against  her,  on  August  23.  Later,  Japan,  too, 
became  a  party  to  the  agreement  of  the  Allies  not  to  make 
a  separate  peace.  Of  the  great  nations,  only  the  United 
States  and  Italy  were  still  at  peace,  both  of  them  having 
declared  their  neutrality. 

The  Balkans 

As  usual  the  situation  in  the  Balkans  was  very  much 
mixed.  Rivalries  of  all  kinds,  of  the  Allied  nations  with  one 
another,  of  each  with  the  Balkan  States,  and  of  „.    ,  .        , 

Rivalries  and 

the  latter  among  themselves,  operated  to  the  dissensionsin 

,1,  r    r^  ui-j  the  Balkans 

great  advantage  01  Germany,  who  had  reason 
to  fear  that  the  entire  Balkan  peninsula  might  be  ranged 
against  her.  In  Greece  popular  opinion,  as  voiced  by  the 
former  Prime  Minister,  Venizelos,  favored  the  Allies;  but 
King  Constantine  insisted  on  remaining  neutral.  Rumania 
was  undecided;  she  was  friendly  neither  to  Austria  nor  to 
Russia,  both  of  whom  possessed  provinces,  occupied  by 
Rumanians  that  she  wanted  to  bring  under  her  own  flag. 
Bulgaria,  smarting  from  her  wounds  of  the  Second  Balkan 
War,  hated  Serbia  much  too  strongly  to  fight  on  her  side. 
Moreover,  she  was  In  close  economic  and  diplomatic  rela- 
tions with  Germany  and  Austria.  King  Ferdinand  favored 
the  Teutonic  Powers,  but  popular  sentiment  was  not  en- 
tirely on  their  side. 

Two  Balkan  nations,  Montenegro  and  Turkey,  entered 
the  war  almost  from  the  start.    On  August  8,  Montenegro 
took  common  cause  with  Serbia,  her  fellow  Serb  Montenegro 
State,  and  declared  war  upon  Austria.    Turkey,  enter  the  ^'^ 
largely  dominated  by  Germany  and  fearful  of  ^^ar 
Russia's  designs  upon  Constantinople,  was  led  to  throw 
in  her  lot  with  the  Central  Powers  by  the  menace  of  two 


7i8      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

German  warships  which,  eluding  the  British  fleet,  held 
Constantinople  under  their  guns.  On  November  5,  these 
German  warships  entered  the  Black  Sea  to  bombard  Rus- 
sian ports,  and  Russia  declared  war  upon  Turkey. 

Summary  of  Causes 

At  last  had  come  that  universal  conflagration,  the  fear 
of  which  had  dimly  haunted  the  mind  of  many  a  man  for 
First  World  a  quarter  of  a  century.  Nothing  like  it  had  ever 
^^^  before  happened  in  history.    The  general  wars 

of  earlier  times,  like  those  that  grew  out  of  the  Protestant 
Revolution,  or  the  dynastic  rivalries  of  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries,  or  the  French  Revolution,  were 
confined  mainly  to  Europe.  In  this  great  war  there  was 
hardly  a  nation  on  the  entire  globe  that  was  not  involved ; 
for  this  reason  it  may  truly  be  called  "The  World  War." 
It  is  possible  now  merely  to  indicate,  and  that  very  gen- 
erally, the  fundamental  causes  of  the  great  conflict;  for  it 
has  deep  and  wide-spreading  roots  in  the  history  of  the 
world. 

The  twentieth  century  inherited  from  the  nineteenth 
many  unsolved  problems  affecting  the  political  and  eco- 
^^   .     ,.        nomic  life  of  the  world.    One  of  these  was  na- 

Nationalism       ...  .  •        1         1  ^    r        1 

tionalism.  A  nation  has  been  denned  as  a  peo- 
ple which  possesses  its  own  language,  traditions,  and  culture, 
and  enough  self-consciousness  to  preserve  them.  Since  the 
sixteenth  century  much  of  modern  European  history  is  the 
story  of  the  political  development  of  nations  into  state- 
hood. Before  that  time  Europe  had  been  divided  into  a 
large  number  of  independent  and  semi-independent  locali- 
ties, the  inhabitants  of  which  were  strangers  to  one  another 
in  laws,  in  customs,  and  in  language.  From  the  ruins  of 
feudalism  there  arose  powerful,  united  nations,  held  to- 
gether by  the  absolute  power  of  the  king,  who  had  reduced 
the  feudal  nobility  to  subjection.  "To  die  for  the  king" 
was  the  first  form  of  patriotic  devotion ;  for  in  those  days  he 
was  the  only  symbol  of  national  unity.  This  early  patri- 
otism was,  however,  confined  mainly  to  the  upper  classes; 


THE  WORLD   WAR  719 

the  mass  of  the  people  were  still  animated  by  the  old,  pro- 
vincial spirit,  as  they  had  been  from  time  immemorial. 
Nationalism  had  not  yet  entered  into  the  common  con- 
sciousness. 

It  was  the  French  Revolution  that  gave  nationalism  its 
greatest  impetus.    By  establishing  democratic  institutions 
and  uniform  laws  it  aroused  among  all  classes 
and  all  localities  a  common  national  feeling.  For  and  indus- 
the  first  time  the  great  mass  of  the  people  felt  f"^^  ^^^'°' 

.  ,  r-      r'  lutions 

that  it  was  glorious  to  die  for  one's  country.  The  strengthen 
French  Revolution  had  democratized  patriotism.  "^*'°"^''^"' 
It  remained  for  the  Industrial  Revolution,  however,  to  lay 
a  solid  foundation  for  nationalism.  The  railways  and  water- 
ways were  like  a  network  of  veins  and  arteries  that  carried 
the  blood  of  the  nation  pulsating  to  the  farthest  part  of 
the  body.  The  economic  interests  of  the  nation,  whose 
people  were  isolated  in  different  districts  or  divided  into 
separate  states,  were  concentrated  in  the  factory;  and  this 
integration  of  common  interests  gave  a  powerful  momentum 
to  greater  nationalism.  Old  nations,  like  France  and  Eng- 
land, became  more  firmly  knit;  and  new  nations,  like  Ger- 
many and  Italy,  came  into  existence. 

Nevertheless,  the  principle  of  nationality  was  far  from 
being    fully  realized   at  the    beginning  of    the  twentieth 
century.   "Submerged"  nationalities  were  gov-  ,,<,  . 
erned  against  their  will  by  people  whom  they  re-  merged" 
garded  as  aliens.    In  Russia  there  were  the  Poles,   "^tionalities 
Finns,  Letts,  and  Jews;  in  Germany,  the  Poles,  Alsatians, 
and  Danes;  in  the  United  Kingdom,  the  Irish.    In  Austria- 
Hungary  and    Turkey  the  violation  of    the    principle  of 
nationality  was  particularly  flagrant;  for  in  each  of  these 
empires  the  ruling  race  constituted  a  minority  of  the  total 
population.    The  very  existence   of  the  Austrian  and  Ot- 
toman Empires  was  an  incitement  to  war;  sooner  or  later 
the  various   subject   races   were  bound  to  rise  in  revolu- 
tion or  to  appeal  to  their  kinsmen  in  other  lands  to  liberate 
them. 

Another  unsolved   problem   was  democracy.    Like  na- 


720      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

tionalism,  democracy  is  an  abstract  term  and,  therefore, 
difficult  to  define.  In  a  general  way,  it  may  be  described 
as  a  form  of  political  organization  wherein  the  mass  of  the 
^  people,  through  universal  suffrage,  exercises  su- 

Democracy  ,  i       •      r  i  r 

preme  power  m  the  state,  be  it  tor  weal  or  tor 
woe.  Democracy  was  the  leading  idea  at  the  point  of  the 
revolutionary  bayonets  of  1776  in  America  and  of  1793  in 
France.  It  made  great  headway,  either  through  violent  up- 
risings or  through  peaceful  reform  measures,  transforming 
autocratic  and  oligarchic  nations  into  self-governing  com- 
monwealths. 

But  the  triumph  of  democracy,  like  that  of  nationalism, 
was  incomplete  at  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century. 
Russia  and  Two  powerful  States,  Russia  and  Germany, 
Smain"^  refused  to  accept,  either  in  principle  or  in  prac- 
autocratic  tice,  the  democratic  ideal  of  g•o^'ernment.  Were 
the  influence  of  either  to  become  predominant  in  the  world's 
affairs,  it  would  constitute  a  menace  to  democracy.  Of  the 
two,  Germany  was  more  to  be  feared  because  her  won- 
derfully efficient  government  and  her  great  wealth  were 
at  the  service  of  a  ruling  class  that  was  animated  by  mili- 
tary ideals.  As  to  Russia,  much  of  the  fear  of  her  pre- 
dominance vanished  when  she  was  defeated  by  Japan;  and 
the  democratic  nations  were  still  more  reassured  when,  in 
the  Revolution  of  1905,  the  Russian  people  themselves 
gave  evidence  of  hostility  to  tsarism.  Germany  alone  was 
undefeated;  and  there  seemed  to  be  no  sign  of  a  revolu- 
tionary movement  among  the  German  people. 

A  third  unsoh  ed  problem  was  that  of  economic  expan- 
sion. In  spite  of  the  general  advance  of  modern  industry. 
Lack  of  eco-  the  economic  life  of  the  world  at  the  beginning 
formity  in  ^^  the  twentieth  century  was  far  from  being  uni- 
the  world  form.  Industrially,  England,  Germany,  and  the 
United  States  were  highly  developed;  France  and  Italy 
maintained  an  even  balance  between  agriculture  and  manu- 
facturing; much  of  Eastern  Europe  was  in  the  early  stages 
of  the  Industrial  Re^■olution;  most  of  Asia  was  hardly 
touched  by  modern  industry;  and  Africa  was  for  the  most 


THE  WORLD   WAR  721 

part  primitive.  What  was  to  be  the  relation  between  the 
advanced  and  the  backward  countries?  Inevitably  the 
hunger  for  territory  and  for  profits,  and  the  desire  to  make 
those  backward  regions  an  outlet  for  their  surplus  products 
and  surplus  capital,  dro\-e  the  advanced  nations  into  a 
policy  of  annexation.  There  began  a  mad  race  for  colonies, 
which  awoke  new  rivalries  and  jealousies  and  intensified 
old  animosities  among  the  nations.  Northern  Africa  and 
Western' Asia,  the  chief  scenes  of  clashing  European  am- 
bitions, more  than  once  brought  the  world  to  the  verge 
of  war. 

The  commercial    rivalry  between  the  two  most  indus- 
trialized nations,  England  and  Germany,  constituted    an- 
other source  of  danger  to  peace.    Fear  on  the   Commercial 
part  of  England  that  she  was  being  outdistanced  rivalry  be- 
by  her  ri\'al  in  various  economic  fields,  and  fear  land  and 
on  the  part  of  Germany  that  the  British  Empire  ^^^^^"y 
would  form  a  customs  union  to  shut  out  her  goods,  had  the 
effect  of  sowing  the  seeds  of  discord  between  the  two  peoples. 
The  appearance  of  a  powerful  German  fleet  convinced  the 
English  that  their  Empire  was  in  danger;  and  the  entente 
between  England  and  France  convinced  the  Germans  that 
the  British  were  plotting  their  destruction.  This  mutual  dis- 
trust produced  an  estrangement  between  the  two  peoples, 
who  for  centuries  had  lived  in  peace  and  amity  with  each 
other. 

The  "blood  and  iron"  policy,  which  had  been  so  suc- 
cessful in  unifying  Germany,  left  behind  it  an  evil  heritage. 
Force  had  proved  more  effective  than  consti-  German 
tutional  conventions  in  the  accomplishment  of  militarism 
great  policies,  and  the  generation  that  followed  Bismarck 
adopted  his  methods  but  not  his  caution  in  dealing  with  the 
problems  of  its  day.  A  strident  militarism,  once  charac- 
teristic of  Prussia  only,  now  took  possession  of  all  Germany; 
and  the  "nation  in  arms"  was  drilled  in  the  belief  that 
it  would  some  day  dim  the  glories  of  Sadowa  and  Sedan.  ^ 
The  ruling  class,  the  Junkers,  whose  traditions  were  feudal 
but  whose  methods  were  modern,  had  organized  Germany 

'  See  pp.  321-323  for  an  explanation  of  German  KuUur. 


722      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

with  the  help  of  the  powerful  capitaHsts  as  a  great  military, 
poHtical,  and  economic  machine  with  such  scientific  pre- 
cision that  it  could  be  operated  with  terrible  effect  against 
an  enemy.  The  very  existence  of  this  machine  and  the  mili- 
taristic temper  of  those  in  control  constituted  a  serious 
danger  to  the  peace  of  the  world. 

Military  Strength  of  the  Combatants 

Germany's  army  was  easily  first  in  numbers,  organiza- 
tion, and  equipment.  Her  peace  footing  was  about  870,- 
A  i  ofth  ^^^'  ^^^  ^^^  could  call  upon  4,350,000  trained 
Central  men    in    various    reserves.     The    Austro-Hun- 

"^^'^^  garian  standing  army  was  considerably  smaller, 

about  425,000  men,  with  a  possible  war  footing  of  2,300,000. 
Turkey's  forces  were  reorganized  after  the  Balkan  wars; 
her  peace  footing  was  about  200,000,  and  for  war  she  had 
available  about  1,000,000  men.  Bulgaria's  standing  army 
was  65,000,  with  a  war  footing  of  200,000. 

The  best  army  on  the  side  of  the  Allies  was  that  of  France, 
with  a  peace  footing  of  790, opo  men,  which  could  be  in- 
Armiesof  Creased  for  war  purposes  to  about  3,000,000  men, 
the  Allies  ^^jj  trained  and  fully  equipped.  Russia  had*  a 
standing  army  of  about  1,500,000,  and  her  large  popula- 
tion could  furnish  an  almost  unlimited  supply  of  soldiers; 
but  her  forces  were  poorly  organized  and  badly  equipped. 
Italy's  peace  footing  was  300,000,  her  war  footing,  1,500,000. 
England's  force  was  small;  it  numbered  about  250,000; 
but  it  soon  grew,  first  through  volunteering  and  later 
through  conscription,  to  an  efhcient  army  of  about  4,000,- 
000.  In  addition,  there  was  the  Japanese  army  with  a  peace 
footing  of  about  250,000  and  a  war  footing  of  about  1,000,- 
000  which,  however,  was  not  used  for  ser\dce  in  Europe. 
America's  peace  footing,  when  she  joined  the  Allies  in  191 7, 
was  a  volunteer  force  of  90,000 ;  but  from  her  large  popula- 
tion huge  armies  could  be  raised. 

In  naval  strength,  England  easily  led  all  the  other  na- 
tions in  the  number  of  ships,  organization,  and  equip- 
ment.   Germany  came  next,  with  an  excellent  fleet  largely 


THE  WORLD  WAR 


723 


modeled    upon   that   of   England.^     England's   agreement 
with  France  enabled  her  to  concentrate  nearly   .,    . 

IT'  JNavies 

all   her  naval   forces   m   the   North  Sea.    The 
French  navy  was  concentrated  in  the  Mediterranean. 

The  methods  of  warfare  were  revolutionized  during  the 
World  War.    The  strategic  marches  that  used  to  win  great 
victories  in  the  past  were  displaced  almost  en-  Trench 
tirely  by  the  modern  strategic  railways,  which  warfare 
transported   troops   rapidly   to   critical   points   from   long 
distances.    Trench  fighting  largely  took  the  place  of  open 


STRATEGIC 


RAILW 
ANY 


battle.  The  combatants  lay  hidden  in  deep  trenches  pro- 
tected by  barbed -wire  entanglements  and  by  "nests"  of 
machine  guns.  The  lines  of  trenches  stretched  over  enor- 
mous distances,  the  Western  Front  alone  being  six  hundred 
miles   long,   the   rival   armies   often   being  within   speak- 

*  The  following  table  gives  the  naval  strength  of  each  Power;  only  the  most 

important  warships  are  listed. 

Dread-      Pre-dread-       Battle        Armored        Cruisers 
noughts        noughts         cruisers        cruisers 

I.England 20  40  9                34  74 

2.  Germany 13  20  4                   9  41 

3.  United  States 8  22  on  14 

4.  France 4  18  o                 20  9 

5-  Japan 2  13  2                 13  13 

6.  Russia o  7  o  6  9 

7.  Italy 38096 

«.  Austria-Hungary 3  6  o  2  s 


724      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ing  distance  of  each  other.  Victorious  advance  in  trench 
warfare  is  at  best  very  slow.  Extensive,  sustained,  and 
effective  artillery  fire  is  generally  employed  to  destroy 
obstructing  entanglements  before  an  attack  is  possible,  and 
trench  after  trench  in  close  succession  must  be  captured 
before  appreciable  gains  are  made.  The  artillery  has  be- 
come the  most  important  arm  of  the  service;  without  suf- 
ficient guns  and  shells  no  progress  is  possible.  The  rifle  of 
the  common  soldier  is  less  useful  than  formerly,  because, 
although  the  enemy  is  within  short  range,  he  is  out  of  sight. 
Hand  grenades,  or  small  bombs,  have  been  found  effective. 
The  bayonet  is  now  of  greater  service  than  formerly,  be- 
cause of  the  frequent  hand-to-hand  fights. 

The  great  surprise  of  the  war  was  the  42-centimeter 
(i 6-inch)  siege  gun  used  by  the  Germans.  This  gigantic 
New  weapon  hurls  a  shell  a  ton  in  weight,  filled  with 

weapons  j^jgj^  explosive,  for  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles 
and  more.^  Machine  guns  have  proved  of  the  utmost  effec- 
tiveness, for  they  are  capable  of  discharging  from  four  to 
five  hundred  bullets  a  minute;  moreover,  they  are  so  light 
that  two  men  can  easily  carry  one.  Another  effective  form 
of  ammunition  is  shrapnel,  a  shell  containing  several  hun- 
dred bullets;  when  fired  from  a  gun,  it  bursts  in  the  air, 
raining  bullets  on  the  heads  of  the  enemy.  The  use  of  poi- 
sonous gas  is  another  novel  method  of  fighting;  when  the 
wind  is  favorable,  a  "gas  attack"  is  made  by  wafting  this 
poisonous  gas  toward  the  enemy.  Gas-filled  shells  are  also 
shot  from  heavy  guns.  As  a  protection  against  gas,  special 
masks  are  worn.  Armored  motor  trucks,  equipped  with 
guns,  have  played  a  great  part  in  the  fighting.  Immense 
cars,  called  "tanks,"  spitting  fire  in  every  direction,  charge 
upon  the  enemy,  brushing  aside  barbed-wire  fences  and 
crushing  those  In  their  path. 

Airplanes  have  succeeded  cavalry  as  the  "eyes  of  the 
..    ,  army."    They  hover   over    the    enemy's   lines, 

and  Zep-  watchlng  every  movement,  which  they  report 
P^  '"^  by  means  of  signals.     Enormous  dirigible  bal- 

loons, called  Zeppelins  after  Count  Zeppelin,  their  inventor, 

^  During  191 8  Paris  was  bombarded  by  a  gun,  said  to  be  seventy  miles  away. 


THE  WORLD   WAR  725 

have  been  used  by  the  Germans.  They  have  a  carrying 
capacity  sufficient  to  enable  them  to  be  manned  by  a  good- 
sized  crew  and  to  carry  large  quantities  of  explosives.  Many 
attacks  have  been  made  by  Zeppelins  upon  London  and 
other  English  cities. 

Nothing  less  than  a  revolution  has  been  effected  in  naval 
warfare  by  the  use  of  the  submarine.  This  is  a  vessel  that 
submerges  beneath   the  water  and   directs  its  ^  ^ 

r        ti         •  M       1  •  1     Submarines 

mo\"ements  by  means  of  a     periscope     which 
projects  above  the  water.    The  submarine  discharges  a  tor- 
pedo which  travels  under  water;  when  the  torpedo  strikes 
the  vessel  at  which  it  is  aimed,  it  explodes,  tearing  a  hole 
in  her  side  and  causing  her  to  sink. 

First  Year  of  the  World  War 
(August,  1914  —  July,  1915) 

The  German  mobilization  was  marvelously  efficient. 
Millions  of  men  fell  into  place  and  were  transported  to 
the  frontiers,  everything  mo\'ing  with  the  regu-  Dash  for 
larity  of  clock-work.  Germany's  plan  of  cam-  ^^"^'^ 
paign  was  to  make  a  swift  descent  upon  Paris,  to  reduce 
France  to  submission,  and  then  to  turn  on  Russia.  The 
quickest  way  to  accomplish  this  was  by  crossing  Belgium, 
because  there  were  few  French  fortresses  on  the  Belgian 
frontier;  whereas  the  route  taken  by  the  German  armies  in 
1870  was  now  so  strongly  fortified  all  the  way  from  Verdun 
to  Belfort  as  to  make  a  rapid  march  in  this  direction  well- 
nigh  impossible. 

On  Liege,  in  Belgium,  fell  the  shock  of  the  first  German 
attack.    After  three  days  of  hea\-y  bombardment,  the  city 
was  forced  to  surrender,  on  August  7,  and  the  ^.^^.j  ^ 
forts  yielded  soon  afterward.   The  Belgian  army  German 
then  made  a  desperate  stand  at  Louvain,  but  this 
place,  too,  was  taken.   On  August  20,  the  Germans  entered 
Brussels  without  firing  a  shot.   But  the  road  to  France  was 
not  yet  open;  the  Belgians  were  joined  by  the  French  and 
by^  an  expeditionary  force  of   British   under  General  Sir 
John  French,  who  together  opposed  the  German  forces.   At 


726     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 


Namur  and  again  at  Mons  (August  22-23),  the  Allies  were 
badly  defeated  by  General  von  Kluck,  the  commander  of 
the  invading  army;  and  they  were  compelled  to  retreat 
from  Mons  to  the  main  French  line.  Nothing  now  seemed 
able  to  stop  von  Kluck's  march  toward  Paris.  City  after 
city  was  taken;  and,  at  one  time,  the  Germans  were  within 


fifteen  miles  of  Paris.    Consternation  reigned  in  the  capi- 
tal, and  the  French  Government  moved  to  Bordeaux. 

At  this  critical  moment,  General  Joffre,  the  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  French  forces,  executed  a  brilliant  stroke. 
First  Battle  A  new  army,  which  had  been  hurriedly  pre- 
of  the  Marne  pared  in  Paris,  was  suddenly  launched  at  the 
German  right  flank.   By  this  time  the  Germans  were  across 


THE  WORLD   WAR  727 

the  Mame  River.  Von  Kluck  turned  back  to  meet  the  new- 
attack,  and  at  the  same  time  the  French  General  Foch 
drove  back  the  center  of  the  German  Hne  by  a  bold  attack. 
Then  followed  the  great  Battle  of  the  Mame  (September 
6-10),  in  which  the  Germans  were  badly  defeated;  and  they 
retreated  as  rapidly  as  they  came,  with  the  French  at  their 
heels.  They  retired  as  far  as  the  Aisne  River,  to  trenches 
which  had  been  prepared  in  ad\ance  to  receive  them.  Gen- 
eral Joffre's  great  victory  saved  Paris  and  perhaps  the 
cause  of  the  Allies. 

The  position  of  the  military^  forces  after  the  retreat  from 
the  ]\Iarne  left  a  gap  of  about  one  hundred  miles  in  the  line 
from  Arras  to  the  sea ;  and  both  sides  rushed  to-  Conquest 
ward  it.  In  order  to  reach  it,  the  Germans  had  °^  Belgium 
first  to  take  Antwerp,  one  of  the  best  fortified  cities  in 
Europe;  but  their  42-centimeter  guns  easily  battered  down 
its  fortifications,  and  the  city  fell  on  October  9.  The  Ger- 
mans now  made  a  dash  for  Dunkirk  and  Calais;  but  the 
French  and  English  reached  the  gap  first  and  extended  their 
line  to  Nieuport,  on  the  coast. 

Belgium,  now  almost  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Ger- 
mans, was  made  to  pay  dearly  ^r  her  resistance.  Many 
of  her  cities  were  reduced  to  ruins,  her  fields  Sufferings 
were  laid  waste,  her  leading  citizens  were  exe-  °^  Belgium 
cuted  or  imprisoned,  and  her  commerce  and  industry  were 
ruined.  A  once  prosperous  and  happy  people  was  reduced 
to  beggary  and  starvation;  and.  had  it  not  been  for  the 
generous  help  of  the  Allies  and  America,  many  more  would 
have  perished.  The  Germans  have  been  accused  of  de- 
liberately committing  frightful  outrages  on  the  hapless 
Belgians  because  their  resistance  had  played  an  important 
part  in  frustrating  the  German  plans.  Louvain,  with  its 
beautiful  buildings  and  fine  university,  was  partly  reduced 
to  ashes.  The  beautiful  cathedral  at  Rheims,  in  France,  was 
bombarded  by  the  Germans  and  almost  ruined.  The  whole 
civilized  world  has  been  unanimous  in  its  condemnation 
of  these  unexpected  barbarities. 

Because  of  long  distances,  lack  of  railways,  and  bad  or- 


728     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

ganization,  it  was  expected  that  the  Russian  mobilization 
o  .  .  would  be  painfully  slow.  Germany's  plan  of 
vasion  of        campaign  was  predicated  on  that  assumption. 

ermany  g^^  ^^^  Russians  astonished  the  world  by  the 
rapidity  of  their  mobilization.  Their  plan  was  to  have  one 
army  invade  East  Prussia  and  another,  Galicia;  these  two 
were  then  to  form  a  continuous  line,  reaching  from  the  Bal- 
tic to  the  Carpathian  Mountains,  that  would  sweep  into 
Germany.  The  first  army  invaded  East  Prussia,  where  it 
gained  several  victories.  This  greatly  alarmed  the  Germans ; 
and  a  large  army  under  the  command  of  General  von  Hin- 
denburg  was  sent  to  meet  it.  On  August  29  was  fought  the 
great  Battle  of  Tannenberg,  which  resulted  in  a  crushing 
defeat  for  the  Russians.  They  were  driven  headlong  out  of 
East  Prussia  as  a  result  of  the  remarkable  strategy  of  the 
German  general.  The  Battle  of  Tannenberg  was  one  of  the 
greatest  victories  of  the  War,  and  Hindenburg  became  the 
popular  hero  of  Germany  and  Austria. 

The  Russian  invasion  of  Galicia  was  more  successful. 
Lemberg  was  captured  about  August  20,  and  the  Austrians 
Conquest  wcre  Compelled  to  fall  back  on  two  great  for- 
of  Gahcia  tresses,  Jaroslav  and  Przemysl,  both  of  which 
were,  before  the  winter  was  over,  forced  to  surrender  to 
the  victorious  Russians.  By  March,  1915,  the  latter  were 
masters  of  Galicia. 

To  relieve  the  Russian  pressure  on  the  Austrians,  Hin- 
denburg began  a  counter-offensive  by  invading  Poland. 
German         ^^^  Russians  were  strongly   intrenched   along 
invasion  of      the  Vistula  River,  at  Novo  Georgievsk,  War- 
"^^'^  saw,  and  Ivangorod.    Owing  to  vastly  superior 

equipment,  Hindenburg's  armies  compelled  the  Rus- 
sian lines  to  fall  back  rapidly  to  escape  from  being  en- 
trapped. Warsaw  fell  on  August  4,  1915.  Other  important 
cities  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Germans:  Bielostok,  Brest- 
Litovsk,  Kovno,  Grodno,  and  Vilna.  The  Germans  pre- 
pared to  march  on  Petrograd,  but  they  were  halted  by  the 
Russian  trenches  in  front  of  Riga.  It  has  been  estimated 
that   Hindenburg's    "drive"   cost   the   Russians   about   a 


THE  WORLD   WAR 


729 


DAL     TIC 


SEA 


THE 

EASTERN    FRONT 

Railways 
TV    Forts 
"-".January  iniS 
•"■  Farthest  advance  of  the 
Russians 


million  and  a  half  men,  as  well  as  an  enormous  quantity  of 
stores. 

In  the  meantime   German    and  Austrian  armies  under 
General  von  Mackensen  were  preparing  ' '  drives ' '   j^yggj^ns 
against  the  Russians  in  Galicia.    During  May-  driven  out 
June,  1 91 5,  a  series  of  great  battles  was  fought, 
the  most  important  being  that  of  San  River,  in  which  the 


730     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Russians  were  again  decisively  beaten.  They  were  driven 
out  of  Galicia  and  were  compelled  to  relinquish  the  great 
strongholds,  Lemberg,  Jaroslav,  and  Przemysl.  General 
von  Mackensen's  popularity  in  Germany  was  now  second 
only  to  that  of  Hindenburg.  After  the  invasions  and 
counter-invasions  in  the  East  came  to  an  end,  the  new 
battle  line  in  this  region  extended  from  the  Gulf  of  Riga  to 
Czernowitz,  on  the  Rumanian  frontier. 

Early  in  February,  191 5,  a  bold  and  hazardous  cam- 
paign was  undertaken  to  capture  Constantinople.  The  suc- 
Dardanelles  cess  of  this  Campaign  was  expected  to  have  far- 
campaign  reaching  consequences:  it  would  bring  all  the 
Balkan  nations  to  the  side  of  the  Allies,  and  Austria  could 
then  be  attacked  from  the  south;  and  the  control  of  the 
straits  would  enable  Russia  to  send  much-needed  food  to 
her  allies  and  to  receive  ammunition,  which  she  greatly 
lacked . 

A  large  fleet  of  English  and  French  warships  attacked 
the  forts  at  the  entrance  of  the  Dardanelles,  causing  their 
abandonment  by  the  Turks.  The  fleet  then  steamed  to  the 
"Narrows,"  the  narrowest  part  of  the  strait,  both  sides  of 
which  had  been  strongly  fortified.  A  terrific  battle  followed 
between  the  ships  and  the  forts,  with  the  result  that  the 
fleet  lost  several  of  its  largest  vessels  and  was  obliged  to 
withdraw,  A  land  attack  was  next  tried.  An  army  of  Eng- 
lish, "Anzacs,"  ^  and  French,  under  the  command  of  Gen- 
eral Sir  Ian  Hamilton,  landed  on  the  Gallipoli  peninsula. 
The  Turks,  commanded  by  a  German,  General  Liman  von 
Sanders,  defended  themselves  behind  impregnable  posi- 
tions. The  advance  of  the  Allies  was  very  slow  and  at 
great  cost.  Several  other  warships  were  blown  up  in  the 
strait.  The  capture  of  Constantinople  was  now  considered 
impossible.  By  December,  191 5,  greatly  to  the  disappoint- 
ment of  the  Allies  who  had  entertained  high  hopes  of  its 
success,  the  Dardanelles  expedition  was  abandoned. 

Italy  had  declared  her  neutrality  because  she  believed 
that  Germany  and  Austria  had  entered  on  an  aggressive 

1  The  name  applied  to  Australians  and  New  Zealanders. 


THE  WORLD  WAR 


731 


war;  the  Triple  Alliance  bound  her  to  aid  them  in  a  de- 
fensive war  only.  Italy  found  herself  in  a  trying  italy  joins 
position:  were  she  to  join  Germany,  her  exposed  ^^^  ^^^^^^ 
coasts  would  be  laid  waste  by  the  fleets  of  the  Allies;  were 
she  to  join  the  latter,  the  vengeance  of  Germany  would 
fall  upon  her  in  case  of  a  Teutonic  victory.  The  widespread 
demand  for  Italia  irredenta,  Trieste  and  Trentino,  to  com- 


THE 
'ITALIAN  FRONT 

Battle  Line.  March  1918 
Farthest  Italian  Advance 


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plete  the  unification  of  Italy,  caused  the  Government  to 
begin  negotiations  with  Austria  with  the  object  of  getting 
those  territories  without  war.  These  negotiations  not  prov- 
ing satisfactory,  the  Government  yielded  to  the  popular 
demand  that  Italy  join  the  Allies.  On  May  23,  191 5,  she 
declared  war  upon  Austria.  Italian  armies  immediately 
marched  against  Trieste  and  Trentino.  In  order  to  capture 
the  former,  a  large  force  gathered  on  the  Isonzo  River  and 
laid  siege  to  Gorizia,  which  capitulated  on  August  9,  1916, 
after  a  long  siege. 

Second  Year  of  the  World  War 
(August,  1915  —  July,  1916) 

At  the  opening  of  the  second  year  of  the  War,  the  situa- 
tion was  favorable  to  the  Central  Powers.  In  the  West, 
they  held  Belgium  and  the  industrial  section  of  France, 


732      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

especially  valuable  because  of  the  coal  and  iron  mines;  in 
The  "war  the  East,  Poland,  Grodno,  Suwalki,  Vilna,  Cour- 
'"^P"  land,  and  Western  Volhynia,  an   area  as  large 

as  England  and  Scotland.  As  an  offset  to  these  gains,  the 
Allies  had  seized  Kiau-chau,  had  swept  Germany's  com- 
merce from  the  seas,  and  held  her  in  a  tight  blockade;  Italy 
was  now  on  the  side  of  the  Allies.  The  "war  map"  was,  in- 
deed, favorable  to  Germany;  yet  she  was  by  no  means  suc- 
cessful, for  there  was  not  the  slightest  inclination  on  the 
part  of  her  foes  to  sue  for  peace.  One  great  German  failure 
stood  out  clearly,  the  Battle  of  the  Marne,  which  had  nul- 
lified Germany's  plans  for  a  swift  and  smashing  victory. 
The  wonderful  resistance  of  the  French,  their  valor,  their 
silent  heroism,  and  their  grim  determination  won  world- 
wide admiration. 

On  the  Western  Front  the  repulse  of  the  Germans  at 
the  Marne  was  followed  by  a  period  of  unremitting  trench 
Western  warfare.  The  enormous  battle  line,  six  hundred 
Front  miles   long,    stretching   from    Nieuport   to   the 

Swiss  frontier,  ran  through  a  corner  of  Belgium,  the  north- 
eastern section  of  France,  and  along  the  frontier  of  Alsace. 
The  line  was  divided  into  three  sectors:  the  first,  from  Nieu- 
port to  the  Oise  River;  the  second,  from  the  Oise  River  to 
Verdun;  and  the  third,  from  Verdun  to  the  Swiss  frontier. 

Undaunted,  the  Germans  decided  upon  another  great 
effort  to  break  the  French  line.  Overlooking  the  Meuse 
Verdun  Valley  is  the  city  of  Verdun,  splendidly  defended 

by  rings  of  fortresses  on  the  surrounding  hills. 
It  was  a  place  of  great  strategic  importance,  threatening 
Lorraine,  the  chief  iron  region  of  Germany.  Enormous 
German  armies  under  the  Prussian  Crown  Prince  were 
massed  in  the  vicinity  of  Verdun.  The  battle  began  in 
February,  191 6,  and  raged  for  over  six  months,  during  which 
about  half  a  million  men  laid  down  their  lives.  The  Ger- 
mans were  determined  to  take  the  city  at  any  cost,  and 
the  French,  to  defend  it  at  any  cost.  During  the  early  part 
of  June,  the  Germans  succeeded  in  making  a  breach  in 
the  outer  ring  of  fortifications  by  taking  Douaumont  and 


THE  WORLD   WAR  733 

Vaux,  two  important  fortifications.  They  had  alread\'  cap- 
tured other  important  forts.  But  the  French  were  all  the 
more  determined  to  hold  on.  Us  ne  passeront  pas!  (They 
shall  not  pass!)  was  the  cry  that  rang  throughout  France. 
Reinforcements  were  poured  in,  and  the  Germans  were 
checked.  In  July  an  Allied  offensive  on  the  Somme  relieved 
the  pressure  on  Verdun.  By  December  General  Nivelle 
succeeded  in  driving  the  Germans  out  of  nearly  all  the  forts 
that  they  had  captured.  For  his  heroism  and  great  ability 
in  defending  Verdun,  General  Nivelle  was  made  (Decem- 
ber 11)  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  French  armies,  suc- 
ceeding General  Joffre.  Verdun  marked  the  second  great 
failure  of  Germany  to  conquer  France. 

Russia's  humiliating  defeats  had  by  no  means  either 
exhausted  or  dismayed  her.  As  soon  as  her  armies  were 
in  better  condition  she  began  a  new  offensi\-e.  Eastern 
Early  in  June,  191 6,  a  large  Russian  force  under  Front 
General  Brusilov  attacked  the  Germans  and  Austrians  on 
a  two  hundred  and  fifty  mile  front,  from  the  Pripet  River 
in  Russia  to  the  Pruth  in  Galicia.  Lutsk  and  Czernowitz 
were  captured  by  the  Russians ;  and  they  entered  upon  the 
conquest  of  Bukowina.  Brusllov's  "drive,"  although  it 
succeeded  in  pushing  back  the  Teutonic  line  from  twenty  to 
fifty  miles  and  in  capturing  many  men  and  stores,  was 
however  unable  to  deprive  the  Germans  of  the  great  gains 
made  by  Hindenburg, 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  War,  Austrian  armies  had  invaded 
Serbia  and  had  captured  Belgrade.  But  the  Serbians, 
aided  by  the  ?^Iontenegrins,  fought  stubbornly;  ^,    „  „ 

.  Ill    The  Balkans 

and  by  the  middle  of  December,  1914,  they  had 
succeeded  in  driving  the  Austrians  out  of  Serbia,  and  even 
in  invading  Austria. 

Bulgaria's  leaning  to  the  side  of  Germany  now  became 
evident.  On  Oqtober  14,  191 5,  she  entered  the  war  on  the 
side  of  the  Central  Powers  by  declaring  war  on  Serbia.  She 
was  actuated  in  this  move  more  by  hatred  of  Serbia  than 
by  love  for  the  Teutons.  Serbia  was  now  invaded  from  two 
sides,  by  Germans  and  Austrians  under  von  Alackensen 


734     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

from  the  north,  and  by  Bulgarians  from  the  east.  By  the 
end  of  1 91 5  she  was  completely  conquered,  all  her  armies 
having  been  captured  or  destroyed  except  for  a  brave  rem- 
nant that  reached  the  Adriatic  by  a  march  across  Albania. 
Montenegro  and  Northern  Albania  were  also  conquered. 
The  annihilation  of  Serbia  removed  the  only  enemy  inter- 
vening between  the  Teutonic  and  Ottoman  dominions;  and 
the  line  of  communication  from  Berlin  to  Constantinople 
was  now  open. 

In  October,    191 5,   an  Anglo-French  force  gathered  at 
Saloniki,  in  Greece.   The  latter  protested  against  the  occu- 
pation of  this  city  by  the  Allies  as  a  violation  of  her  sov- 
ereignty;  but   the   Allies   replied   that    Venizelos,    former 
Prime  Minister,  who  was  now  leading  the  opposition  to 
King  Constantine's  policy  of  neutrality,  had  invited  them 
to  help  Serbia  against  Bulgaria.   The  Allied  army  marched 
north  to  aid  the  Serbians,  but  it  was  driven  back  to  Saloniki. 
On  March  9,  191 6,  Germany  declared  war  against  Por- 
tugal because  the  latter  had  seized  German  ships 
interned  in  her  harbors.  The  Portuguese  assisted 
the  Allies  by  sending  an  army  to  the  Western  Front. 

Third  Year  of  the  World  War 
(August,  1916  —  July,  1 91 7) 

During  the  second  half  of  191 6,  there  took  place  the 
long-drawn-out  Battle  of  the  Somme  between  the  British 
Western  under  Haig  and  the  Germans  under  HIndenburg. 
Front  jn  the  beginning  of  July  the  British  began  to 

attack  along  the  line  stretching  south  from  Arras  to  the 
Somme  River  and,  after  desperate  fighting,  won  a  few 
miles  of  territory.  Their  advance  was  finally  checked  by 
fierce  German  counter-attacks  and  by  bad  weather,  which 
turned  the  region  Into  a  sea  of  mud;  but,  although  the 
Battle  of  the  Somme  resulted  in  little  direct  gain,  indirectly 
it  relieved  the  pressure  on  Verdun  and  so  enabled  the 
French  to  drive  the  Germans  out  of  all  the  important 
places  near  that  city.  It  had  an  unexpected  effect,  how- 
ever, for  in  the  middle  of  March,  191 7,  the  German  army 


THE  WORLD   WAR  735 

on  the  Somme,  without  waiting  for  a  new  British  attack, 
executed  a  general  retirement  to  what  was  called  the  Hin- 
denburg  Line.  They  retreated  on  a  hundred  mile  front,  from 
Arras  to  east  of  Noyon,  and  evacuated  about  a  thousand 
square  miles  of  French  territory.  In  their  retreat,  the 
Germans  mercilessly  devastated  the  region.  The  new  Ger- 
man line  stretched  from  east  of  Arras  to  St.  Quentin  and 
was  strongly  fortified.  The  Germans  stated  that  the  reason 
for  their  retirement  was  that  they  wished  to  straighten 
their  line  in  order  to  defend  it  more  effectively. 

During  April-June,  191 7,  the  British  began  an  ofTensive 
with  the  object  of  capturing  Lens,  an  important  coal  center,    (l. 
and  St.  Quentin,  the  end  of  the  Hindenburg  Line.    They     kv^"/X 
succeeded  in  capturing  some  high  ground,  notably  Vimy 
Ridge,  but  German  counter-offensives  brought  the  British 
to  a  halt  before  Lens  and  St.  Quentin. 

Rumania,  influenced  by  Brusilov's  success  and  by  the 
French  resistance  at  Verdun,  decided  to  make  common 
cause  with  the  Allies.  On  August  27,  191 6,  she 
declared  war  upon  Austria.  A  Rumanian  army  '^^^^^^^^"^ 
invaded  the  Hungarian  province  of  Transylvania,  where  it 
gained  several  successes.  But  their  triumph  was  short- 
lived. Large  armies  under  von  Mackensen  and  von  Falk- 
enhayn  invaded  Rumania  and  won  a  series  of  brilliant  vic- 
tories, the  most  notable  being  that  of  Hermannstadt.  On 
December  6,  the  Teutons  entered  Bucharest  in  triumph. 
Nearly  all  of  Rumania  was  now  at  their  feet,  the  country 
having  been  conquered  in  three  weeks. 

The  fate  of  Rumania  was  a  warning  to  Greece,  and  Con- 
stantine  used  it  to  insist  that  she  remain  neutral.  The 
Allies  had  dealt  patiently  with  Constantine,  in  spite  of  his 
failure  to  live  up  to  his  treaty  obligations  to  help  Serbia 
against  Bulgaria.  But  finally,  in  June,  191 7,  they  deposed 
him  in  favor  of  his  second  son,  Alexander.  Venizelos,  who 
had  been  in  control  of  the  Greek  interests  in  Saloniki,  be- 
came Prime  Minister.  On  June  29,  Greece  formally  joined 
the  Allies. 


736      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

The  War  in  Asia  and  Africa 
(August,  1914  —  July,  1917) 

Germany's  stronghold  in  the  Far  East,  Kiau-chau,  was 
a  magnificently  fortified  naval  base  containing  the  fortress 
-  of  Tsing-tau.   When  war  was  declared  by  Japan, 

Japanese  °  j   j    i-       ' 

capture  Germans  from  all  over  the  Far  East  flocked  to 

the  defense  of  Kiau-chau.  In  the  latter  part  of 
August,  1 91 4,  the  harbor  was  blockaded  by  a  Japanese 
fleet ;  and  an  army  was  landed  on  the  coast  at  the  same  time 
with  the  object  of  making  an  attack  both  by  land  and  by 
sea.  The  Germans  held  out  till  November  10,  when  they 
capitulated  to  the  Japanese,  who  promised  to  give  Kiau-chau 
back  to  China,  to  whom  it  had  formerly  belonged.  Japan 
had  also  seized  the  German  islands  in  the  Pacific  north  of 
the  equator;  but  the  Australians  anticipated  any  action  by 
her  in  the  southern  Pacific  by  seizing  quickly  the  German 
colonies  there. 

In  Western  Asia  a  campaign  was  planned  by  the  British 
to  capture  Bagdad.  In  the  fall  of  191 5,  an  expedition  under 
B  t'  h  ■  General  Townshend,  starting  from  India,  pene- 

vade  Meso-  trated  two  hundred  miles  into  Mesopotamia, 
potamia  capturing  the  city  of  Kut-el-Amara.  Large 
Turkish  forces  then  besieged  the  British  in  this  city;  and 
finally,  in  April,  191 6,  they  forced  General  Townshend  to 
surrender  with  his  entire  army  of  ten  thousand  men.  But 
the  British  were  determined  to  capture  Bagdad.  In  Janu- 
ary, 1 91 7,  another  and  larger  British  expedition,  under 
General  Maude,  again  invaded  Mesopotamia.  Kut-el- 
Amara  was  recaptured,  and,  on  March  11,  the  British 
entered  Bagdad  in  triumph. 

Grand  Duke  Nicholas,  the  commander  of  the  Russian 
„     .  forces  in    the   Caucasus,  invaded   the   Turkish 

Russian  suc- 
cess in  province  of  Armenia  early  m  1916.    He  defeated 

"^^"'^  several  Turkish  armies  and  captured  the  large 
city  of  Erzerum. 

The  German  colonies  in  West  Africa,  Togo  and  Kamerun, 
were  quickly  seized  in  1 914-15  by  British  and  French  troops. 


THE   WORLD   WAR  737 

German  Southwest  and  Southeast  Africa  were  a  more  seri- 
ous problem.    The  Germans  counted  on  a  revolt  ^    ^        . 

^  _  Capture  of 

of  the  Boers  to  help  them,  but  the  rebellion  the  German 
they  fomented  was  easily  quelled  by  the  energy 
of  the  Premier,  General  Botha,  the  former  Boer  general; 
and  upon  its  collapse  the  neighboring  German  Southwest 
Africa  was  soon  conquered  by  the  South  African  troops. 
The  conquest  of  German  East  Africa,  mainly  a  vast  tract 
of  tropical  jungle,  was  more  difficult;  but  Botha's  colleague, 
General  Smuts,  finally  drove  the  last  German  troops  out  of 
it  early  in  191 7. 

Naval  Operations 

The  mobilization  of  the  British  fleet  was  as  wonderfully 
efficient  as  was  that  of  the  German  army.   Germany's  coast 
was  immediately  blockaded,  her  commerce  was  Services  of 
swept  from  the  seas,  and  most  of  her  navy,  being  fleet  to  the 
compelled   to   remain   under  the   protection   of  ^^^^^^^ 
the  forts  in  Kiel  Harbor,  was  reduced  to  impotence.    The 
British  navy  rendered  incalculable  senv'ice  to  the  cause  of 
the  Allies  by  cutting  off  supplies  to  Germany  from  abroad 
and  by  making  safe  the  transportation  of  troops  and  sup- 
plies from  one  Allied  country  to  another.    It  may  be  as- 
serted that  the  victories  gained  by  the  German  armies  were 
largely  nullified  in  their  influence  upon  general  events  by 
England's  control  of  the  seas. 

Germany's  reply  to  the  British  blockade  was  to  declare 
the  British  coast  in  a  state  of  blockade.  Her  only  means 
of  enforcing  it  was  the  U-boat,  or  submarine,   ^,    ,    , 

1-1  •  1       r  •  1    1  t  r         Blockades 

which,  at  times,  proved  a  formidable  weapon,  tor 
many  Allied  and  neutral  merchantmen  were  sunk.  When, 
in  February,  1915,  the  German  Government  commandeered 
the  food  supply  of  the  country,  England  declared  food 
contraband  of  war.  Germany  met  this  blow  by  declaring 
that  the  waters  around  the  British  Isles  constituted  a  "war 
zone,"  wherein  enemy  merchantmen  would  be  subject  to 
destruction.  Neutral  ships  were  warned  against  entering 
the  "war  zone,"  for,  owing  to  the  misuse  of  neutral  flags, 


738     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

they  ran  the  risk  of  being  sunk.  Germany  justified  this 
decree  on  the  ground  that  England  was  attempting  to 
starve  her  civil  population.  England's  answer  was  that  the 
German  Government,  in  controlling  the  food  supply,  was 
regulating  it  with  military  ends  in  view.  On  March  15, 
191 5,  Great  Britain  still  further  extended  her  blockade, 
strictly  regulating  commerce  with  the  neutral  countries  near 
Germany  on  the  ground  that  the  latter  was  the  final  des- 
tination of  much  of  it.  This  new  order  seriously  affected 
Germany,  as  she  had  been  getting  considerable  supplies 
through  Holland,  Denmark,  and  Sweden. 

When  the  war  broke  out,  there  were  a  number  of  Ger- 
man warships  on  the  high  seas,  which  succeeded  in  infiict- 
German  ing   serious   losscs   on   Allied   commerce  before 

raiders  their  careers  were  cut  short.    The  most  famous 

of  these  raiders  was  the  Emden,  whose  daring  and  resource- 
ful captain  sailed  the  South  Asian  seas,  sinking  many  ves- 
sels and  skillfully  eluding  his  pursuers.  The  Emden  was 
finally  sunk  on  November  9,  1914,  by  an  Australian  war- 
ship. Now  and  then  German  cruisers  would  slip  through 
the  blockade  to  prey  upon  Allied  commerce;  some  even 
were  bold  enough  to  shell  towns  on  the  British  coast.  On 
September  22,  1914,  a  German  submarine  sunk  three  large 
British  warships  within  one  hour. 

The  first  important  naval  battle  occurred  in  November, 
1 91 4,  off  the  coast  of  Chili,  in  which  the  British  were  badly 
Naval  defeated  by  a  German  fleet  under  Admiral  von 

battles  Spee.     A   month   later,  however,  this   German 

fleet  was  overtaken  and  totally  destroyed  near  the  Falkland 
Islands  by  the  British  under  Admiral  Sturdee.  The  greatest 
naval  battle  in  all  history,  from  the  point  of  view  of  ton- 
nage and  armament,  took  place  on  May  31,  191 6,  off  the 
coast  of  Jutland.  Taking  advantage  of  a  fog,  the  German 
High  Seas  Fleet,  under  Admiral  von  Scheer,  slipped  out  of 
I  Kiel   Harbor   and  was  met    by  the    British  battle-cruiser 

squadron  under  Admirals  Jellicoe  and  Beatty.  What  fol- 
lowed was  a  gigantic  conflict  between  the  two  greatest 
fleets  in  the  world.  Accounts  of  the  battle  differ;  both  sides 


THE  WORLD   WAR  739 

suffered  heavy  losses,  and  both  claimed  victory.  The  Ger- 
man fleet  was,  however,  obliged  to  return  to  Kiel  Harbor, 
and  England's  mastery  of  the  seas  remained  unbroken. 

One  of  the  most  serious  problems  confronting  the  Allies 
was  the  loss  of  shipping,  due  to  the  activities  of  the  German 
submarines.  In  spite  of  efforts  to  replace  the  The  loss  of 
losses  through  the  building  of  new  ships,  the  shipping 
problem  was  not  solved  at  the  opening  of  1918.  On  March 
21,  1918,  an  official  British  statement  was  issued  on  the 
condition  of  shipping.  It  showed  that,  for  the  period  be- 
tween August,  1914,  and  January,  191 8,  over  11,800,000 
gross  tons  of  Allied  and  neutral  shipping  had  been  sunk, 
and  that  over  6,600,000  tons  had  been  built  to  replace  the 
loss.  The  maximum  losses  occurred  during  the  second  quar- 
ter of  191 7;  but  during  the  last  quarter  of  191 7  the  losses 
were  lighter  and  the  increase  in  shipbuilding  greater. 

The  United  States  and  the  War 

At  the  beginning  of  191 7  the  only  great  neutral  Power 
was  the  United  States.  As  each  of  the  combatants  was 
eager  to  get  supplies  from  America,  and  even  America  and 
more  eager  that  the  other  should  not  get  them,  the  English 
the  position  of  the  United  States  was  difficult. 
On  December  26,  1914,  President  Wilson  sent  a  protest 
to  England  because  of  her  interference  with  American 
trade.  England's  reply  was  that  she  had  no  intention  of 
interfering  with  legitimate  neutral  trade,  but  that  the 
enormous  increase  of  the  American  shipments  to  the  neutral 
countries  of  Europe  pro\'ed  that  many  of  the  cargoes 
were  destined  for  her  enemy ;  she  furthermore  declared  her 
willingness  to  make  full  reparation  for  all  injury  that  she 
might  do  to  neutral  commerce.  On  October  21,  191 5,  Presi- 
dent Wilson  sent  another  vigorous  protest  to  Great  Britain 
denouncing  her  blockade. 

But  the  situation  as  regards  Germany  was  far  more  seri- 
ous. Germany's  method  of  enforcing  her  blockade  was  by 
means  of  submarines,  which  generally  sunk  vessels  without 
warning,  thereby  causing  los§  of  life  as  well  as  of  property. 


740     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPOR^^RY   EUROPE 

International  law,  however,  required  that  a  ship  must  be 
,  warned  before  being  sunk,  and  that  the  lives  of 

America  and  i_  r  j    j 

the  German  her  passengers  and  crew  must  be  saieguarded 
blockade        j^  g^.g^  ^^,^y  possible.    The  establishment  of  a 

"war  zone"  by  Germany  brought  a  protest  from  President 
Wilson,  who  declared,  on  February  lo,  1915,  that  the 
United  States  would  hold  Germany  to  a  "strict  account- 
ability" for  American  ships  sunk  or  for  the  loss  of  Ameri- 
can lives.  But  Germany  paid  little  or  no  attention  to  the 
warning.  About  a  week  before  the  warning,  an  American 
vessel,  the  William  P.  Frye,  had  been  sunk;  on  March  28,  a 
British  steamer,  the  Falaba,  was  sunk,  and  an  American  was 
drowned;  and  on  May  I,  an  American  ship,  the  Gulflight, 
was  sunk. 

On  ]\Iay  7  there  took  place  a  tragedy  that  sent  a  thrill 
of  horror  throughout  the  entire  world.    The  British  liner 
Lusitania  was  torpedoed  without  warning  near 
Lusitania        the  coast  of  Ireland  by  a  German  U-boat.    She 
trage  y  sank   almost   immediately   with   nearly   all   on 

board.  About  11 50  innocent  persons,  men,  women,  and 
children,  were  drowned,  among  them  many  Americans. 
The  ruthlessness  of  this  act  caused  President  Wilson  to  send 
(?^Iay  13)  a  sharp  protest  to  Germany,  denouncing  the 
sinking  of  the  ship  as  a  violation  of  international  law  and 
of  the  rights  of  humanity-  and  demanding  that  Germany 
disavow  the  act  and  make  full  reparation.  He  declared  that 
the  United  States  would  not  "omit  any  word  or  act"  to 
maintain  the  right  of  neutrals  to  travel  on  their  legitimate 
business  anywhere  on  the  high  seas.  Germany's  defense 
was  that  warning  had  been  given  through  advertisements 
in  the  American  papers,  advising  neutrals  not  to  sail  on  the 
Lusitania,  that  the  latter  was  armed  and  carried  ammuni- 
tion, and  that  her  sinking  too  quickly  to  save  the  passen- 
gers was  due  to  an  internal  explosion.  America's  rejoinder 
flatly  denied  that  the  \-essel  had  been  armed  or  carried  mu- 
nitions, and  demanded  proof  of  these  allegations  from  Ger- 
many; and  it  scouted  the  idea  that  the  advertisements 
constituted  a  "warning"  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term 


THE  WORLD   WAR  741 

as  used  in  international  law.  The  sinking  of  the  Lusitania, 
like  the  violation  of  the  neutrality  of  Belgium,  solidified 
world  opinion  in  the  belief  that  Germany  was  a  lawless  na- 
tion, who  would  commit  any  act  which  she  thought  would 
bring  victory  to  her  side. 

During  191 6  the  submarine  question  came  prominently 
to  the  fore  in  the  relations  between  Germany  and  the 
United  States.  An  announcement  by  Germany  Submarine 
stated  that,  beginning  with  March  i,  191 6,  her  '^^"^ 
submarines  would  sink  armed,  belligerent  merchant  vessels 
without  warning.  President  Wilson,  supported  by  Congress, 
replied  that  America  would  insist  on  the  right  of  her  citizens 
to  travel  anywhere  on  peaceable  errands. 

On  March  24,  191 6,  an  English  ship,  the  Sussex,  w^as  tor- 
pedoed without  warning  while  crossing  the  English  Chan- 
nel. Among  those  on  board  were  about  seventy-  The  Sussex 
five  Americans,  whose  lives  were  endangered.  ^^^ 
President  Wilson  immediately  protested  to  Germany.  In 
reply  the  latter  denied  that  a  German  submarine  had  sunk 
the  Sussex;  but  she  admitted  that  it  had  sunk  another  ves- 
sel at  the  same  time  and  at  the  same  place.  President  Wil- 
son then  produced  proof  that  the  vessel  sunk  was  the  Sussex 
and  that  she  had  carried  no  armament.  On  May  15,  Ger- 
many yielded  to  the  American  demand  on  the  submarine 
issue,  promising  that  no  merchant  vessel  would  be  sunk 
without  warning  unless  she  attempted  to  escape  or  offered 
resistance.  But,  the  note  added,  America  must  demand  of 
England  the  restoration  of  the  "freedom  of  the  seas,"  and, 
if  it  were  not  restored,  Germany  reser^-ed  for  herself  com- 
plete liberty  of  action.  In  reply  President  Wilson  accepted 
Germany's  promise;  but  he  added  that  he  did  not  recognize 
that  "respect  by  German  naval  authorities  for  the  rights 
of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  upon  the  high  seas 
should  in  any  way  or  in  the  slightest  degree  be  made  con- 
tingent upon  the  conduct  of  any  other  government  affect- 
ing the  rights  of  neutrals  and  non-combatants." 

Suddenly,  on  January  31,   191 7,  Germany  announced  a 
policy  of  unrestricted  submarine  warfare.    In  an  address  to 


742     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Congress  on  February  3,  President  Wilson  announced  the 
War  be-  severance  of  diplomatic  relations  between  the 
tween  Ger-  two  Countries.  The  American  Ambassador  to 
the  United  Berlin,  James  W.  Gerard,  was  recalled,  and  the 
States  German    Ambassador    to    Washington,    Count 

von  Bernstorff,  was  dismissed.  During  the  next  month  the 
United  States  pursued  a  policy  of  "armed  neutrality." 
Meanwhile  an  incident  took  place  which  greatly  aroused 
the  American  people.  The  American  Secretary  of  State, 
Robert  Lansing,  published  an  intercepted  dispatch  from 
the  German  Foreign  Secretary  to  the  German  Minister  to 
Mexico,  proposing  an  alliance  between  Germany  and  Mexico 
and  promising  to  aid  the  latter  in  regaining  Texas,  New 
Mexico,  and  Arizona.  Japan  was  also  to  be  asked  to  join 
this  alliance  against  the  United  States. 

On  April  3,  President  Wilson  delivered  a  message  to  Con- 
gress which  resounded  throughout  the  world.  It  is  a  ter- 
rible indictment  of  the  German  Government  for  its  viola- 
tion of  international  law  and  for  its  inhumane  practices. 
He  denounced  it  as  autocratic,  irresponsible,  and  untrust- 
worthy and  as  a  menace  to  civilization ;  and  called  upon  the 
American  people  to  make  war  upon  this  dread  Power  in 
order  "to  make  the  world  safe  for  democracy."  He  also 
declared  that  America  had  no  quarrel  with  the  German  peo- 
ple and  that  she  desired  no  annexations  or  indemnities  for 
herself.  On  April  6,  Congress  declared  war  upon  Germany. 
On  December  8,  it  declared  war  on  Austria-Hungary.  In 
regard  to  Turkey,  diplomatic  relations  only  were  broken. 


The  Russian  Revolution 

The  attitude  of  America  toward  the  War  was  largely  In- 
fluenced by  an  event  in  Russia  of  world  significance,  the 
«T^   ,  •         overthrow  of  the  Tsar  and  the  establishment  of 

Dark  in-  .   .    .  , 

fluences"  a  Republic.  There  had  been  much  criticism  of 
in  ussia  ^j^^  Government  by  the  Russian  Liberals,  who 
blamed  the  incompetence  and  corruption  of  the  adminis- 
tration for  Russian  defeats.     Even  treason  was  charged 


THE  WORLD   WAR  743 

against  some  of  the  officials.  It  was  well  known  that  there 
was  a  powerful  pro-German  party  at  the  Court,  which  was 
trying  to  persuade  the  Tsar  to  conclude  a  separate  peace 
with  Germany.  Premier  Stiirmer  himself  was  distrusted. 
The  War  Minister,  Soukhoumlinov,  was  accused  of  treason 
and  imprisoned.  Patriotic  Russians  were  convinced  that 
"dark  influences"  in  high  places  were  working  in  the  inter- 
est of  Germany.  Because  of  the  incompetence  of  the  central 
government,  the  Union  of  Zemstvos,  under  the  presidency 
of  Prince  Lvov,  became  active  in  organizing  Russia's  re- 
sources. 

The  Tsar,  but  more  especially  the  Tsarina,  was  under 
the  influence  of  a  monk,  Rasputin,  who  was  thought  to  be 
in  German  pay.  Rasputin  was  murdered  by  a  Overthrow 
group  of  patriots.  There  was  a  rumor  that  the  °^  ^^^  ^^^^ 
Tsar  was  meditating  a  separate  peace  which  aroused  the 
indignation  of  all  parties,  even  of  the  Conser\-atives,  and 
a  coalition  was  formed  in  the  Duma  with  the  object  of 
overthrowing  the  Tsar.  However,  the  real  beginning  of  the 
Revolution  came  from  the  working  people  of  Petrograd.  In 
February,  191 7,  a  strike  broke  out  in  the  capital;  and  the  sol- 
diers, instead  of  attacking  the  strikers,  fraternized  with  them. 

It  was  now  evident  that  the  army  was  sympathetic  with 
the  revolutionary  movement.  The  Duma  then  took  mat- 
ters in  hand  and  voted  to  establish  a  Provisional  Govern- 
ment. The  Revolution  quickly  gathered  momentum  and  on 
March  15,  1917,  Tsar  Nicholas  II  abdicated.  This  was  the 
end  of  the  Romanov  dynasty,  that  had  reigned  in  Russia 
for  over  three  centuries. 

A  Provisional  Government  was  organized,  headed  by  a 
liberal  noble,  Prince  Lvov,  which  contained  Gutchkov,  the 
Octobrist,  Miliukov,  the  Constitutional  Demo-  Provisional 
crat,  Kerensky,  the  Social  Revolutionist,  and  Government 
Tcheidze,  the  Social  Democrat.^  It  was  essentially  a  Liberal 
Government;  and  during  the  latter  part  of  March  a  series 
of  important  reforms  was  announced.  The  constitution 
of  Finland  was  restored;  autonomy  was  granted  to  Poland; 

'  For  a  description  of  Russian  political  parties,  see  pp.  557  ff. 


744     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

the  anti-Jewish  laws  were  repealed;  and  complete  civil, 
political,  and  religious  liberty  was  decreed.  A  general  am- 
nesty was  issued  to  political  prisoners,  and  many  revolu- 
tionists returned  from  long  exile  in  Siberia.  On  the  subject 
of  the  W^ar,  the  Provisional  Government  declared  its  firm 
adherence  to  the  cause  of  the  Allies  and  its  intention  to  con- 
tinue the  war  against  the  Central  Powers. 

Once  the  Revolution  was  initiated,  a  momentum  was 
given  to  radicalism  of  all  kinds,  that  had  long  been  held  in 
Council  of  check  by  the  Tsar.  All  through  Russia  the  So- 
Working-  cialists  organized  Soviets,  or  committees  rep- 
men  s  and  .  Ill- 
Soldiers'         rescutmg  workmgmen    and    soldiers,  the   most 

Delegates  important  of  which  was  the  Petrograd  Council 
of  Workingmen's  and  Soldiers'  Delegates.  An  active  pro- 
paganda was  begun  by  these  bodies  among  the  soldiers  with 
the  object  of  committing  the  army,  which  had  been  chiefly 
instrumental  in  overthrowing  the  Tsar,  to  the  cause  of  so- 
cialism. This  resulted  in  the  progressive  disorganization  of 
the  Russian  armies.  Discipline  was  relaxed,  and  the  sol- 
diers began  to  elect  their  officers  and  to  intimidate  those 
not  in  sympathy  with  their  ideas.  At  the  front,  the  Rus- 
sian troops  began  to  fraternize  with  the  enemy.  The  Pet- 
rograd Council  became  a  rival  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, which  lacked  the  military  power  necessary  to  make 
its  will  effective.  The  Council  declared  itself  in  favor  of 
revolutionary  social  changes,  such  as  giving  the  land  to 
the  peasants  and  the  factories  to  the  workingmen.  In  re- 
gard to  the  World  War,  it  declared  for  an  immediate 
general  peace  on  the  basis  of  "no  annexations  and  no  in- 
demnities" and  on  the  right  of  all  peoples  to  "self-deter- 
mination," or  their  right  to  determine  their  own  political 
fate.  Among  the  Socialists  in  the  Soviets,  two  elements 
were  struggling  for  mastery;  the  radical  Bolsheviki,  or 
Maximalists,  who  desired  the  immediate  and  complete 
realization  of  the  socialist  ideal,  and  the  moderate  Men- 
sheviki,  or  Minimalists,  who  would  be  satisfied  to  see  in 
practice  the  minimum  of  their  demands. 

The  influence  of  the  Council  was  rapidly  overshadowing 


THE  WORLD  WAR  745 

that  of  the  Provisional  Government.  Miliukov  and  Gutch- 
kov  were  accused  of  being  imperiaHsts  and  com- 
pelled  to  resign  on  May  16,  and  Sociahsts  were 
appointed  in  their  places.  The  rising  figure  in  the  reor- 
ganized Government  was  the  Minister  of  War,  Alexander 
Kerensky.  Although  a  Socialist,  Kerensky  attempted  to 
steer  a  middle  course.  He  was  firmly  against  a  separate 
peace  with  Germany;  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  desired  that 
a  conference  be  held  by  the  Allies  to  formulate  their  war 
aims.  Under  his  inspiration  the  Russian  army  in  Galicia 
undertook  a  new  "drive"  during  the  middle  of  July.  It 
succeeded  in  forcing  the  Teutons  back  for  a  distance  of 
ten  miles;  but  this  success  was  fruitless,  for  mutinies  in  the 
army  enabled  the  Germans  to  regain  the  lost  ground. 

On  July  22,  Kerensky  became  head  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  which  adopted  the  peace  plan  proposed  by 
the  Council.  The  disorganization  of  Russia  was  proceeding 
apace.  Soldiers  were  mutinying  and  killing  their  ofhcers. 
Thousands  were  deserting  en  masse.  Various  nationalities, 
Finns,  Poles,  and  Ukrainians,  all  announced  their  inde- 
pendence of  the  central  government.  In  addition  a  violent 
class  war  was  being  waged  by  the  Bolsheviki  against  the 
"bourgeois,"  or  property  owners.  As  in  the  Revolution  of 
1905,  extreme  Socialists  attempted  to  establish,  at  one 
stroke,  both  political  democracy  and  socialism.^  Kerensky 
was  denounced  by  the  Bolsheviki  as  a  traitor  to  their  cause 
because  he  favored  moderation.  In  spite  of  his  efforts  he 
failed  to  induce  the  Allies  to  state  their  war  aims,  and  this 
meant  the  failure  of  his  peace  plans;  he  refused  to  take 
severe  measures  to  restore  discipline  in  the  army  and 
this  emboldened  his  opponents.  The  rapid  disorganization 
of  Russia  caused  the  conservative  elements  to  attempt 
a  counter-revolution.  An  army  under  General  Kornilov 
marched  upon  Petrograd  with  the  intention  of  o\'erthrow- 
ing  the  Provisional  Government.  It  was,  however,  dis- 
persed. The  Germans,  taking  advantage  of  the  situation, 
captured  Riga  on  September  2  without  striking  a  blow. 

1  See  pp.  566  ff . 


746     MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

On  November  7,  Kerensky  and  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment were  overthrown  by  an  uprising  of  the  Bolsheviki 
^,    g  .  in  Petrograd.     A  new  government  was  formed, 

sheviki  in  headed  by  Nicholas  Lenine  as  Premier  and  Leon 
power  Trotzky  as  Foreign  Minister.    The  Bolsheviki 

announced  the  following  as  their  program:  An  immediate 
democratic  peace,  the  confiscation  of  landed  estates,  the 
calling  of  a  constitutional  convention,  and  the  lodging  of 
all  final  authority  in  the  Soviets. 

On  December  16,  an  armistice  was  signed  between  Ger- 
many and  the  Bolshevik  Government  at  Brest-Litovsk. 
Peace  Germany  was  represented   by   Dr.   von   Kuhl- 

parleys  mann,  Austria  by  Count  Czernin,  and  Russia 

by  Trotzky.  Long-drawn-out  peace  parleys  began  and, 
at  one  time,  the  negotiations  were  broken  off  because  the 
Germans,  contrary  to  agreement,  were  transferring  their 
troops  from  the  Eastern  to  the  Western  Front.  Trotzky 
insisted  on  the  adoption  of  the  Bolshevik  formula  of  "no 
annexations  and  no  indemnities,"  to  which  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Central  Powers  agreed.  While  the  negotiations 
were  going  on,  the  Russian  armies  were  being  demobilized. 
The  Germans,  on  the  other  hand,  continued  their  advance 
in  Russia.  On  February  19,  191 8,  they  occupied  Dwinsk 
and  Lutsk. 

The  aim  of  the  Bolsheviki  was  to  inaugurate  a  social 
revolution  throughout  the  world,  which  would  end  the 
^,    ^^,    .       World  War  and  bring  about  a  democratic  peace. 

The  Ukraine  . 

Ihey  formed  a  revolutionary  army,  called  the 
Red  Guard,  which  began  making  war  on  the  "bourgeois" 
throughout  Russia.  This  produced  a  panic  among  the  con- 
servative elements.  The  "Little  Russians,"  ^  occupying  the 
southern  region  generally  called  Ukraine,  decided  to  secede 
from  Bolshevik  Russia.  The  Ukraine  established  an  in- 
dependent government  and  sent  its  own  representatives  to 
Brest-Litovsk  to  negotiate  a  separate  peace  with  the  Cen- 
tral Powers.  The  latter  gladly  welcomed  them,  and  on 
February  9  a  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  by  the  Central 

1  See  p.  529. 


THE  WORLD   WAR 


747 


Powers  and  Ukraine.  The  terms  of  this  treaty  recognized 
the  independence  of  Ukraine  and  partially  fixed  its  bounda- 
ries; it  provided  for  free  trade  between  them;  and,  espe- 
cially, it  made  arrangements  for  the  delivery  of  agricultural 
and  industrial  products  to  the  Central  Powers. 


748      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Trotzky  hoped  to  a.rouse  a  democratic  sentiment  in  Ger- 
many in  fa\'or  of  a  general  peace  on  the  basis  of  "no  an- 
^  ,       nexations  and  no  indemnities,"    But  the  Ger- 

Treaty  of  ._,.,,. 

peace  be-  man  people  seemed  to  be  satisfied  with  their 
S^and^the  Government,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  was  now 
Central  demanding  the  annexation  of  Russian  territory, 

thus  violating  the  Reichstag  resolution  of  July 
19,  191 7,  which  placed  that  body  on  record  as  opposed 
to  forcible  annexation  of  territory.  Disgusted  with  this 
turn  of  affairs,  Trotzky  left  Brest-Litovsk  and  announced 
that  Russia  was  at  peace  with  her  enemies  without  a 
treaty.  But  the  Germans  were  not  to  be  satisfied  with- 
out a  formal  treaty.  They  responded  by  overrunning 
Livonia  and  marching  on  Petrograd.  On  March  4,  the 
Bolshevik  Government  was  compelled  to  sign  a  peace 
treaty  with  the  Central  Powers.  The  following  are  the  main 
provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Brest-Litovsk,  including  later 
amendments:  (i)  Russia  renounced  her  sovereignty  over 
Esthonia,  Livonia,  Courland,  Lithuania,  and  Poland,  whose 
fate  was  to  be  decided  by  the  Central  Powers  "in  agree- 
ment with  their  inhabitants";  ^  (2)  the  Ukraine  was  recog-, 
nized  as  an  independent  republic;  (3)  Batum,  Ardahan,  and 
Kars,  in  the  Caucasus,  were  permitted  "self-determination" 
"in  agreement  with  neighboring  States,  especially  with  Tur- 
key" ;2  (4)  the  Bolsheviki  promised  to  cease  their  revolution- 
ary propaganda  in  the  ceded  regions ;  (5)  Finland  was  evac- 
uated by  Russia  and  established  as  an  independent  nation; 

(6)  Georgia  in  the  Caucasus  was  also  declared  independent ; 

(7)  Russia  was  forced  to  pay  "compensation"  to  Germany 
of  about  a  billion  and  a  half  dollars  for  losses  suffered  by 
Germans  in  Russia  and  for  losses  suffered  by  Germans  as  a 
result  of  the  Russian  invasion ;  and  (8)  tariff  schedules  and 
economic  agreements  were  made  very  favorable  to  Germany. 
By  this  treaty  Russia  lost  approximately  half  a  million 
square  miles  of  territory  and  66,000,000  of  her  population. 

^  This  "  self-determination  "  was  carried  out  under  the  influence  of  the  Ger- 
man army  of  occupation.  It  was  a  farcical  procedure,  as  these  so-called  inde- 
pendent states  were  completely  under  German  control. 

2  Through  coercion  by  the  Turks,  these  regions  voted  to  be  annexed  toTurkey. 


THE  WORLD   WAR  749 

Peace  with  Germany  was  followed  by  a  bitter  social  war 
between  the  classes,  resulting  in  wholesale  confiscation  of 
property  and  in  bloodshed.  It  was  the  determi-  chaos  in 
nation  of  the  Bolsheviki  to  destroy  the  bourgeoisie  ^^^sia 
and  to  establish  the  "dictatorship  of  the  proletariat."  A 
constitutional  convention,  that  had  been  called  to  frame  a 
government  for  Russia,  was  dispersed  by  revolutionary  sol- 
diers, the  "Red  Guards."  The  intention  of  the  Bolsheviki 
was  evidently  to  bring  about  socialism  and  not  democracy. 
Opposition  to  the  Lenine-Trotzky  regime  came  mainly  from 
the  Socialist  Revolutionists,  who  denounced  the  Bolsheviki 
for  their  shameful  peace  with  Germany.  As  a  protest 
against  this  peace,  Count  von  Mirbach,  the  German  am- 
bassador to  Russia,  and  General  von  Eichhorn,  the  German 
dictator  of  the  Ukraine,  were  assassinated  by  members  of 
this  party  in  July,  191 8.  On  July  16  it  was  reported  that  the 
ex-Tsar,  Nicholas  II,  had  been  executed  by  the  Bolsheviki, 

A  new  and  interesting  factor  in  the  Russian  situation 
appeared  in  the  Czecho-Slovaks.  Originally  prisoners  or  de- 
serters from  the  Austrian  armies,  the  Czecho-  The  Czecho- 
slovaks, mainly  natives  of  Bohemia,  found  them-  Slovaks 
selves  in  a  peculiar  situation.  They  neither  wished  nor  dared 
to  go  back  to  Austria,  where  they  would  be  treated  as  rebels 
and  traitors,  so  they  decided  to  stay  in  Russia.  Wandering 
through  the  country,  well  organized  and  well  armed,  they 
began  to  establish  their  control  over  cities  and  districts.  To 
the  Bolsheviki,  the  Czecho-Slovaks  were  a  source  of  worry, 
as  their  ranks  were  being  augmented  by  the  opponents  of 
Bolshevism. 

It  became  increasingly  evident  to  the  Allies  that  the 
Lenine-Trotzky  regime  was  playing  into  the  hands  of  the 
Germans,  for  the  demands  of  the  latter  were  inter\^ention 
always  granted  by  the  Bolsheviki.  It  was  feared  '"  Russia 
that  were  Germany  to  gain  full  control  of  Russian  resources, 
she  would  be  greatly  strengthened  in  her  war  against  the 
Allies.  The  latter  therefore  determined  to  intervene  in 
Russia.  During  July  an  expedition  of  Americans  and  Brit- 
ish occupied  the  Murman  coast  in  the  Arctic  region;  and 


750     MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

an  expedition  of  Japanese  and  Americans  landed  in  Eastern 
Siberia.  In  the  same  month,  the  AUies,  in  order  to  encour- 
age the  Czecho-Slovaks  in  Austria  and  in  Russia,  recognized 
them  as  a  nation. 

DecentraHzation  is  the  distinguishing  mark  of  the  Soviet 
Republic  as  centralization  was  of  the  Empire.  Each  region, 
The  Soviet  "government,"  province,  city,  township,  and  for 
Republic  |-j^g^^  matter,  each  factory,  garrison,  and  hamlet 
is  governed  by  a  body  of  elected  representatives  called  a 
soviet,  that  has  considerable  local  jurisdiction.  The  right 
to  vote  is  granted  to  men  and  women  who  have  reached  the 
age  of  eighteen,  but  to  certain  classes  only,  namely,  the 
industrial  workers,  peasants,  soldiers  and  Cossacks.  It  is 
specifically  denied  to  property  owners,  employers  of  labor, 
ministers  of  religion,  and  former  officials.  Congresses  of 
local  Soviets  elect  representatives  to  a  national  parliament, 
the  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets,  in  which  national  sov- 
ereignty is  vested.  This  parliament  chooses  a  body  of  about 
two  hundred  members,  called  the  All-Russian  Executive 
Committee,  which  exercises  executive,  legislative,  and  judi- 
cial powers  and  constitutes  what  might  be  called  a  ministry. 
The  Executive  Committee  in  turn  elects  a  cabinet  of  seven- 
teen members,  called  the  Council  of  People's  Commissars, 
for  the  more  rapid  conduct  of  affairs,  each  member  being  at 
the  head  of  a  department  of  government,  such  as  foreign 
affairs,  army,  education,  and  labor.  The  Council  must  be 
in  constant  harmony  with  the  Executive  Committee,  for 
any  act  of  the  former  may  be  nullified  by  the  latter. 

Unlike  other  Socialists,  the  Bolsheviki  believe  that  the 
only  way  to  establish  socialism  is  through  the  "dictatorship 
Ideals  of  the  of  the  proletariat."  By  this  they  mean  that  the 
Bolsheviki  workingmen  should  seize  control  of  the  govern- 
ment through  violent  revolution,  and  destroy  the  aristocracy 
and  bourgeoisie  by  confiscating  their  property:  every  one 
would  then  of  necessity  have  to  labor  in  order  to  exist.  The 
Bolsheviki  flatly  repudiate  democracy  both  in  theory  and  in 
practice.  Other  Socialists  accept  democracy  as  a  half-way 
house  to  socialism.   They  believe  that  the  surest  and  safest 


THE  WORLD   WAR  751 

road  is  the  democratic  one,  according  to  which  the  majority 
of  the  citizens,  irrespective  of  class,  must  be  convinced  that 
sociaHsm  will  be  the  salvation  of  mankind,  and  that  th"e 
transition  from  the  present  system  must  be  made  through 
orderly  constitutional  channels.  As  centuries  of  autocracy 
have  bred  in  Russia  contempt  for  the  views  of  the  majority, 
suppression  of  opposition  by  violence  is  as  natural  to  the 
Bolsheviki  as  to  the  Tsar.  Bolshevism  is  a  strange  half- 
brother  of  autocracy. 

Among  the  many  laws  enacted  by  the  Soviet  Republic, 
the  most  notable  were  those  dealing  with  economic  matters. 
All  land  was  confiscated  and  declared  to  be  Bolshevik 
national  property,  to  be  apportioned  by  the  local  legislation 
Soviets  among  the  peasants  in  accordance  with  their  ability 
to  till  it.  The  factories,  too,  were  confiscated  and  turned 
over  to  the  laborers,  who  were  to  manage  them  and  share 
the  profits.  Here  great  difficulties  were  experienced,  the 
ignorance  and  incapacity  of  the  laborers  causing  a  sharp 
decline  in  production.  Banking  was  declared  a  national 
monopoly,  to  be  managed  by  soviet  officials.  All  inheritance 
was  abolished  in  order  to  compel  succeeding  generations  to 
maintain  the  socialist  system.  An  important  organ  of  the 
Soviet  Republic,  the  Supreme  Board  of  National  Economy, 
was  established  with  power  to  regulate  all  phases  of  eco- 
nomic life  in  Russia,  manufacturing,  agriculture,  mining, 
transportation,  and  commerce.  Thousands  of  families 
among  the  upper  and  middle  classes  were  ruined  outright 
by  this  legislation.  They  either  fled  the  country  or  stayed 
to  become  proletarians,  —  or  were  massacred. 

When  the  Bolsheviki  cam.e  into  power  they  published  a 
series  of  secret  treaties  entered  into  by  Russia.  One  was 
with  France  and  Great  Britain,  according  to  which  Russia 
was  to  get  Constantinople  and  the  control  of  The  secret 
the  Bosphorus,  the  sea  of  Marmora,  and  the  treaties 
Dardanelles.  Another  was  with  Italy,  England,  and  France, 
in  which  Italy,  in  return  for  her  support  of  the  Allies  during 
the  W^orld  War,  was  to  get  the  Trentino,  Southern  Tyrol, 
Trieste,  Gorizia,   Istria,  Dalmatia,   and  the  islands  in  the 


752      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Adriatic;  she  was  to  conduct  the  foreign  affairs  of  Albania; 
in  addition,  she  was  promised  a  "sphere  of  influence"  in 
Asiatic  Turkey.  A  third  treaty  was  in  the  nature  of  a 
secret  understanding  with  France,  according  to  which  the 
latter  was  to  get  Alsace-Lorraine  and  the  valley  of  the 
Saar  River;  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  was  to  be  separated 
from  Germany  and  so  organized  as  to  create  the  Rhine  into 
a  strategic  boundary  against  Germany.  The  publication 
of  these  treaties  caused  widespread  discontent  with  the 
methods  of  secret  diplomacy. 

Peace  Proposals 

On  August  I,  191 7,  Pope  Benedict  XV  issued  a  state- 
ment, proposing  peace  terms  to  the  belligerent  nations. 
The  Pope's  He  proposed  that  moral  force  be  substituted  for 
peace  plan  physical  in  human  relations  and  recommended 
arbitration  in  settling  disputes  between  nations ;  that  arma- 
ments should  be  reduced ;  that  the  freedom  of  the  seas  should 
be  established;  that  no  indemnities  should  be  required 
except  when  "certain  particular  reasons"  justify  them; 
that  occupied  territories  should  be  evacuated;  and  that 
an  examination  should  be  made  of  territorial  claims,  as  in 
the  case  of  Alsace-Lorraine  and  Trentino,  and  that  a  set- 
tlement of  these  claims  should  be  made  in  accordance  with 
the  desires  of  the  inhabitants. 

President  Wilson,  as  spokesman  for  the  Allies,  replied 
to  the  Pope's  note  on  August  27.  Making  a  distinction  be- 
President  twcen  the  German  Government  and  the  German 
Wilson's  people,  he  made  it  clear  that  it  was  impossible 
peace  p  an  ^^  negotiate  with  the  irresponsible  and  auto- 
cratic German  Government,  but  that  there  was  no  desire  on 
the  part  of  America  to  crush  the  German  people,  since  he 
was  opposed  on  general  principles  to  punitive  indemnities, 
to  the  dismemberment  of  empires,  and  to  economic  boy- 
cotts. Later,  on  January  8,  1918,  President  Wilson  issued 
a  more  detailed  statement  of  America's  war  aims,  the  famous 
"  Fourteen  Points."  He  declared  in  favor  of  the  abolition 
of  secret  diplomacy,  of  the  freedom  of  the  seas,  of  equality 


THE    WORLD   WAR  753 

of  trade  conditions  for  the  various  nations,  of  the  reduction 
of  armaments,  of  the  evacuation  of  Russian  territory,  of  the 
evacuation  and  complete  restoration  of  Belgium,  of  giving  the 
people  of  Austria-Hungary  an  opportunity  for  autonomous 
development,  of  the  evacuation  of  Rumania,  Serbia,  and 
Montenegro,  of  giving  the  nationalities  of  Turkey  an  oppor- 
tunity for  autonomous  development,  of  the  settlement  of 
colonial  claims  in  the  interests  of  the  inhabitants,  of  the 
"righting"  of  the  wrong  done  in  1871  in  the  Alsace-Lorraine 
matter,  of  the  readjustment  of  the  Italian  frontier  on  the 
basis  of  nationality,  of  the  establishment  of  a  Polish  state 
consisting  of  all  lands  predominantly  Polish,  and  of  the 
organization  of  a  League  of  Nations  to  preserve  peace.  On 
February  1 1  he  especially  emphasized  the  idea  of  national- 
ity, stating  that  peoples  should  not  be  "bartered  from 
sovereignty  to  sovereignty." 

On  January   5,    1918,   Lloyd  George  issued   a  detailed 
statement  of  Great  Britain's  war  aims.    He  declared  that 
only  the  lands  predominantly  Turkish  should  be    li^^.j 
permitted  to  remain  under  Turkey;  that  there    Georgs's 
should   be   a   "reconsideration"    of   the   wrong    p^^^^p^" 
done  in  1871  in  the  matter  of  Alsace-Lorraine;  that  Belgium 
should   be   completely  restored   by  Germany,   politically, 
territorially,   and    economically;    that  the   Balkan   states 
should  be  restored;  that  the  fate  of  the  German  colonies 
should  be  decided  by  an  international  conference  according 
to  the  wishes  and   interests  of  the  natives;   and   that  a 
League  of  Nations  should  be  formed  to  preserv^e  peace. 

On  September  20,  1917,  the  Central  Powers,  in  reply  to  the 
Pope's  note,  had  declared  themselves  in  sympathy  with  his 
aim  to  substitute  moral  for  physical  force  and    jYie  Ger- 
with  his  desire  for  the  limitation  of  armaments    man  peace 
and  for  the  freedom  of  the  seas.  On  January  25, 
191 8,  Chancellor  von  Hertling  issued  Germany's  reply  to 
President  Wilson's  note.    He  declared  that  he  agreed  with 
him  in  favoring  open  diplomacy,  the  freedom  of  the  seas, 
the  reduction  of  armaments,  and  a  League  of  Nations;  and, 
like  him,  he  was  opposed  to  economic  boycotts.   Regarding 


754  MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

the  Russian  provinces  conquered  by  Germany,  it  was  his 
view  that  that  was  a  matter  to  be  settled  by  Germany  and 
Russia  alone;  the  Italian  frontier  and  the  Balkans  were 
Austrian  matters;  the  problem  of  Turkey  was  a  Turkish 
matter;  Germany  was  firmly  resolved  to  keep  Alsace-Lor- 
raine; Belgium  and  Northern  France  were  being  held,  not 
with  the  purpose  of  annexation,  but  for  settlement  at  the 
Peace  Congress.  It  was  evident  that  the  Central  Powers 
were  determined  to  keep  most  of  their  conquests,  thus  vio- 
lating the  principle  of  nationality  advocated  by  President 
Wilson  and  Premier  Lloyd  George. 

Soon  after  the  American  success  at  St.-Mihiel,^  Austria 
issued  an  official  statement  describing  the  great  sufferings 
Austria's  of  humanity  on  account  of  the  World  War  and 
peace  note  requesting  the  "governments  of  all  the  bellige- 
rent states  to  send  delegates  to  a  confidential  and  unbinding 
discussion  of  the  basic  principles  for  the  conclusion  of  peace." 
This  note  was  regarded  by  the  Allies  as  a  "peace  trap  "  pre- 
pared by  Germany,  who  now  saw  defeat  staring  her  in  the 
face.    The  request  of  Austria  was  consequently  refused. 

America,  desiring  neither  indemnities  nor  annexations 
for  herself,  occupied  an  enviable  position  among  the  bel- 
Peace  ne-  ligerents.  She  could  the  more  easily  exert  her 
between"^  influence  in  favor  of  policies  looking  to  a  better 
Germany  world.  In  a  notable  address,  delivered  on  Sep- 
United  tember  2'],  19^18,  President  Wilson  emphatically 

States  endorsed  the  idea  of  a  League  of  Nations  as  an 

indispensable  instrument  for  world  peace.  He  opposed  eco- 
nomic boycotts  except  as  a  means  of  disciplining  a  refractory 
nation  by  the  League  of  Nations. 

On  October  6  the  German  Chancellor,  Prince  Maximilian, 
delivered  an  address  to  the  Reichstag  in  which  he  favored 
the  acceptance  of  President  Wilson's  "fourteen  points,"  out- 
lined in  the  latter's  speech  of  January  8,  as  a  "basis  of  ne- 
gotiations" ;  and  he  asked  the  President  to  take  steps  toward 
peace.  President  Wilson's  reply  was  mainly  in  the  form  of 
questions.   Did  the  Chancellor  accept  the  "fourteen  points" 

'  See  p.  770. 


THE  WORLD   WAR  755 

and  wish  merely  to  discuss  details?  Was  he  speaking  for 
those  in  Germany  who  had  been  conducting  the  W^ar?  No 
armistice  would  be  signed,  he  added,  as  long  as  German 
armies  were  on  Allied  territor>^ 

On  October  12  the  Chancellor  sent  a  note  to  the  President 
in  which  he  stated  that  Germany  accepted  the  "fourteen 
points"  and  wished  merely  to  discuss  details;  that  the 
existing  German  Government  was  formed  "in  agreement 
with  the  majority  in  the  Reichstag";  and  that  Germany 
was  ready  to  evacuate  Allied  territory  under  the  direction 
of  mixed  commissions.  President  W^ilson's  answer  was  that 
the  conditions  of  the  armistice  must  be  determined  by  the 
Allied  military  leaders  and  must  be  such  as  to  leave  the 
Allies  supreme  in  the  field.  He  reminded  the  Chancellor  of 
the  despotic  character  of  the  German  Government  and  the 
necessity  for  destroying  it  or  reducing  it  to  impotence. 
That  was  a  condition  necessary  to  peace. 

On  October  21  the  Chancellor  declared  that  the  basis  of 
an  armistice  should  be  "actual  standards  of  power  of  both 
sides  in  the  field";  and  that  no  demand  should  be  made 
"irreconcilable  w^ith  the  honor  of  the  German  people."  He 
gave  assurance  that  definite  steps  were  being  taken  to  de- 
mocratize the  German  Government;  that  in  the  future  the 
Reichstag  would  exercise  full  control.  President  Wilson's 
reply  closed  these  diplomatic  "conversations."  He  asserted 
emphatically  that  the  only  armistice  to  which  the  Allies 
would  agree  w^ould  be  one  that  would  give  them  full  power 
over  the  arrangements.  This  was  necessary  for  the  reason 
that  the  proposed  constitutional  changes  in  Germany  w^ere 
not  sufficient  to  give  the  German  people  full  control;  that 
those  who  had  hitherto  been  masters  of  German  policy  were 
still  masters;  and  that  if  America  must  deal  with  them  and 
with  monarchical  autocrats,  she  demanded  not  peace  nego- 
tiations but  surrender. 

Great  Britain  during  the  World  War 

The  war  revealed  the  deep  loyalty  of  the  British  colonies 
to  the  Empire.    Canadians,  Australians,  New  Zealanders 


756     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

and  South  Africans  vied  with  one  another  in  their  de- 
Loyalty  of  votion  to  the  mother  country,  and  a  steady 
the  British  stream  of  colonial  volunteers  poured  into  Great 
Britain.  England's  first  attempt  to  meet  the 
military  problem  was  through  voluntary  enlistment;  and 
a  great  army  was  hurriedly  raised,  drawn  from  all  classes, 
most  of  whom  had  had  no  previous  experience  with  mili- 
tary affairs.  In  May,  1916,  a  conscription  law  was  passed, 
which  raised  the  British  army  to  about  four  million. 

Irish  disaffection  was  not  removed  by  the  war,  in  spite  of 
the  patriotic  attitude  of  John  Redmond,  the  leader  of  the 
The  Irish  Irish  Nationalists.  In  April,  191 6,  an  outbreak 
uprising  took  place  in  Dublin,  where  the  rebels  proclaimed 

an  Irish  Republic  and  seized  several  public  buildings.  A 
fierce  street  battle  took  place  between  the  revolutionists  and 
the  troops,  which  ended  in  the  defeat  of  the  former.  Their 
chief  leaders,  Padraic  Pearse  and  James  Connolly,  were 
seized  and  executed.  Sir  Roger  Casement,  a  fervent  Irish 
patriot  who  had  sought  German  aid  to  bring  about  upris- 
ings in  Ireland,  was  also  captured  and  executed  for  treason. 

The  British  Government  made  another  attempt  to  solve 
the  Irish  problem  by  calling  together  a  convention  in  Dub- 
lin. This  body  met  on  July  25,  1917,  and  represented  all 
factions  and  interests  except  the  Sinn  Fein,^  who  refused  to 
participate.  Its  report,  issued  in  April,  191 8,  proposed  a 
compromise  which  no  faction  accepted ;  and  the  work  of  the 
Convention  was  therefore  in  vain.  On  January  21,  191 9, 
there  was  convened  an  extraordinary  body  in  Dublin.  It 
was  nothing  less  than  ^n  Irish  National  Assembly  consisting 
almost  entirely  of  members  of  the  Sinn  Fein  society.  It  was 
defiantly  anti-English,  and  conducted  its  proceedings  in  the 
ancient  Gaelic  language.  This  Assembly  proclaimed  Ireland 
a  republic,  and  appointed  delegates  to  the  Peace  Congress. 

Asquith's  leadership  was  giving  much  dissatisfaction,  and 
public  opinion  began  to  favor  displacing  him  with  Lloyd 
George,  whose  energy  and  foresight  had  won  him  the  con- 
fidence of  all  parties.    On  December  6,  1916,  the  Cabinet 

1  See  p.  398. 


THE  WORLD   \\AR 


757 


was  reorganized  and  supreme  power  was  lodged  in  a  W^ar 
Council  composed  of  five  members:  three  Con-  .,    ^^ 

-  Lloyd  George 

servatives,  Bonar  Law,  Lord  Curzon,  and  Lord  becomes 
Milner;  one  Laborite,  Arthur  Henderson,  who  ^^^'"'^'' 
later  resigned  and  was  succeeded  by  George  N.  Barnes; 
and  the  Liberal  Premier,  Lloyd  George.  General  Jan  C. 
Smuts,  a  distinguished  Boer,  was  later  added  to  the  War 
Council ;  and  he  became  spokesman  for  the  Greater  Britain 
beyond  the  seas. 

India's  loyalty  to  the  Empire  was  rewarded  by  eco- 
nomic and  political  concessions.  In  191 7  England  permitted 
India  to  lay  a  protective  tariff  of  four  per  cent  on    ^  ^. 

,.  India 

imported  cotton  manufactures,  a  policy  strongly 
opposed  by  the  Manchester  cotton  manufacturers.^  The 
Morley  reforms  ^  were  extended,  and  more  natives  were  in- 
troduced into  the  Administration.  On  August  20,  191 7,  a 
highly  important  statement  was  made  in  Parliament  with 
reference  to  India's  future,  and  a  definite  promise  was  made 
in  favor  of  "gradual  development  of  self-governing  institu- 
tions with  a  view  to  the  progressi\-e  realization  of  respon- 
sibility in  India."  A  commission  was  appointed,  headed  by 
Edwin  Montague,  Secretar>'  of  State  for  India,  to  investi- 
gate conditions  in  that  country.  The  report  of  this  commis- 
sion bids  fair  to  rank  with  the  famous  Durham  Report,  for 
it  recommended  a  plan  looking  to  the  gradual  introduction 
of  local  autonomy  in  India. 

In  March,  191 8,  a  new  electoral  law  was  enacted  by 
Parliament,  which  ranks  in  importance  with  the  Reform 
Bills  of  1832,  1867,  and  1884.  The  main  provisions  The  new 
were:  (i)  all  male  subjects  twenty-one  years  of  electoral  law 
age  were  granted  the  franchise  outright,  thereby  establish- 
ing for  the  first  time  universal  manhood  suffrage;  (2)  women 
over  thirty  who  had  the  right  to  vote  in  local  elections  or 
whose  husbands  had  that  right  were  given  the  Parliamentary 
franchise;  (3)  the  residence  qualification  for  voters  was  re- 

'  Hitherto,  India  had  a  tariff  of  3.5  per  cent  and  an  excise  duty  of  3.5  per  cent 
on  cotton  manufactures;  now  the  tariff  was  raised  to  7.5  per  cent,  but  the  ex- 
cise duty  remained  3.5  per  cent. 

*  See  p.  403. 


758      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

duced  from  one  year  to  six  months ;  (4)  a  single  election  day 
was  established  for  the  United  Kingdom ;  (5)  plural  voting 
was  reduced  by  a  provision  that  no  citizen  could  vote  in 
more  than  two  places ;  (6)  the  membership  of  the  House  of 
Commons  was  increased  from  670  to  707 ;  and  (7)  a  redis- 
tribution of  seats  was  to  be  made  with  the  object  of  fairer 
representation,^ 

On  December  28  the  Government  decided  to  hold  the 
long-delayed  general  election  on  the  basis  of  the  new  law. 
The  new  Under  the  leadership  of  Lloyd  George  both  Lib- 
elections  erals  and  Conservatives  joined  hands  to  nomi- 
nate Coalition  candidates,  those  only  who  solidly  supported 
the  War  Cabinet.  In  opposition  were  the  Labor  Party,  those 
Liberals  led  by  Asquith  who  opposed  Lloyd  George,  and 
those  Conservatives  who  opposed  a  coalition.  The  outcome 
of  the  elections  was  an  overwhelming  victory  for  the  Coali- 
tion, as  it  won  about  470  out  of  the  707  seats.  One  of  the 
striking  results  of  the  elections  was  the  success  of  73  Sinn 
Fein  candidates  in  Ireland;  the  Irish  Nationalist  Party  was 
almost  annihilated,  as  it  won  only  7  seats.  The  Sinn  Fein 
members,  however,  refused  to  take  their  seats  in  the  British 
Parliament. 2  The  Labor  Party  elected  about  60  members, 
a  gain  of  about  20;  but  its  chief  leaders,  Henderson,  Snow- 
den,  and  MacDonald,  were  defeated. 

Germany  during  the  World  War 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  War  all  parties  rallied  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  Government.  Even  the  Socialists  enthusiasti- 
cally voted  for  war  credits  in  spite  of  their  professions  of 
internationalism  and  pacifism.  Only  one  Socialist,  Karl 
g    .y  Liebknecht,  opposed  the  Government;  and  he 

support  the  was  for  that  reason  expelled  from  his  party.  The 
overnment  SQ^ialists'  support  of  the  Government  was  due  to 
their  belief  that  Germany  was  defending  herself  against  ag- 
gression by  Russia.  When  It  became  evident  that  Germany 
was  conducting  an  aggressive  war  against  England  and 

*  It  is  estimated  that  the  new  law  added  about  eight  million  to  the  elector- 
ate, six  million  being  women. 

*  See  p.  398. 


THE  WORLD   WAR  759 

France,  about  twenty  Socialist  members  of  the  Reichstag 
seceded  from  their  party  and  formed  a  new  group,  calling 
itself  the  Minority  Socialists,  and  demanded  the  immediate 
cessation  of  the  war. 

On  July  14,  1917,  Dr.  Georg  Michaelis  succeeded  Dr. 
von  Bethmann-HoUweg  as  Chancellor.  There  was  dis- 
satisfaction among  the  Centrists  and  Socialists  with  the 
Government,  and  on  July  19,   1917,  these  two    p 

,  ,       ^  ,  X  C3.CG  rcso- 

parties  combined  m  the  Reichstag  to  pass  a  reso-  lution  of  the 
lution  which  declared  that ' '  the  Reichstag  labors  ^^'^^^^^s 
for  peace  and  a  mutual  understanding  and  lasting  recon- 
ciliation among  the  nations.  Forced  acquisitions  of  terri- 
tory and  political,  economic,  and  financial  violations  are 
incompatible  with  such  a  peace."  Chancellor  Michaelis, 
in  reply  to  this  resolution,  declared  that  Germany  desired 
an  "honorable  peace"  on  a  give-and-take  basis  and  guar- 
antees for  her  existence  as  a  European  and  colonial  Power. 
In  October,  191 7,  Count  von  Hertling,  a  prominent  Cen- 
trist, succeeded  Michaelis  as  Chancellor. 

A  sensation  was  caused  throughout  the  world  by  the  pub- 
lication, in  March,  1918,  of  a  memoir  by  Prince  Lichnowsky, 
the  German  ambassador  to  Great  Britain  In  Au-  The  Lichnow- 
gust,  1914.  Prince  Lichnowsky  completely  ex-  sk>' memoir 
onerated  England,  and  especially  Sir  Edward  Grey,  from 
the  charge  made  by  Germany  that  England  had  been  pur- 
suing a  policy  of  "encircling"  Germany  and  was  therefore 
primarily  responsible  for  bringing  on  the  World  War.  Sir 
Edward's  policy,  he  declared,  was  not  to  Isolate  Germany 
but  to  make  her  a  partner  in  world  expansion.  England  had 
done  all  in  her  power  to  meet  Germany  half  way  In  Africa 
and  in  the  Near  East;  and  Sir  Edward  and  he  had  al- 
ready come  to  an  agreement  w^hich  would  have  settled  all 
outstanding  differences  between  England  and  Germany, 
just  as  the  differences  between  England  and  France  and 
those  betw^een  England  and  Russia  had  been  settled.  But 
all  these  efforts  came  to  nought  because  of  the  warlike 
temper  of  those  In  control  at  Berlin,  and  "the  Impression 
became  stronger  that  we  (Germany)  desired  war  under  any 


760     MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

circumstances."^  Prince  Lichnowsky  gave  many  instances 
of  Sir  Edward's  conciliator}^  policy  during  the  Balkan  crises, 
and  especially  during  the  momentous  days  preceding  the 
outbreak  of  the  World  War.  Sir  Edward  evidently  dreamed 
of  laying  the  foundation  of  a  League  of  Nations  by  bringing 
the  Triple  Entente  and  Triple  Alliance  into  friendly  rela- 
tions. But  these  noble  eiiforts  were  frustrated  by  Germany's 
ambition  to  be  the  dictator  of  Europe. 

Another  sensation  was  caused  when,  on  June  24,  the 
German  Foreign  Secretary,  Dr.  von  Kiihlmann,  openly 
Dr.  von  declared   that   peace  could   not   come   through 

Kiihlmann  military  force  alone.  He  was  bitterly  denounced 
by  the  Pan-Germans  for  trying  to  weaken  Germany's  "will 
to  conquer."  On  July  11  he  resigned,  and  he  was  succeeded 
by  a  Pan-German,  Admiral  von  Hintze. 

The  reverses  of  the  German  arms  on  the  Western  Front 
roused  discontent  with  the  Government.  As  long  as  Ger- 
Prince  many  was  wanning,  the  Junkers  were  given  full 

Maximilian  sway;  but  defeat  brought  the  liberal  and  radical 
elements  to  the  fore.  As  a  concession  to  the 
growing  spirit  of  discontent.  Chancellor  von  Hertling  was 
dismissed  early  in  October,  and  he  was  succeeded  by  Prince 
Maximilian  of  Baden,  well  known  for  his  liberal  views.  A 
new  Foreign  Secretary,  Dr.  Solf,  was  appointed  to  succeed 
Admiral  von  Hintze.  The  new  Chancellor's  aim  was  to  end 
the  War  through  negotiations.  With  this  in  view  he  entered 
into  the  "diplomatic  conversations"  with  President  Wilson, 
just  described.  Through  Chancellor  Maximilian's  influence, 
measures  were  adopted  to  make  the  German  Government 
more  democratic :  the  Reichstag's  consent  was  made  necessary 
to  the  acceptance  of  treaties;  and  steps  were  taken  in  the  di- 
rection of  making  the  Cabinet  responsible  to  the  Reichstag. 

But  these  measures  could  not  stay  the  march  of  revolu- 

^  This  charge  has  since  been  supported  by  other  documents,  such  as  the 
diary  of  Dr.  Mlihlon,  a  director  of  the  Krupps,  who  states  that  the  Kaiser  and 
his  advisers  decided  on  war  at  a  conference  at  Potsdam  on  July  5,  1914,  —  a 
charge  supported  by  the  statement  of  Henry  Morgenthau,  American  ambassa- 
dor to  Turkey,  that  he  was  so  informed  directly  by  the  German  ambassador 
to  Turkey. 


THE   WORLD   WAR  761 

tion.  Discontent  with  the  Government  became  greater  and 
greater  as  the  German  armies  were  being  driven  Revolution 
out  of  France.  The  first  revolutionary  act  was  '"  Germany 
the  seizure  of  the  fleet  at  Kiel  by  the  sailors,  who  hoisted 
the  red  flag  and  seized  the  city,  where  they  organized  a 
Socialist  government.  This  was  the  signal  for  the  rapid 
spread  of  revolution.  \A'orkingmen's  and  Soldiers'  Councils 
on  the  Russian  model  sprang  up  everyvvhere  in  Germany 
and  ousted  the  existing  governments.  Republics  were  pro- 
claimed in  many  of  the  states,  and  the  local  monarchs  were 
obliged  to  flee.  Separatist  movements  also  appeared  in  Ba- 
varia and  in  the  Rhine  lands.  On  November  28  Emperor 
William  yielded  to  the  inevitable  and  abdicated.  He  and 
his  family  fled  to  Holland  for  safety.  His  fellow-monarch, 
Emperor  Charles  of  Austria,  also  abdicated.  These  ancient 
dynasties  of  Hohenzollern  and  Hapsburg,  that  had  for  cen- 
turies wielded  mighty  power  in  the  world,  were  now  hum- 
bled to  the  very  dust.  In  Bavaria  the  Wittelsbach  family, 
that  had  reigned  since  the  twelfth  century,  was  driven  out; 
and  a  Socialist  journalist  named  Kurt  Eisner  became  head 
of  the  Bavarian  Republic. 

On  the  abdication  of  the  Kaiser  a  provisional  govern- 
ment was  organized,  composed  mainly  of  Socialists.  Fried- 
rich  Ebert,  a  Majority  Socialist,  succeeded  Prince  The 
Maximilian  as  Chancellor.  On  the  whole  the  Socialists 
revolution  in  Germany,  thus  far,  was  fairly  peaceful.  The 
upper  and  middle  classes,  out  of  fear  of  Bolshevism,  sup- 
ported the  Ebert  Government,  which  showed  a  spirit  of 
moderation.  The  army,  too,  was  loyal  to  the  new  regime. 
A  call  v^-as  issued  for  a  National  Assembly  to  decide  upon 
the  future  government  of  Germany.  As  in  Russia,  once  the 
floodgates  of  revolution  were  thrown  open,  all  kinds  of  rad- 
ical elements,  from  the  most  moderate  to  the  most  revolu- 
tionary, made  their  appearance.  The  most  important  group 
were  the  IMajority  Socialists  under  Ebert  and  Scheidemann, 
who  were  plainly  inclined  to  moderation.  Next  in  impor- 
tance were  the  ^Minority  Socialists,  composed  of  those  Social- 
ists who  had  seceded  from  their  party  because  they  were 


762      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

opposed  to  the  War.  The  Minority  Socialists  now  supported 
the  Ebert  Government,  and  their  leader,  Haase,  entered  the 
Cabinet.  Bitter  opposition  to  the  Ebert  Government  was 
organized  by  a  third  Socialist  faction,  calling  itself  the 
Spartacus  group,  led  by  Karl  Liebknecht  and  Rosa  Luxem- 
burg. This  group  was  strongly  influenced  by  the  ideas  and 
actions  of  the  Bolsheviki  in  Russia;  and  they  endeavored  to 
get  control  of  the  Workingmen's  and  Soldiers'  Councils  in 
order  to  establish  the  "dictatorship  of  the  proletariat." 
During  January  and  February,  191 9,  the  Spartacides  were 
active  in  inciting  the  workingmen  against  the  Ebert  Govern- 
ment. The  Minority  Socialists  broke  away  from  the  Ebert 
Government  out  of  sympathy  for  the  Spartacides.  A  series 
of  riots  broke  out  in  Berlin,  and  the  capital  was  the  scene 
of  fierce  street  fighting  that  recalled  the  days  of  1848.  Dur- 
ing the  struggle,  the  Spartacide  leaders,  Liebknecht  and  Rosa 
Luxemburg,  were  killed,  and  the  uprising  was  suppressed 
by  the  Government  troops. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  country  was  eagerly  preparing  for 
the  election  of  the  National  Assembly,  which  was  to  be 
The  Weimar  chosen  by  a  thoroughly  democratic  suffrage. 
Assembly  Every  man  and  woman  twenty  years  of  age  was 
given  the  vote.  As  a  result  of  the  election,  held  on  January 
19,  the  433  members  of  the  Assembly  were  distributed 
among  the  parties,  according  to  the  best  available  figures, 
as  follows: 

Majority  Socialists,  164. 

Christian  People's  Party  (formerly  the  Center),  88. 

German  Democrats  (formerly  the  Radicals),  ']^. 

German  National  Party  (formerly  the  Conservatives),  34. 

Minority  Socialists,  24. 

German  People's  Party  (formerly  the  National  Liberals),  23. 
The  remainder  were  scattered  among  minor  groups.  The 
Assembly,  in  order  to  be  far  from  the  madding  crowds  of 
Berlin,  decided  to  hold  its  sessions  in  the  quiet  town  of 
Weimar,  where  it  convened  on  February  6.  Almost  its  first 
act  was  the  election  (February  11)  of  Ebert  as  President  of 
Germany.    Scheidemann  succeeded  him  as  Chancellor. 


THE  WORLD  WAR  763 

France  during  the  World  War 

In  France  the  bitter  factional  quarrels  ceased  the  mo- 
ment that  war  was  declared.   Anti -clericals  and  Catholics, 
Republicans  and  royalists,  all  formed  a  union  All  French 
sacree   to   defend   the   country   against   attack,  port'the"^" 
The  Unified  Socialists,  who  had  long  opposed  Government 
cooperation  with  the  bourgeois  parties,  sent  their  leaders, 
Guesde  and  Sembat,  into  a  Coalition  Cabinet  headed  by 
Viviani.  They  denounced  the  German  Socialists  as  "traitor 
workingmen"  for  supporting  an  aggressive  war,  and  they 
declared  that,  as  France  was  being  attacked  by  Germany, 
there  was  nothing  for  them  to  do  but  to  defend  them- 
selves.   Jaures,   the  leader  of  the  French  Socialists,   was 
assassinated  in  August,  1914,  because  he  had  opposed  the 
three  years'  military  law. 

The  failure  of  the  Balkan  campaign  overthrew  the  Vi- 
viani Ministry;  it  was  succeeded,  on  October  29,  191 5,  by 
one  headed  by  Briand.    There  was  now  a  thor-   „. 

.        .  ...  Changes  in 

ough  reorganization  of  the  administrative  sys-  the  Min- 
tem  in  order  to  concentrate  power  and  responsi-  ^^  ^ 
bility.    A  War  Council   of  five  members  was   appointed 
with  full  authority  to  direct  affairs. 

In  March,  19 17,  Ribot  succeeded  as  Premier.  He  de- 
clared that  France  would  fight  unflinchingly  for  the  recov- 
ery of  Alsace-Lorraine.  In  September  Painleve  became 
Premier.  A  German  peace  propaganda  had  been  organized 
in  France  by  a  financier  named  Bolo  Pasha,  who  had 
succeeded  in  bribing  several  newspapers  in  the  interest  of 
Germany.  The  chief  figure  in  the  pro-German  politics,  with 
which  this  propaganda  seemed  associated,  was  the  former 
Premier  and  Radical  leader,  Caillaux,  a  man  who  knew  how 
to  play  politics  in  France  as  did  few  others.  For  three 
years  no  Government  in  France  ventured  to  attack  Caillaux 
openly;  but,  in  November,  191 7,  Clemenceau  became 
Premier,  and  he  actively  set  about  to  destroy  the  "de- 
featist" propaganda.  Bolo  was  convicted  of  high  treason 
and  executed,  and  Caillaux  was  imprisoned  to  await  trial. 


764      MODERN   AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

Fourth  Year  of  the  World  War 

{August,  191 7  —  July,  1 91 8) 

The  Italian  success  on  the  Isonzo  had  aroused  much 
anxiety  in  Austria.  The  Russian  Revolution  had  freed 
The  Italian  niany  soldiers  of  the  Teutonic  Powers  from  serv- 
disaster  [^^  q^  ^]^g  Eastern  Front.    Consequently  they 

were  able  to  launch  a  great  "drive"  against  the  Italians. 
On  October  28,  191 7,  they  threw  back  the  Italian  army 
by  a  surprise  attack  and  retook  Gorizia.  At  Caporetto,  the 
Italians  suffered  a  disastrous  defeat,  and  they  began  a  pre- 
cipitate retirement,  which  continued  till  the  Piave  River 
was  reached.  There,  aided  by  French  and  British  troops,  the 
Italians  succeeded  in  checking  the  enemy.  The  losses  of  the 
Italians  both  in  men  and  guns  were  said  to  be  very  great. 

During  the  latter  part  of  November,  191 7,  the  British 
made  a  surprise  attack  on  the  German  line  in  the  direction 
"Battle  °^  Cambrai.   General  Byng  pierced  the  German 

of  the  __  line  from  Arras  to  St.  Quentin  and  came  near 

Cambrai.  Many  "tanks"  were  used  in  this 
battle,  which  was  therefore  called  the  "Battle  of  the  Tanks." 
But  before  the  British  could  consolidate  their  new  posi- 
tions, the  Germans  delivered  a  counter-attack,  and  the 
British  were  obliged  to  yield  more  than  half  of  the  terri- 
tory that  they  had  gained. 

On  May  6,  1918,  Rumania  was  forced  to  sign  a  treaty 
of  peace  with  the  Central  Powers.  She  returned  to  Bulgaria 
Roumania  that  part  of  the  Dobrudja  that  she  had  gained  by 
makes  peace  ^^le  Treaty  of  Bucharest  in  1913;  the  rest  of  the 
Dobrudja  was  ceded  to  the  Central  Powers.  This  cut 
Rumania  off  from  the  Black  Sea.  Rumania's  frontier  was 
moreover  to  undergo  "rectification"  in  the  interest  of  Aus- 
tria-Hungary. The  Central  Powers  were  given  control  of  the 
pipe  lines  running  from  the  oil  fields  to  Constanza  and  the 
exclusive  right  to  exploit  Rumania's  oil  fields  for  four  years. 
As  compensation  for  her  losses,  Rumania  was  permitted  to 
annex  the  southern  part  of  Bessarabia  after  the  latter  had 
voted  to  do  so;  and  to  have  a  trade  route  to  the  Black  Sea. 


THE  WORLD  WAR  765 

Meanwhile  a  British  army  under  General  Allenby  had 
been  operating  against  the  Turks  in  Palestine.  Capture  of 
In   November,   191 7,  Jaffa  was   captured.     On  Jerusalem 
December  10  the  British  succeeded  in  entering  Jerusalem. 
After  seven  centuries  the  Holy  City  was  once  more  in 
Christian  hands. 

The  peace  with  Russia  gave  Germany  a  free  hand  in  the 
West.    It  was  certain  that  the  World  War  would  have  to 
be  decided   on   the  Western   Front ;   and   Ger-    Battle  of 
many  determined  to  break  through,  no  matter    Picardy 
at  what  cost,  before  America  could  have  time  to  send  large 
armies  to  France. 

It  was  evidently  the  object  of  the  Germans  to  split  the 
British  and  French  forces  at  their  juncture  on  the  Oise 
River;  to  destroy  each  separately;  to  capture  the  Channel 
ports ;  and  to  capture  Paris  and  to  force  the  French  to  make 
peace.  England  would  then  be  left  alone  to  fight  a  Ger- 
many in  control  of  the  entire  continent. 

On  March  21,  1918,  the  Germans  launched  a  terrific 
attack  along  the  line  from  Arras  to  La  Fere.  The  British 
were  driven  back,  losing  Peronne,  Ham,  Bapaume,  and 
Albert.  On  March  28  the  French  were  driven  out  of  Noyon 
and  forced  to  retire,  at  one  place,  south  of  the  Oise  River. 
The  French  were  being  slowly  forced  back  on  a  thirty-mile 
front  from  Lens  to  the  Ailette  River.  The  immediate  ob- 
ject of  the  Germans  was  to  capture  Amiens,  a  great  railway 
center.  At  this  critical  time,  unity  of  command  was  estab- 
lished by  making  the  French  General  Foch  chief  commander 
of  all  the  Allied  forces  on  the  Western  Front. 

The  attack  of  the  Germans  halted  on  April  i  but  began 
again  on  April  4.  The  British  were  forced  to  retire  from  La 
Bassee  for  a  distance  of  ten  miles.  On  April  16  Battle  of 
they  were  forced  to  retire  from  Messines  and  Fl^^ders 
Wytschaete  ridges,  two  important  positions  guarding  Ypres. 
French  reinforcements  arrived,  and  for  about  a  week  the 
Germans  were  checked.  On  April  26  the  Germans  cap- 
tured Kemmel  hill,  another  important  position.  The  British 
position  was  becoming  more  and  more  desperate ;  they  were, 


766      MODERN  AND   CONTEMPORARY   EUROPE 

in  the  words  of  General  Haig,  "with  their  backs  to  the 
wall."  Ypres  was  now  a  "salient,"  with  Germans  on  three 
sides  of  it.  Again  French  reinforcements  came,  and  the 
Germans  suffered  a  severe  check. 

On  May  27  the  Germans  suddenly  began  a  great  "drive" 
from  Noyon  to  Rheims.  They  captured  an  important  ridge, 
Chemin  des  Dames.  On  the  following  day  they  crossed  the 
Battle  of  Aisne  River  and  captured  Fismes.  On  May  29 
the  Aisne  Soissons  fell  into  their  hands.  The  German  ad- 
vance was  so  rapid  that,  on  May  31,  they  reached  the 
Marne  River.  On  the  following  day  they  gained  six  miles 
on  the  line  from  Soissons  to  Chateau-Thierry,  and  were  now 
forty-three  miles  from  Paris.  Chateau-Thierry  fell  into 
their  hands.  But  French  reserves  were  poured  in  and  the 
German  advance  was  checked  once  more.  Altogether,  the 
German  gain  was  about  950  square  miles. 

Encouraged  by  their  success,  the  Germans,  on  June  9, 
began  another  terrific  "drive"  from  Montdidier  to  Noyon. 
Battle  of  This  time,  the  Allies  were  fully  prepared  to  meet 
the  Oise  them,  and  the  German  advance  was  slow  and 

at  great  cost.  On  June  12  the  Germans  crossed  the  Matz 
River,  but  were  hurled  back  and  the  "drive"  ended.  The 
Americans  distinguished  themselves  greatly  and  gave  valu- 
able aid  in  the  counter-ofTensives  which  halted  the  Germans. 
In  this  "drive"  the  latter  gained  only  180  square  miles. 

On  June  16  the  Italians  were  suddenly  attacked  by 
the  Austrians  on  a  hundred  mile  front  along  the  Piave 
Battle  of  River.  The  Austrians  succeeded  in  making  sev- 
the  Piave  gj-^^j  crossings,  and  a  terrific  struggle  ensued.  The 
Italians  had  meanwhile  completely  recovered  from  their 
disaster  of  October,  1917,  and  they  inflicted  a  severe  defeat 
upon  the  Austrians,  driving  them  across  the  Piave  with 
severe  losses.  This  Italian  success  proved  to  be  an  augury 
of  the  coming  Allied  triumphs. 

On  July  15  the  Germans  began  a  drive  along  the  front 
from  Chateau-Thierry  to  beyond  Rheims.  They  crossed 
the  Marne  at  several  points  and  made  desperate  efforts  to 
envelop  Rheims.   The  French  resisted  successfully  east  of 


THE  WORLD  WAR  767 

the  city  but  were  obliged  to  yield  ground  between  it  and  the 
Marne,  so  that  the  ancient  Cathedral  city  was  in  Second 
grave  peril.  Should  it  fall,  the  whole  line  to  Ver-  Battle  of 
dun  would  be  in  danger.  But  the  attack  on  the 
Marne  front  itself  was  checked  at  Chateau-Thierry,  where 
Americans  joined  the  French  in  heroic  resistance.  And 
finally,  on  July  18,  Marshal  Foch  began  the  great  counter- 
offensive  which  was  to  nullify  all  the  gains  made  by  the  Ger- 
mans since  March  21.  The  attack  was  on  a  twenty-eight 
mile  front  from  Fontenoy  near  Soissons  to  Chateau-Thierry. 
Heavy  masses  of  reserv"es,  of  whose  existence  the  Germans 
had  no  knowledge,  were  hurled  at  the  enemy.  They  crushed 
the  western  flank  of  the  salient  and  disorganized  the  whole 
German  line  of  attack.  Two  days  later,  on  July  20,  the 
Marne  itself  was  the  scene  of  another  great  conflict.  The 
Germans  were  forced  across  the  river  with  great  loss  in  men 
and  guns.  This  Second  Battle  of  the  Marne  — ■  almost,  if  not 
quite,  as  decisive  as  the  first  —  was  won  by  the  French,  as- 
sisted by  the  Americans  under  General  Pershing.  Once  more 
did  the  Germans  retreat  from  the  Marne.  On  July  21  the 
Allies  captured  Chateau-Thierry;  on  the  28th,  Fere-en-Tar- 
denois;  on  Augusts,  Soissons  and  Fismes.  The  retirement  of 
the  Germans  halted  only  when  they  reached  the  Vesle  River. 

End  of  the  World  W^ar 
{August,  191 8  —  November  11,  19 18) 

The  fifth  year  of  the  W^orld  \^'ar  opened  auspiciously  for 
the  Allied  cause  with  the  great  counter-offensive  by  Gen- 
eral Foch.  The  "war  of  movement,"  which  the  Germans 
had  begun  with  their  ]\Iarch  offensive,  was  now  Foch  versus 
continued  by  the  Allies.  The  Germans  had  Ludendorff 
planned  to  end  the  war  by  a  series  of  hammer  strokes  and 
had  failed.  The  Allies  had  indeed  retired,  defeated  but  un- 
conquered.  In  General  Foch  the  Allies  found  a  commander 
of  remarkable  military  ability,  who  was  to  prove  himself 
more  than  a  match  for  General  Ludendorff,  the  organizing 
genius  of  the  German  staff,  who  had  supplanted  Marshal 


768      MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Hindenburg  as  the  military  master  of  the  Central  Powers. 
Democracy  had  at  last  begun  Its  great  offensive. 

Both  antagonists  were  being  rapidly  drained  of  men  and 
materials.  There  was  one  country  whose  vast  resources  in 
both  had  as  yet  hardly  been  touched,  and  that 
was  America.  The  question  was,  could  these  be 
rapidly  and  effectively  mobilized?  America's  answer  is  one 
of  the  amazing  chapters  in  the  World  War.  A  volunteer 
army  of  90,000  had  been  effectively  expanded  into  millions 
by  means  of  the  selective  draft,  which  eventually  enrolled  all 
men  between  eighteen  and  forty-five.  The  transportation 
of  American  troops  to  France  v/as  a  marvel  of  efficiency, 
much  of  the  credit  of  which  belongs  to  British  shipping. 
On  September  22  it  was  officially  reported  that  1,750,000 
American  troops  had  been  "ferried"  across  the  Atlantic 
with  almost  no  loss!  Under  the  able  management  of 
Charles  M.  Schwab,  American  shipyards  began  construct- 
ing ships  so  rapidly  that  the  output  far  exceeded  expecta- 
tions. The  submarine  campaign,  on  which  so  much  had  been 
staked  by  Germany,  proved  a  failure,  for  the  amount  of  Allied 
shipping  sunk  was  rapidly  decreasing.  The  sending  of  food  sup- 
plies to  Europe  was  almost  as  essential  as  sending  armament. 
Herbert  C .  Hoover  was  appointed ' '  food  dictator ' '  with  almost 
unlimited  control  of  the  food  supply  of  America.  His  adminis- 
tration was  marked  by  extraordinary  success,  as  he  succeeded 
in  sending  rapidly  vast  stores  of  food  to  the  needy  Allies. 

Like  all  democracies,  America  was  slow  and  hesitant  about 
going  to  war.  Once  in,  she  determined  to  see  it  through  at 
all  cost  and  at  all  hazard.  No  war  in  all  her  history  found 
America  so  united  as  the  World  War.  Except  a  small  group 
of  socialists  and  pacifists,  all  parties,  all  sections,  and  all 
classes  enthusiastically  united  to  support  President  Wilson 
in  order  * '  to  make  the  world  safe  for  democracy. ' '  Germany's 
ambitions  and  barbarities  had  convinced  Americans  that 
the  greatest  calamity  which  could  befall  mankind  would 
be  a  German  victory.  The  selective  draft  enrolled  about 
23,000,000  men  without  trouble  of  any  kind;  very  few 
"slackers"  were  to  be  found.     Immense  sums  were  voted 


THE 

GERMAN  OFFENSrV'ES 

MARCH  -  JULY,  1918 

^■"   Hindenbnre  Line  In  March,  1918 

Farthest  German  Advance 

July  18,  lylS 


770      MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

unanimously  by  Congress.  The  government's  self-denying 
regulations  concerning  "heatless,"  "wheatless,"  "meat- 
less," and  "gasless"  days  were  cheerfully  obeyed.  Amer- 
ica was  now  in  the  war,  fully  and  completely. 

On  August  8  General  Haig  began  an  offensive  on  a  twenty- 
five  mile  front,  from  Albert  to  the  Somme.  During  the  fol- 
British  and  lowing  week  the  British  advanced  about  twelve 
French  miles,  capturing  many  prisoners  and  many  guns. 

No  sooner  had  the  British  made  this  gain  than 
the  French  attacked,  pushing  on  through  Montdidier  and 
capturing  Lassigny  (August  21).  On  the  following  day  the 
British  retook  Albert.  After  pausing  for  a  week,  the  Allies 
again  took  the  offensive,  the  French  capturing  Roye  and 
Chaulnes,  and  the  British,  the  two  pivotal  centers,  Bapaume 
and  Noyon.  On  August  31  the  British  scored  a  great  vic- 
tory by  recapturing  Kemmel  Hill,  the  fortress  taken  from 
them  in  April.  During  September  1-6,  the  Allies  made  other 
notable  gains,  taking  Peronne,  Ham,  and  Chauny  and 
crossing  the  old  Hindenburg  line  for  several  miles  just  west 
of  Cambrai.  During  the  following  week  the  Germans  threw 
in  their  reserves  to  stem  the  Allied  advance,  which  slowed 
down  near  the  old  Hindenburg  line  of  1917.  Nearly  all  the 
gains  made  by  the  Germans  since  their  March  offensive 
were  by  this  time  regained  by  the  Allies. 

It  was  the  determination  of  the  Allies  to  give  the  Germans 

no  rest,  and  to  attack  them  now  in  this  quarter,  now  in  that, 

^    ,,.,.,       thus  maintaining  the  element  of  surprise.   Next 

St.-Mihiel        .      .  1  ,•  Ar  1     ^ 

m  importance  to  the  salient  at  Ypres  was  that 

at  St.-Mihiel,  near  Verdun,  which  projected  dangerously 
into  Allied  ground.  Several  attempts  had  been  made  at 
different  times  to  crush  it,  but  without  success.  On  Sep- 
tember 12  an  American  army  under  General  Pershing  at- 
tacked both  the  north  and  south  sides  of  the  Saint-Mihiel 
salient,  and  crushed  it  inside  of  twenty-seven  hours,  cap- 
turing about  20,000  Germans  and  much  booty.  The  Allies 
were  now  near  the  iron  region  of  Briey  and  were  threatening 
Metz  itself.  This  was  the  first  time  that  the  American  army 
had  conducted  a  major  offensive  by  itself.    The  bravery  of 


THE  WORLD  WAR  771 

the  American  troops,  the  efficiency  of  the  planning,  and  the 
ability  of  General  Pershing  aroused  general  enthusiasm  in 
the  Allied  countries. 

The  next  surprise  attacks  took  place  in  Palestine  and 
in  the   Balkans.    During  September  22-26  the   British  suc- 
British  under  General  Allenby  routed  a  Turkish  cess  in 
army  in  Palestine,  taking  many  prisoners  and 
guns.    Acre  and  Haifa  fell  into  British  hands;  and,  on  Oc- 
tober 2,  Damascus  also  fell. 

During  the  same  week  a  struggle  was  going  on  in  the  Bal- 
kans, An  army  of  Serbs,  Greeks,  and  other  Allied  troops 
attacked  the  Bulgarians,  who  fled  in  disorder  through  the 
mountainous  region  of  Macedonia.  The  Bulgarians  lost 
Prilep  and  Uskub.  So  decisive  was  the  Allied  vie-  Bulgaria 
tory  that  Bulgaria  quickly  collapsed  and  sued  for  ^^^^^  P^^^e 
peace.  An  armistice  was  concluded  between  the  Allies  and 
Bulgaria  by  which  the  latter  agreed  to  evacuate  all  territory 
occupied  by  her  in  Greece  and  Serbia;  to  demobilize  her 
armies;  to  surrender  all  her  means  of  transportation  to  the 
Allies;  to  concede  free  passage  through  her  territory  of  Al- 
lied troops;  and  to  permit  the  military  occupation  of  her 
territory.  The  armistice  was  a  complete  military  surrender  of 
Bulgaria,  whose  political  status  was  to  be  determined  by  the 
general  peace  congress.  The  separate  peace  made  by  Bulgaria 
was  a  staggering  blow  to  the  Central  Powers :  it  shattered  their 
prestige  in  the  Balkans  and  exposed  them  to  attacks  in  their 
rear.    King  Ferdinand  abdicated  and  fled  from  the  country. 

A  vital  blow  was  struck  at  Turkish  military  power  when, 
at  the  end  of  October,  General  Allenby  captured  Aleppo, 
situated  at  the  junction  of  the  Constantinople  Turkey 
and  Bagdad  railways,  the  main  sources  of  supply  ^^^^^  p^^^^ 
to  the  Turkish  forces  in  Mesopotamia.  On  October  31 
Turkey  surrendered  to  the  Allies,  and  signed  an  armistice  of 
which  the  following  are  the  important  provisions:  (i)  the 
Dardanelles  and  Bosphorus  to  be  open  to  the  Allies;  (2) 
Turkish  armies  to  be  demobilized ;  (3)  withdrawal  of  Turk- 
ish troops  from  Persia;  (4)  evacuation  by  Turkey  of  Trans- 
caucasia; (5)  surrender  of  the  garrisons  in  Hedjaz,  Assir, 


772       MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

Yemen,  Syria,  and  Mesopotamia;  (6)  surrender  of  all  Turk- 
ish war  vessels;  and  (7)  the  Allies  to  have  the  right  to 
occupy  strategic  points  in  the  Turkish  Empire. 

The  next  Power  that  collapsed  was  Austria.  Following  the 
peace  made  with  Bulgaria,  there  took  place  a  revival  of  the 
Austria  Balkan  front.    During  the  latter  part  of  October, 

makes  peace  Serbian  armies  once  more  appeared  in  the  field, 
and  early  in  November  they  succeeded  in  driving  the  Aus- 
trians  out  of  Serbia.  After  being  almost  annihilated  as  a  na- 
tion, the  Serbians  entered  their  capital,  Belgrade,  in  triumph. 

About  the  same  time,  the  Italians  took  the  offensive. 
On  October  15  they  captured  Durazzo  and  drove  the  Aus- 
trians  out  of  Albania.  Later,  on  October  29,  they  launched  an 
attack  on  the  famous  Piave  front.  Austrian  resistance  soon 
broke  down,  and  the  Italians  succeeded  in  inflicting  a  terrible 
defeat  on  their  enemy.  So  great  was  the  loss  of  morale  among 
the  Austrians  that  they  broke  and  fled  before  the  Italians, 
leaving,  it  was  reported,  half  a  million  prisoners  and  enormous 
stores  in  the  hands  of  their  pursuers.  The  Italians  entered 
Trent  and  Trieste  in  triumph.   Caporetto  was  now  avenged. 

Austria  was  rapidly  collapsing  under  these  blows.  En- 
couraged by  the  defeats,  the  various  subject  nationalities 
in  the  Hapsburg  dominions  rose  in  rebellion.  Republics 
were  proclaimed  in  Bohemia  and  in  Hungary.  The  socialists 
in  Vienna  organized  revolutionary  demonstrations  agamst 
the  Government.  Austria  was  rapidly  disintegrating,  and 
she  decided  to  surrender  unconditionally  to  the  Allies.  On 
November  4  an  armistice  was  signed  of  which  the  following 
are  the  important  provisions:  (i)  demobilization  of  Austro- 
Hungarian  troops  and  their  immediate  withdrawal  from 
all  fighting  areas;  (2)  evacuation  of  Dalmatia  and  of  all 
territory  invaded  by  Austria  since  the  beginning  of  the  war; 
(3)  the  Allies  to  be  given  right  of  free  movement  through 
the  territory  of  the  Dual  Monarchy  and  of  the  use  of  its 
transportation  facilities;  (4)  elimination  of  all  German 
troops  in  its  armies;  and  (5)  the  surrender  of  most  of  its 
naval  forces.  The  elimination  of  Austria  from  the  war  left 
Germany  to  battle  alone  against  the  Allies. 


THE  WORLD  WAR  773 

To  break  the  Hindenburg  Line  was  the  chief  object  of 
Foch  in  the  last  campaign  of  the  World  War.  Behind  this 
great  defensive  system  the  Germans  had  massed  ^,  tt-  j 
in  force  their  best  troops.  It  was  their  intention  burg  Line 
to  hold  this  Line  until  winter  came,  when  cam- 
paigning would  cease ;  and  they  would  then  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  recuperate  or  possibly  to  bring  about  a  negotiated 
peace.  On  October  2  the  French  took  St.  Quentin,  one  of 
the  pivots  of  the  Hindenburg  Line.  About  the  same  time 
the  British  captured  Lens  and  Armentieres;  and  the  famous 
Line  was  now  seriously  dented.  A  desperate  struggle  then 
took  place  for  Cambrai,  which  finally  fell  to  the  British. 
The  line  was  now  broken,  and  the  Germans  were  obliged 
to  retreat  on  a  wide  front,  "according  to  plan,"  as  Luden- 
dorff  declared.  In  order  to  straighten  their  line,  the  Ger- 
mans evacuated  the  Chemin  des  Dames,  Craonne,  Laon, 
and  La  Fere,  all  important  positions. 

In   the   middle   of   October   the   struggle   continued   in 
Northern  France  and  Belgium.    The  great  industrial  cities 
of  Lille,  Douai,  Turcoing,  and  Roubaix,  which  Retreat  of 
had  been  in  German   hands  since   19 14,   were  Germans 

1  1  1        T~,    •   •   1        -T-i         All-  -It       from  North- 

taken  by  the  British.     I  he  Allies  were  rapidly  em  France 

reaching  the  Belgian  frontier.   An  army  of  Brit-  ^""^  Belgium 

ish  and  Belgians  drove  the  Germans  out  of  Ostend,  Bruges, 

and  Zeebrugge;  and  the  Belgian  coast  was  cleared  of  the 

enemy.    The  German  retirement  was  executed  with  great 

skill,  and  their  losses  were  not  heavy. 

The  chief  source  of  German  communication  was  a  railway 

running  from  Lille  to  Metz.   It  was  the  plan  of  Foch  to  cut 

this   railway  by   the   British   capturing  Valen-  The  last 

ciennes,  the  French,  Mezieres,  and  the  Ameri-  campaign 

cans,  Sedan.    Alsace-Lorraine  would  then  be  isolated,  and 

Metz  would  be  cut  off  from  relief  by  the  German  armies  in 

the  north.    A  fierce  struggle  then  took  place  between  the 

British  and  the  Germans  for  the  possession  of  Valenciennes, 

which  finally  surrendered  to  the  British  on  November  2. 

This  victory  was  gained  largely  by  Canadian  troops.  A  week 

later  the  Americans  entered  Sedan,  the  historic  place  which 


774       MODERN  AND  CONTEMPORARY  EUROPE 

had  witnessed  the  great  triumph  of  German  mihtary  power 
in  1870.  The  railway  was  further  cut  by  the  French  capture 
of  M^zieres  near  Sedan  and  by  the  British  capture  of  Hirson 
and  Maubeuge.  The  AlHes  had  driven  the  Germans  almost 
to  their  frontier,  and  the  invasion  of  Germany  was  soon  to 
follow.  German  morale  had  been  badly  shaken  since  the 
July  offensive.  Now  it  was  broken.  The  great  military 
nation  that  had  almost  conquered  Europe  was  reduced 
to  impotence,  and  surrendered  unconditionally  to  the  Allies. 
On  November  1 1  an  armistice  was  signed  between  the 
Allies  and  Germany,  which  terminated  the  greatest  war  in 
The  armis-  history.  The  world,  which  had  undergone  inde- 
tice  scribable  suffering  for  four  and  a  half  years,  now 

celebrated  joyously  the  coming  of  peace  and  the  defeat  of 
German  militarism.  The  principal  conditions  in  the  armis- 
tice were:  (i)  the  immediate  evacuation  by  Germany  of 
France,  Belgium,  Alsace-Lorraine,  and  Luxemburg;  (2)  re- 
patriation of  persons  deported  by  Germany;  (3)  surrender 
of  a  large  amount  of  war  material ;  (4)  evacuation  by  Ger- 
many of  the  lands  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  the  region 
to  be  occupied  by  Allied  troops;  (5)  Allied  troops  to  hold 
the  principal  crossings  of  the  Rhine  (Mayence,  Coblentz, 
Cologne),  together  with  the  bridgeheads  at  these  points  of 
a  thirty-kilometer  radius  on  the  right  bank;  (6)  a  neutral 
zone  to  be  reserved  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine  between 
the  river  and  a  line  drawn  parallel  to  the  bridgeheads  and 
to  the  stream  and  at  a  distance  of  ten  kilometers  from  the 
frontier  of  Holland  to  the  frontier  of  Switzerland ;  (7)  Ger- 
many to  surrender  5000  locomotives  and  150,000  cars  to 
the  Allies ;  (8)  withdrawal  of  all  German  troops  in  territories 
which,  prior  to  19 14,  belonged  to  Austria-Hungary,  Ruma- 
nia, and  Russia ;  (9)  renunciation  by  Germany  of  treaty  of 
Brest-Litovsk;  (10)  evacuation  by  Germany  of  East  Africa; 

(11)  reparation  for  damage  and  restitution  of  money  taken 
by  Germany  from  Belgium,   Russia,   and   Rumania;  and 

(12)  the  surrender  to  the  Allies  of  all  German  submarines, 
six  battle  cruisers,  ten  battleships,  eight  light  cruisers,  and 
fifty  destroyers. 


APPENDIX 


RULERS  OF  THE  EUROPEAN  NATIONS  SINCE  THE 
FRENCH  REVOLUTION 


Leopold  II,  1 790-1 792 
Francis  I,  1792-1835 
Ferdinand  I,  1835-1848 


Austria-Hungary 


Francis  Joseph,  1848-1916 
Charles  I,  1916-1918 


Leopold  I,  1831-1865 
Leopold  II,  1 865- 1 909 


Belgium 

Albert  I,  1909- 


Alexander,  1 879-1 886 


Christian  VII,  1766-1808 
Frederick  VI,  1 808-1 839 
Christian  VIII,  1839-1848 
Frederick  VII,  1848-1863 


Bulgaria 

Ferdinand  I,  1886-1918 

Denmark 

Christian  IX,  1 863-1906 
Frederick  VIII,  1906-1912 
Christian  X,  1912- 


France 


Louis  XVI,  1774-1792 

The  First  Republic,  1792-1804 
The  Convention,  1 792-1 795 
The  Directory,  1 795-1 799 
The  Consulate,  1799-1804 

The  First  Empire,  1804-1814 
Napoleon  I,  1804-1814 

Louis  XVIII,  1814-1824 

Charles  X,  1 824-1 830 

Louis  Philippe,  1 830-1 848 

The  Second  Republic,  1 848-1 852 
President    Louis   Napoleon,    1848- 
1852 

The  Second  Empire,  1 852-1 870 
Napoleon  III,  1852-1870 


The  Third  Republic,  1870- 

Government  of  National  Defense, 

I 870-1 87 I 
Presidents:  — 

Adolphe  Thiers,  1871-1873 
Marshal  MacMahon,  1 873-1 879 
Jules  Grevy,  1 879-1 887 
F.  Sadi-Carnot,  1 887-1 894 
Casimir-Perier,  1 894-1 895 
Felix  Faure,  1 895-1 899 
£mile  Loubet,  1 899-1 906 
Armand  Fallieres,  1906-1913 
Raymond  Poincare,  19 13- 


Germany 
Kings  of  Prussia 


Frederick  William  II,  1 786-1 797 
Frederick  William  III,  1797-1840 


Frederick  William  IV,  1840-1861 
William  I,  1861-1888 


APPENDIX 


William  I,  1871-ii 
Frederick  III,  188 


George  III,  1 760-1 820 
George  IV,  1 820-1 830 
William  IV,  1 830-1 837 


Otto  I,  1833-1862 
George  I,  i 863-1913 


German  Emperors 

William  II,  1888-1918 

Great  Britain 

Victoria,  1 837-1901 
Edward  VII,  1901-1910 
George  V,  1910- 


Greece 


Constantine  I,  1913-1917 
Alexander  I,  1917- 


Italy 
Kings  of  Sardinia 
Victor  Amadeus  III,  1773-1796  Charles  Felix,  1821-1831 


Charles  Emanuel  IV,  1 796-1 802 
Victor  Emanuel  I,  1 802-1 821 


Charles  Albert,  1 831-1849 
Victor  Emanuel  II,  1 849-1 861 


Kings  of  Italy 

Victor  Emanuel  II,  1861-1878  Victor  Emanuel  III,  1900- 

Humbert,  1 878-1900 


Montenegro 


Peter  I,  1 782-1 830 
Peter  II,  1830-1851 


William  I,  1813-1840 
William  II,  1840-1849 


Danilo  I,  1851-1860 
Nicholas  I,  1860-1918 


Netherlands 


William  III,  1 849-1 890 
Wilhelmina,  1890- 


NORWAY 


Same  sovereigns  as  in  Denmark  till  1814 

Christian  Frederick,  18 14 

Same  sovereigns  as  in  Sweden,  1814-1905 

Haakon  VII,  1905- 


Portugal 


Maria  I,  1786-1816 
John  VI,  1816-1826 
Pedro  IV,  1826 

(Pedro  I  of  Brazil,  1 826-1 831) 
Maria  II,  1 826-1 828 
Miguel,  1828-1834 
Maria  II  (restored),  1834-1853 


Charles  I,  1 866-1 914 


Pedro  V,  1 853-1 861 

Luiz  I,  1861-1889 

Carlos,  1 889-1 908 

Manoel  11,  1908-1910 

Presidents:  — 

Manoel  Arriaga,  1911-1915 
Bernardino  Machado,  1915-1918 
Sidonio  Paes,  191 8- 

RUMANIA 

Ferdinand  I,  1914- 


APPENDIX 


Hi 


Catherine  II,  1762-1796 
Paul,  1 796-1 801 
Alexander  I,  1801-1825 
Nicholas  I,  1 825-1855 


Russia 


Alexander  II,  i 855-1 881 
Alexander  III,  1881-1894 
Nicholas  II,  1894-1917 
Provisional  Government,  1917- 


Serbia 


Karageorge,  1 804-1 81 3 
Milosh,  1817-1839 
Milan,  1839 
Michael,  1 839-1 842 
Alexander  I,  1842-1859 


Charles  IV,  1 788-1 808 
Joseph  Bonaparte,  1808-1813 
Ferdinand  VII,  1813-1833 
Isabella  II,  1833-1868 
Revolutionary     Government, 
1870 


Michael,  1 860-1868 
Milan,  1 868-1 889 
Alexander,  1 889-1903 
Peter  I,  1903- 


Spain 


Amadeo,  1 870-1 873 
The  Republic,  1873-1875 
Alphonso  XII,  1875-1885 
Alphonso  XIII,  1886- 


Sweden 


Gustavus  IV,  1 792-1 809 
Charles  XIII,  1809-1818 
Charles  XIV,  1818-1844 
Oscar  I,  1 844-1 859 


Selim  III,  1789-1807 
Mustapha  IV,  1807-1808 
Mahmud  II,  1808-1839 
Abdul  Medjid,  1839-1861 
Abdul  Aziz,  1861-1876 


Charles  XV,  1 859-1 872 
Oscar  II,  1872-1907 
Gustavus  V,  1907- 


TURKEY 


Murad  V,  1876 
Abdul  Hamid  II,  1876-1909 
Mohammed  V,  1909- 19 18 
Mohammed  VI,  1918- 


Pius  VI,  1775-1799 
Pius  VII,  1800-1823 
Leo  XII,  1 823-1 829 
Pius  VIII,  1829-1830 
Gregory  XVI,  1830-1846 


POPES  SINCE  1775 

Pius  IX,  1846-1878 
Leo  XIII,  1878-1903 
Pius  X,  1903-1914 
Benedict  XV,  1914- 


PRIME  MINISTERS  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN  SINCE  1783 

Viscount  Goderich,  1827 
Duke  of  Wellington,  1 827-1 830 
Earl  Grey,  1 830-1 834 
Viscount  Melbourne,  1834 
Sir  Robert  Peel,  1834-1835 
Viscount  Melbourne,  1 835-1841 
Sir  Robert  Peel,  1 841 -1846 
Lord  John  Russell  (Earl  Russell), 
1846-1852 


William  Pitt,  1783-1801 

Henry  Addington  (Viscount  Sidmouth), 

1801-1804 
William  Pitt,  1 804-1 806 
William,  Lord  Grenville,  1 806-1 807 
Duke  of  Portland,  1 807-1 809 
Spencer  Percival,  1809-1812 
Earl  of  Liverpool,  1 812-1827 
George  Canning,  1827 


IV 


APPENDIX 


Earl  of  Derby,  1852 
Earl  of  Aberdeen,  1 852-1 855 
Viscount  Palmerston,  1855-1858 
Earl  of  Derby,  1 858-1 859 
Viscount  Palmerston,  1 859-1 865 
Earl  Russell,  1 865-1 866 
Earl  of  Derby,  1866- 1868 
William  Ewart  Gladstone,  1 868-1 874 
Benjamin  Disraeli  (Earl  of   Beacons- 
field),  1874-1880 
William  Ewart  Gladstone,  1 880-1 885 


Marquis  of  Salisbury,  1885-1886 
William  Ewart  Gladstone,  1886 
Marquis  of  Salisbury,  1886-1892 
William  Ewart  Gladstone,  1 892-1 894 
Earl  of  Rosebery,  1 894-1 895 
Marquis  of  Salisbury,  1 895-1902 
Arthur  James  Balfour,  1902-1905 
Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman,  1905- 

1908 
Herbert  Henry  Asquith,  1908-1916 
David  Lloyd  George,  1916- 


CHANCELLORS  OF  THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE 


Prince  Bismarck,  1 871-1890 
Count  von  Caprivi,  1 890-1 894 
Prince  Hohenlohe-Schillingfurst,  1894- 

1900 
Count  von  Billow,  1900-1908 


Doctor    Theobold    von     Bethmar 

Hollweg,  1908-1917 
Doctor  Georg  Michaelis,  19 1 7 
Count  von  Hertling,  191 7-19 18 
Prince  Maximilian  of  Baden,  1918 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

GENERAL 

A  GREAT  number  of  books  has  been  written  in  nearly  all  the  European  lan- 
guages on  every  possible  phase  of  modern  and  contemporary  history.  For 
this  reason  it  is  not  easy  to  give  a  selected  bibliography  of  the  period;  the  em- 
barrassment of  riches  is  a  burden  to  the  bibliographer  who  wishes  to  give 
generously  yet  wisely.  There  are  other,  and  more  serious,  difficulties.  In  the 
first  place,  the  historians  are  too  close  to  the  men  and  movements  that  they 
describe,  and  their  work  consequently  suffers  from  a  lack  of  proper  perspective 
that  time  alone  can  give.  It  is  quite  possible  therefore  that  the  historian  of  two 
centuries  hence,  writing  of  the  nineteenth  century,  may  minimize  many 
things  considered  all-important  by  the  historian  of  to-day,  and  he  may  em- 
phasize many  things  that  are  lost  sight  of  by  the  latter.  In  the  second  place, 
there  is  the  ever-present  danger  of  partisanship,  conscious  or  unconscious,  on 
the  part  of  the  writer,  due  to  his  national,  racial,  religious,  or  class  bias.  One 
can  now  be  impartial  toward  Ramesis  II,  Pericles,  Julius  Caesar,  Charlemagne, 
and  at  times  even  toward  Luther;  but  that  is  rarely  possible  toward  Bismarck, 
Gladstone,  Gambetta,  William  II,  and  Lloyd  George.  It  is  therefore  incum- 
bent upon  the  reader  to  be  eternally  upon  his  guard  when  reading  modern 
and  contemporary  history,  lest  he  be  impregnated  with  the  bias  of  the  writer. 
In  the  following  bibliography  the  point  of  view  of  the  books  listed  will  be  indi- 
cated whenever  possible. 

Although  the  number  of  books  treating  of  special  countries,  of  special 
periods,  and  of  special  aspects  is  large,  the  number  of  general  histories  of  the 
period  is  small.  Chief  among  the  latter  are  two  large  cooperative  histories,  one, 
English,  the  Cambridge  Modern  History  edited  by  Lord  Acton,  and  the  other, 
French,  Histoire  generale  du  IV^  stick  d  nos  jours,  edited  by  E.  Lavisse  and 
A.  Rambaud.  Both  are  informing,  accurate,  and  thorough.  The  various  chap- 
ters are  written  by  different  historians,  some  of  them  distinguished  scholars 
in  their  special  fields.  But  the  quality  of  the  work  throughout  is  uneven;  and 
there  is  a  lack  of  unity  almost  inescapable  from  a  scholarly  enterprise  of  this 
character.  Of  the  two,  the  Cambridge  Modern  History  is  more  narrowly  politi- 
cal than  the  Histoire  generale ;  the  latter  contains  many  excellent  chapters  on 
social  and  cultural  matters.  The  volumes  in  the  Cambridge  Moderti  History  that 
deal  with  the  nineteenth  century  are  vol.  x,  "  The  Restoration"  (1814-1848), 
vol.  XI,  "  The  Growth  of  Nationalities  "  (1848-1870),  and  vol.  xii,  "  The  Latest 
Age"  (1870-1900).  The  volumes  in  the  Histoire  generale  covering  the  same 
period  are  vol.  X,  Les  monarchies  constitutionnelles  (1814-1848),  vol.  xr.  Revolu- 
tion et  Guerres  nationales  (1848-1870),  and  vol.  xii,  Le  Monde  co7itemporain 
(1870- I 900). 

The  following  are  the  leading  works  on  the  period  arranged  in  order  of 
the  date  of  publication:  — 

Wilhelm  Muller,  Political  History  of  Recent  Times,  1816-1875,  with  Special 
Reference  to  Germany,  translated  from  the  German  by  J.  P.  Peters  (1882). 
This  is  now  an  old  book;  it  is  written  in  a  journalistic  style  from  the  German 
point  of  view. 


vl  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

C.  Bulle,  Geschichte  der  neuesten  Zeit,  1815-1885,  4  vols.  (1867-87),  a  care- 
ful and  reliable  work. 

A.  Debidour,  Histoire  diplomatique  de  VEurope,  1814-IQ14,  4  vols.  (1891- 
1917),  a  well-arranged,  useful  study  of  diplomatic  history. 

Sir  Edward  Hertslet,  The  Map  of  Europe  by  Treaty  since  1814.  4  vols.  (1875- 
91),  an  indispensable  work  for  the  study  of  the  treaty  arrangements  of  the 
European  Powers  from  the  Congress  of  Vienna  to  1891.  Contains  the  texts 
of  important  treaties. 

C.  M.  Andrews,  The  Historical  Development  of  Modern  Europe,  i8i5-i8g7, 
2  vols.  (1896-98),  a  political  and  diplomatic  history  of  the  leading  European 
countries,  contains  an  excellent  account  of  the  Revolution  of  1848. 

C.  Seignobos,  A  Political  History  of  Europe  since  1814,  trans,  from  the  French 
by  S.  M.  Macvane  (1900),  detailed,  scholarly,  and  liberal.  It  contains  good 
chapters  on  religious  matters  and  on  the  radical  movements  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

W.  A.  Phillips,  Modern  Europe,  i8i5-i8gg  (ed.  1902),  a  brief  political  history, 
mainly  of  the  period  from  181 5  to  1878;  emphasizes  the  diplomatic  side. 

F.  A.  Kirkpatrick  (editor).  Lectures  on  the  History  of  the  Nineteenth  Century 
(1902),  contains  seven  short  lectures  on  various  aspects  of  the  subject  by  dis- 
tinguished scholars. 

A.  Stern,  Geschichte  Europas  seit  den  Vertragen  von  1815  his  zum  Frankfurter 
Frieden  von  1871  (i 894-1 911),  by  far  the  best  general  history  of  the  period, 
exhaustive,  scholarly,  and  impartial;  so  far  only  six  volumes  have  appeared, 
which  carry  the  narrative  to  1848. 

J.  H.  Robinson  and  C.  A.  Beard,  The  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 
2  vols.  (1907-1908);  vol.11  deals  with  the  period  from  1815  to  1907,  and  is  a 
work  in  brief  compass  by  two  distinguished  American  historians.  It  is  the 
first  manual  to  appear  in  America  in  which  the  social,  economic,  and  cultural 
factors  are  treated  as  well  as  the  political  and  dynastic.  The  book  is  scholarly, 
well  written,  and  progressive  in  its  point  of  view. 

J.  H.  Robinson  and  C.  A.  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European  History, 
2  vols.  (1909),  a  series  of  well-selected  extracts  from  the  sources. 

C.  D.  Hazen,  Europe  since  1815  (1910),  the  best  purely  political  history  of 
its  size  (about  700  pages).  It  is  reliable,  clear,  and  liberal  in  its  point  of  view. 
The  narrative  is  carried  down  to  1910. 

Carlton  J.  H.  Hayes,  A  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe,  2  vols. 
(1916);  vol.  II  covers  the  period  from  1815  to  the  outbreak  of  the  World  War. 
This  is  the  newest,  and  on  the  whole  the  most  satisfactory,  work  on  the  period. 
It  is  a  new  synthesis  with  the  object  of  describing  the  main  currents  of  nine- 
teenth century  European  history  with  special  emphasis  on  social  and  economic 
matters.  It  contains  excellent  chapters  on  social  legislation  and  on  the  expan- 
sion of  Europe. 

CHAPTER  II 
Restoration  and  Reaction 
General 

A.  Debidour,  Histoire  diplomatique,  vol.  i;  W.  A.  Phillips,  The  Confedera- 
tion of  Europe  (1914),  a  good  study  of  the  alliances;  G.  B.  Malleson,  Life  of 
Prince  Metternich  (1895);  Memoirs  of  Prince  Clemejts  Metternich,  edited  by 
Prince  Richard  Metternich,  and  trans,  in  part  from  the  German  by  Mrs. 
Alexander  Napier,  5  vols.  (1881-82);  C.  de  Mazade,  Un  chancelier  d'ancien 
regime:  le  r^gne  diplomatique  de  M.  de  Metternich  (1889);  Memoirs  of  the 
Prince  de  Talleyrand,  trans,  from  the  French  by  R.  L.  de  Beaufort  (1891-92) ; 
A.  Sorel,  Essais  d' histoire  et  de  critique  (1884),  contains  estimates  of  the  work 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  vii 

of  Metternich  and  Talleyrand  by  a  great  historian  of  European  diplomacy. 
For  a  study  of  the  Restoration  in  the  various  countries,  consult  the  bibli- 
ographies under  these  countries. 

CHAPTER  III 
The  Industrial  Revolution 
General 

E.  P.  Cheyney,  An  Inlroduclion  to  the  Industrial  and  Social  History  of 
England  (1901),  chs.  vii-viii;  G.  T.  Warner,  Landmarks  in  English  Industrial 
History  (ed.  1912),  chs.  xv-xvii.  There  exists  no  general  history  of  the  In- 
dustrial Revolution,  most  of  the  books  on  this  subject  dealing  with  England. 
Paul  JVIantoux,  La  revolutioti  indiistrielle  an  XVIIP  Steele  (1906),  the  best 
single  study  of  the  subject;  H.  de  B.  Gibbins,  Industry  in  England  (ed. 
1910),  a  popular  work  by  a  well-known  authority;  by  the  same  author,  Eco- 
nomic and  Industrial  Progress  of  the  Century  (1903),  an  account  of  economic 
changes  in  the  important  countries  of  Europe;  Arnold  Toynbee,  Lectures  on 
the  hidustrial  Revolution  of  the  Eighteenth  Century  in  England  (ed.  1913),  a 
series  of  suggestive  essays,  first  published  in  1884,  was  the  first  to  use  the  ex- 
pression "Industrial  Revolution";  W.  Cunningham,  The  Growth  of  English 
Itidustry  and  Commerce  in  Modern  Times,  3  vols.  (ed.  1910-12),  vol.  ill 
covers  the  period  of  the  Industrial  Revolution,  a  scholarly  treatment  by  the 
leading  English  authority  on  the  subject. 

Inventions 

E.  W.  Brj-n,  The  Progress  of  Invention  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  (1900); 
R.  H.  Thurston,  History  of  the  Growth  of  the  Steam  Engine  (ed.  1902),  a  good 
popular  account;  AI.  S.  Woolman  and  E.  B.  McGowan,  Textiles:  A  Handbook 
for  the  Student  and  the  Co7isumer  (1913),  contains  good  illustrations;  E.  A. 
Pratt,  A  History  of  Inlatid  Transportation  and  Communication  in  England 
(191 2) ;  R.  S.  Holland,  Historic  Inventions;  A.  G.  S.  Josephson,  A  List  of  Books 
on  the  History  of  Industry  atid  the  Industrial  Arts  (1915).  Biographies  of  the 
inventors,  Arkwright,  Crompton,  Stephenson,  and  the  others  may  be  found 
in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 

Results  of  the  Industrial  Revolution 

J.  A.  Hobson,  The  Evolution  of  Modern  Capitalism :  a  Study  of  Machine 
Production  (ed.  1917),  a  comprehensive  study  of  the  effects  of  modern  in- 
dustrialism; W.  Sombart,  Der  moderne  Capitalismus,  2  vols.  (1902),  a  de- 
tailed account  of  the  methods  and  results  of  capitalistic  production;  Leslie 
Stephen,  The  English  Utilitarians  (1900),  contains  fine  descriptions  of 
Bentham  and  Mill;  C.  Gide  and  C.  Rist,  A  History  of  Economic  Doctrines 
from  the  Time  of  the  Physiocrats,  trans,  from  the  French  by  R.  Richards 
(1915),  an  excellent  study  of  laissez  faire  ideas;  Herbert  Spencer,  Man  versus 
the  State  (1884),  a  plea  for  individualism  by  the  great  English  philosopher  and 
sociologist.  Informing  articles  on  every  phase  of  modern  industrialism  may 
be  found  in  R.  H.  I.  Palgrave,  Dictionary  of  Political  Economy,  3  vols.  (1910- 
13),  and  in  Johannes  Conrad,  Handworterhuch  der  Staatswissenschaft,  8  vols, 
(ed.  1909-11). 

CHAPTERS  IV-V 
England  (1815-67) 

General 

There  are  several  excellent  histories  of  England  which  deal  with  political 
and  parliamentary  matters.  W.  N.  Molesworth,   The  History  of  England, 


viii  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

1830-1874,  3  vols.  (1874),  especially  good  for  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832;  J.  H. 
Rose,  The  Rise  and  Growth  of  Democracy  in  Great  Britadn  (1898),  an  inter- 
esting account  of  reforms  from  the  Liberal  standpoint;  J.  F.  Bright,  His- 
tory of  England,  5  vols.  (1884-1904),  vols,  iv  and  v  deal  with  the  nineteenth 
century  from  a  fairly  impartial  standpoint;  S.  Walpole,  History  of  England 
since  1815,  6  vols.  (ed.  1902-05),  goes  down  to  1858  and  is  continued  in  an- 
other work,  History  of  Twenty-five  Years,  1856-1880,  4  vols.  (1904-08), 
scholarly  works  from  the  standpoint  of  a  moderate  Liberal;  H.  W.  Paul, 
A  History  of  Modern  England,  5  vols.  (1904-06),  a  vividly  written  parlia- 
mentary history  from  the  standpoint  of  a  Gladstonian  Liberal,  covers  the 
period,  1845-95;  S.  Low  and  L.  C.  Sanders,  Political  History  of  England, 
1837-1901  (1907),  a  good  volume  for  the  purely  parliamentary  side;  J.  A. 
R.  Marriott,  England  Since  Waterloo  (1913);  Sir  Herbert  E.  Maxwell,  A 
Century  of  Empire,  1801-1900,  3  vols.  (1909-11),  conservative  in  view- 
point; A.  D.  Innes,  History  of  England  and  the  British  Empire,  4  vols. 
(1913-15),  vol.  IV  covers  the  period  1802-1914;  A.  L.  Cross,  History  of 
England  and  Greater  Britaitt  (1914),  a  textbook  which  gives  a  good  ac- 
count of  nineteenth-century  Britain;  G.  Slater,  The  Making  of  Modern 
England  (ed.  191 5),  a  series  of  essays  rather  than  a  history,  especially  val- 
uable for  social  and  economic  matters  and  for  bibliography. 

Biographies 

There  exist  a  number  of  notable  biographies  of  prominent  British  states- 
men. Chief  among  them  are  William  Henry  Lytton,  Life  of  Sir  H.  J.  Temple, 
Viscount  Palmerston,  2  vols.  (1871),  continued  by  Evelyn  Ashley  in  vol.  ill 
(1874);  S.  Walpole,  Life  of  Lord  John  Russell,  2  vols.  (1879);  John  (Viscount) 
Morley,  Life  of  Richard  Cobden  (1881);  Edwin  Hodder,  Life  and  Work  of  the 
yth  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  3  vols.  (1888) ;  G.  Wallas,  Life  of  Francis  Place,  177 1- 
1854  (1898);  Earl  ofRosebery,  Sir  Robert  Peel  (1899);  H.  de  B.  Gibbins, 
English  Social  Reformers  (1902),  contains  sketches  of  Wesley,  Wilberforce, 
Kingsley,  and  the  factory  reformers;  E.  L  Carlyle,  William  Cobbett ;  A 
Study  of  his  Life  as  Shown  in  his  Writings  (1904);  F.  Podmore,  Life  of  Robert 
Otven,  2  vols.  (1906);  Sir  G.  O.  Trevelyan,  The  Life  and  Letters  of  Lord 
Macaulay,  2  vols.  (1876),  one  of  the  great  biographies  in  the  English  lan- 
guage. 

Constitutional  Reforms 

The  two  best  books  on  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832  are  E.  and  A.  G.  Porritt, 
The  Unreformed  House  of  Commons,  2  vols.  (1903),  and  J.  R.  M.  Butler, 
The  Passing  of  the  Great  Reform  Bill  (1914);  A.  V.  Dicey,  Lectures  on  the 
Relation  between  Law  and  Public  Opinion  in  England  during  the  Nineteenth 
Century  (ed.  1914),  a  brilliant  interpretation  by  a  philosophic  Conserva- 
tive; Sir  Thomas  E.  May,  Constitutional  History  of  England  since  the  Acces- 
sion of  George  III,  edited  and  continued  by  F.  Holland,  3  vols.  (1912),  a 
standard  treatise;  D.  J.  Medley,  A  Student's  Manual  of  English  Constitu- 
tional History  (ed.  1913),  a  detailed  work  of  reference. 

Social  Conditions 

H.  D.  Traill,  Social  England  (1909),  vol.  VI  contains  articles  by  different 
writers  on  various  aspects  of  nineteenth  century  England;  E.  Jenks,  A  Short 
History  of  the  English  Laiv  (1912),  a  brief  reliable  account,  describing  the  re- 
forms in  the  criminal  code;  Sir  G.  NichoUs,  A  History  of  the  English  Poor  Law 
in  connection  with  the  State  of  the  Country  and  the  Condition  of  the  People, 
2  vols.  (ed.  1898),  is  the  best  work  on  the  subject,  goes  down  to  1834,  and  is 
continued  to  1899  by  T.  Mackay  in  a  third  volume;  on  factory  legislation, 
the  best  work  is  B.  L.  Hutchins  and  A.  Harrison,  A  History  of  Factory  Legis- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  ix 

lotion  (ed.  191 1);  on  conditions  of  factory  life,  F.  Engels,  The  Condition  of 
the  Working- Class  in  England  in  1844,  and  the  two  novels,  B.  Disraeli, 
Sybil,  or  the  Two  Nations,  and  C.  Kingsley,  Alton  Locke;  on  Chartism,  Mark 
Hovell,  the  Chartist  Movement  (1918),  the  best  study  of  the  subject,  and 
two  good  monographs,  F.  F.  Rosenblatt,  The  Chartist  Movement  in  its  Social 
and  Economic  Aspects  (191 7),  and  P.  W.  Siosson,  The  Decline  of  the  Chart- 
ist Movement  (1917);  on  education,  G.  Baifour,  The  Educational  System  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  (ed.  1903),  a  comprehensive  and  reliable  account 
of  British  education  during  the  nineteenth  century. 

Economic  Conditions 

Three  indispensable  works  for  the  statistical  study  of  the  growth  of  Eng- 
lish industry  are  M.  G.  Mulhall,  The  Dictionary  of  Statistics  (ed.  1899), 
A.  D.  Webb,  The  New  Dictionary  of  Statistics  (191 1),  and  G.  R.  Porter, 
Progress  of  the  Nation  in  its  Various  Social  and  Industrial  Relations,  ed.  by 
F.  W.  Hirst  (1912);  for  good  short  descriptions  of  the  development  of  Eng- 
lish industry,  see  the  two  books  of  H.  de  B.  Gibbins  referred  to  under  chap- 
ter III,  G.  H.  Perris,  The  Indtistrial  History  of  Modern  England  (1914),  and 
A.  L.  Bowley,  A  Short  Accotmt  of  England's  Foreign  Trade  in  the  Nineteenth 
Century:  its  Economic  atid  Social  Results  (1905);  the  best  study  of  the  free- 
trade  movement  is  B.  H.  Holland,  The  Fall  of  Protection  1840-1850  (1913); 
consult  also  Cambridge  Modern  History,  vol.  xi,  ch.  i. 

Religious  Reforms 

B.  Ward,  The  Eve  of  Catholic  Emancipation,  i8oj-i82g,  3  vols.  (1912), 
and  The  Sequel  to  Catholic  Emancipation,  1830-1850,  2  vols.  (1915),  de- 
scribe the  removal  of  Catholic  disabilities;  H.  W.  Clark,  History  of  English 
Nonconformity  (1913),  vol.  II  describes  removal  of  the  disabilities  of  the 
Dissenters;  F.  W.  Cornish,  A  History  of  the  Church  of  England  in  the  Nine- 
teenth Century  (1910),  the  best  book  on  the  subject;  R.  W.  Church,  The 
Oxford  Movement:  Twelve  Years,  1833-1845  (1900),  and  W.  Ward,  The  Life 
of  Johfi  Henry,  Cardinal  Newman,  based  on  his  private  journals  and  corre- 
spondence, 2  vols.  (1912),  describe  the  Oxford  Movement;  on  Christian 
Socialism,  C.  W.  Stubbs,  Charles  Kingsley  and  the  Christian  Social  Move- 
ment (1900),  A.  V.  Woodworth,  Christian  Socialism  in  England  (1903),  and 
H.  de  B.  Gibbins,  E^iglish  Social  Reformers  (1902). 

Literature 

Cambridge  History  of  English  Literature  (1917),  vols,  xii-xiv;  G.  E.  B. 
Saintsbiiry,  A  History  of  Nineteenth  Ceiitury  Literature,  iy8o-i8g5  (ed.  1912); 
H.  Walker,  The  Literature  of  the  Victorian  Era  (1913);  W.  J.  Long,  English 
Literature  (1909);  R.  P.  Halleck,  New  English  Literature  (1913). 


CHAPTERS  VI,  VIII 

France  (1815-70) 

General 

G.  L.  Dickinson,  Revolution  and  Reaction  in  Modern  France  (1892),  a  sug- 
gestive interpretation  of  French  politics  from  the  French  Revolution  to  the 
Franco-Prussian  War;  F.  M.  Anderson,  Constitutions  and  Other  Select  Docu- 
ments Illustrative  of  the  History  of  France,  1789-1901  (ed.  1909),  a  useful  col- 
lection of  documents  translated  into  English;  Seignobos,  chs.  V-vi;  C.  M. 
Andrews,  The  Historical  Development  of  Modern  Europe,  vol.  i,  chs.  iv,  Vll, 
Viii,  vol.  II,  chs.  I,  IV. 


X  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  Restoration 

H.  Houssaye,  1815,  3  vols.  (1896-1905),  vol.  iii  gives  a  vivid  and  correct 
account  of  the  Bourbon  reaction;  P.  Thureau-Dangin,  Le  parti  liberal  sous 
la  restauration  (ed.  1888),  a  study  of  the  Liberal  opposition  to  absolutism; 
R.  Viviani,  La  restauration,  1814-1830  (1906),  vol.  vii  of  Histoire  socialists, 
a  series  edited  by  the  Socialist  leader,  Jean  JaurSs,  which  presents  the  So- 
cialist interpretation  and  is  valuable  for  descriptions  of  the  condition  of 
the  laboring  classes  of  the  period. 

The  July  Monarchy 

P.  Thureau-Dangin,  Histoire  de  la  monarchie  dejuillet,  7  vols.  (ed.  1888-92), 
the  most  exhaustive  treatment  of  the  period,  written  from  a  Catholic  and 
conservative  viewpoint;  J.  E.  Fourniere,  Le  rlgne  de  Louis  Philippe  (1906), 
vol.  VIII  of  the  Histoire  socialiste,  presents  the  Socialist  viewpoint;  Louis 
Blanc,  History  of  Ten  Years,  1830--1840,  trans,  from  the  French,  2  vols. 
(1844-45),  an  interesting  account  by  the  well-known  radical;  G.  Weill,  La 
France  sous  la  monarchie  constitutionnelle,  1814-1848  (ed.  1912),  a  careful 
study  of  social  as  well  as  political  conditions. 

The  Second  Republic 

P.  de  la  Gorce,  Histoire  de  la  second  republique  frangaise,  2  vols.  (ed.  1914), 
an  account  by  a  strong  anti-republican,  hostile  to  the  Socialists;  quite  op- 
posite in  point  of  view  is  the  book  of  G.  Renard,  La  republique  de  1848, 
vol.  IX,  of  the  Histoire  socialiste,  sympathetic  with  the  aims  and  ideals  of  the 
radicals;  J.  Tchernoff,  Associations  et  societes  secretes  sous  la  deuxieme  re- 
publique (1905),  an  interesting  study,  based  upon  original  documents,  of  the 
powerful  secret  societies  that  carried  on  the  republican  propaganda;  G. 
Weill,  Histoire  du  parti  rcpuhlicain  en  France  de  1814  d,  1870  (1900),  an  im- 
partial, scholarly  work  on  French  republicanism;  J.  A.  R.  Marriott  (editor), 
The  French  Revolution  in  1848  in  its  Economic  Aspects,  2  vols.  (1913),  con- 
tains reprints  of  important  social  documents  of  the  period. 

The  Second  Empire 

P.  de  la  Gorce,  Histoire  du  second  empire,  7  vols.  (ed.  1896-1905),  the  most 
thorough  work  on  the  subject,  conservative  in  point  of  view;  Albert  Thomas, 
Le  second  empire  (1907),  vol.  x  of  Histoire  socialiste,  an  able  presentation 
from  the  Socialist  standpoint;  £mile  Ollivier,  U Empire  liberal,  17  vols.  (1895- 
1914),  a  greatly  detailed  apology  of  the  Liberal  Empire  by  the  Minister  of 
Napoleon  III;  H.  A.  L.  Fisher,  Bonapartism  (1908),  a  series  of  popular  lectures 
on  the  two  Napoleons,  suggestive  and  interesting. 

Social  and  Economic 

£mile  Levasseur,  Histoire  des  classes  ouvrieres  et  de  Vindustrie  en  France 
de  lySg  d,  1870,  2  vols.  (1903-04),  a  masterly  treatment  of  the  social  and  eco- 
nomic development  of  France,  is  indispensable  for  the  study  of  the  subject; 
by  the  same  author,  Histoire  du  commerce  de  la  France,  2  vols.  (1911-12), 
vol.  II  covers  the  period  1 789-1910,  and  La  population  frangaise,  3  vols. 
(1889-92);  G.  Weill,  Histoire  du  mouvement  social  en  France,  1852-1910  (ed. 
191 1),  an  able  study  of  social  radicalism  in  France. 

Literature 

L.  Pettit  de  Juleville,  Histoire  de  la  Langue  et  de  la  Litterature  franqaise, 
8  vols.  (1896-99),  vols,  vii-viii  deal  with  the  nineteenth  century;  G.  Lanson, 
Histoire  de  la  litterature  frangaise  (ed.  1916);  C.  H.  C.  Wright,  A  History  oj 
French  Literature  (1912);  G.  ¥e\\\ss\er,  Le  mouvement  litteraire  au  XIX^  siecle 
(ed.  1912);  L  Babbitt,  The  Masters  oJ  Modern  French  Criticism  (1912). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xi 

CHAPTERS  VII,  IX 

Central  Europe  (1815-70) 
General 

Many  volumes  have  been  written  on  various  aspects  of  the  history  of 
Germany  during  the  nineteenth  century.  But  most  of  them  are  disfigured 
by  violent  partisanship,  the  reflection  of  the  passions  aroused  by  the  bitter 
struggles  of  Germany  to  achieve  her  unity.  The  most  famous  work  is  Hein- 
rich  von  Treitschke,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  neunzehnten  Jahrhundert,  5  vols. 
(1890-96),  of  which  3  vols,  have  been  translated  into  English  by  E.  and  C. 
Paul,  for  a  characterization  of  this  work  see  p.  172 ;  H.  von  Sybel,  The  Found- 
ing of  the  German  Empire  by  William  I,  7  vols.,  trans,  from  the  German 
by  M.  L.  Perrin  and  G.  Bradford  (1890-98),  another  famous  "national  his- 
tory," scholarly  in  method,  but  marked  by  a  decided  Prussian  bias;  by  far 
the  best  treatment  of  Germany  during  the  period  1815-70  is  in  the  monu- 
mental work  of  A.  Stern,  Geschichte  Europas;  Dahlman-Waitz,  Quellenkunde 
der  deutschen  Geschichte  (ed.  1906-07),  an  invaluable  bibliography  of  Ger- 
man history,  indispensable  to  students  of  the  subject;  E.  F.  Henderson,  A 
Short  History  of  Germany  (ed.  1916),  vol.  11,  chs.  viii-x;  G.  M.  Priest,  Ger- 
many since  1740  (1915),  chs.  viii-x. 

Revolution  of  1848 

Andrews,  vol.  i,-chs.  viii-x,  contains  excellent  summary;  H.  Blum,  Die 
deutsche  Revolution,  1848-1849  (1897),  gives  a  good  account;  P.  Matter,  La 
Prusse  et  la  Revolution  de  1848  (1903);  K.  Marx,  Revolution  and  Counter- 
Revolution,  or  Germany  in  1848  (ed.  1904),  trans,  from  the  German,  a 
socialistic  interpretation  by  the  great  Socialist;  The  Remiyiiscences  of  Carl 
Schurz  (1907),  vol.  I  describes  in  an  interesting  way  the  experiences  of  a 
young  revolutionist  of  '48;  H.  Friedjung,  Oesterreich  von  1848  bis  i860, 
2  vols.  (1908-12),  by  a  well-known  Austrian  historian;  C.  M.  Knatchbull- 
Hugessen,  The  Political  Evohition  of  the  Hungarian  Nation,  vol.  11,  chs.  xii- 
XVI,  describes  the  Hungarian  uprising;  L.  Leger,  A  History  of  Austria-Hun- 
gary from  the  Earliest  Time  to  the  Year  i88g,  trans,  from  the  French  by 

B.  Hill  (1889),  the  standard  history  of  Austria. 

Bismarck 

What  will  probably  be  the  standard  biography  of  Bismarck  is  Erich 
Marks,  Bismarck,  eine  Beographie,  vol.  i  entitled,  Bismarcks  Jugend,  1815- 
1848,  appeared  in  1909;  P.  Matter,  Bismarck  et  son  temps,  3  vols.  (ed.  1914), 
the  best  French  biography  and  quite  fair  to  the  German  statesman;  M. 
Lenz,  Geschichte  Bismarcks  (1902),  by  an  authority  on  Bismarck;  in  English, 
J.  W.  Headlam,  Bismarck  and  the  Founding  of  the  German  Empire  (1899), 

C.  Lowe,  Prince  Bismarck  (1899),  and  Munroe  Smith,  Bismarck  and  Ger- 
man Unity  (ed.  1910),  the  last  being  brief  but  excellent;  Bismarck's  me- 
moirs. Reflections  and  Reminiscences,  2  vols.  (1899),  trans,  from  the  Ger- 
man by  A.  J.  Butler,  like  memoirs  of  other  great  statesmen  is  more  useful 
to  the  general  reader  than  to  the  historian;  Moritz  Busch,  Bismarck  — 
Some  Secret  Pages  of  his  History,  2  vols.  (1898),  a  diary  kept  by  one  of  Bis- 
marck's intimate  political  friends;  Horst  Kohl  (editor),  Die  politischen 
Reden  des  Fiirsten  Bismarck,  14  vols.  (1892-94);  H,  Schoenfeld,  Bismarck's 
Speeches  and  Letters  (1905),  a  fairly  good  selection;  The  Correspondence  of 
William  I  and  Bismarck,  with  Other  Letters  from  and  to  Prince  Bismarck, 
2  vols,  trans,  by  J.  A.  Ford  (1903). 

Unification  Movement 

W.  Oncken,  Das  Zeitalter  des  Kaisers  Wilhelm,  2  vols.  (1890-92),  by  a 
scholarly  German  historian;  H.  Friedjung,  Der  Kampf  um  die  Vorh&rrschaft 


xii  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

in  Deutschland,  185Q-1866,  2  vols.  (1897-98),  the  best  treatment  from  the 
Austrian  point  of  view;  E.  Denis,  Le  fondation  dc  Vempire  allemand,  1852- 
1871  (1906),  by  a  French  authority,  and  on  the  whole  the  best  book  on 
the  subject;  Memoirs  of  Prince  Chlodwig  Hohenlohe-Schillingsfurst,  2  vols., 
trans,  from  the  German  by  G.  W.  Chrystal  (1906),  tells  of  the  relations 
between  North  and  South  Germany  during  the  critical  period;  original 
sources  for  the  period  1866-71  are  to  be  found  in  L.  Hahn  (editor),  Zwei 
Jahre  preussisch-deutscher  Politik,  1866-186'/  (1868),  and  Der  Krieg  Deutsch- 
lands  gegen  Frankreich  .  .  .  die  deutsche  Politik  1867  his  1871  (1871). 

Franco-Prussian  War 

J.  H.  Rose,  The  Development  of  the  European  Nations,  1870-igoo  (1905), 
vol.  I,  chs.  i-iv;  Lord  Acton,  Historical  Essays  and  Studies  (1907),  chs.  vii- 
viii;  Jean  Jaures,  La  guerre  franco-allemande,  1870-1871  (1908),  vol.  xi  of 
Histoire  socialiste;  E.  Palat,  Les  origines  de  la  guerre  de  1870:  la  candida- 
ture Hohenzollern,  1868-1870  (1912),  a  study  in  the  diplomatic  origins  of 
the  war;  a  good  brief  account  is  A.  Chuquet,  La  guerre  de  1870-187 1  (1895). 

Social  and  Economic 

The  best  books  on  German  economic  conditions  are  Werner  Sombart, 
Der  moderne  Capitalismus,  2  vols.  (1902),  and  by  the  same  author,  Die 
deutsche  Volkswirtschaft  im  neimzehnten  Jahrhundert  (1903);  a  good  descrip- 
tion of  the  industrialization  of  Germany  can  be  found  in  W.  Oncken,  Das 
Zeitalter  des  Kaisers  Wilhelm,  vol.  i,  book  i;  W.  H.  Dawson,  Protection  in 
Germany;  a  History  of  German  Fiscal  Policy  during  the  Nineteenth  Century 
(1904). 

Cultural 

T.  Ziegler,  Die  Geistigen  und  Sozialen  Stromungen  Deutschlands  in  neun- 
zehnten  Jahrhundert  (ed.  191 1);  on  the  German  historians,  see  A.  Guilland, 
Modern  Germany  and  her  Historians,  trans,  from  the  French  (1915),  and  G.  P. 
Gooch,  History  and  Historians  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  (1913),  chs.  i-viii; 
F.  Kummer,  Deutsche  Literaturgeschichte  des  neimzehnten  Jahrhunderts 
(1909);  Kuno  Francke,  A  History  of  German  Literature  as  determined  by 
Social  Forces  (ed.  1901);  J.  F.  Coar,  Studies  in  German  Literature  in  the 
Nineteenth  Century  (1903). 

CHAPTER  X 
Union  and  Democracy  in  Italy 
General 

The  Italian  national  movement  attracted  considerable  attention  and 
sympathy  in  England  and  America  and  led  to  the  publication  of  excellent 
histories  of  the  movement  in  English.  By  far  the  best  general  account  is 
Bolton  King,  A  History  of  Italian  Unity,  1814-1871,  2  vols.  (1899);  for  a 
good  narrative  of  the  early  history  of  the  movement  see  W.  R.  Thayer, 
The  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence,  2  vols.  (1893);  Evelyn  (Countess)  Marti- 
nengo-Cesaresco,  The  Liberation  of  Italy,  181 5-1870  (1894),  a  sympathetic 
narrative;  Jessie  White  Mario,  The  Birth  of  Modern  Italy,  edited  by  the 
Duke  Litta-Visconti-Arese  (1909),  consists  of  essays  warmly  appreciative 
of  Mazzini  and  Garibaldi  but  hostile  to  Cavour;  C.  Tivaroni,  Storia  critica 
del  risorgimento  d'Italia,g  vols.  (1888-97),  an  exhaustive  study  by  an  Ital- 
ian historian;  R.  de  Cesare,  The  Last  Days  of  Papal  Rome,  185 0-1870, 
abridged  and  translated  from  the  Italian  by  Helen  Zimmern  (1909),  anti- 
clerical in  tone;  R.  S.  Holland,  Builders  of  United  Italy  (1908),  contains 
short  sketches  of  the  heroes  of  the  Risorgimento. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xiii 

Cavour 

The  standard  biography  of  Cavour  in  any  language  is  that  by  an  Amer- 
ican scholar,  W.  R.  Thayer,  The  Life  and  Times  of  Cavour,  2  vols.  (191 1); 
see  also  his  interesting  comparison  of  Cavour  with  Bismarck  in  Atlantic 
Monthly,  March,  1909;  another  American  scholar,  Andrew  D.  White,  wrote  a 
penetrating  study  of  Cavour  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  March  and  April,  1907; 
Evelyn  (Countess)  Martinengo-Cesaresco,  Cavour  (1898),  a  brilliantly  writ- 
ten little  biography  by  a  close  student  of  Italian  unification;  F.  X.  Kraus, 
Cavour,  die  Erhehung  Italiens  im  neunzehnten  Jahrhundert  (1902),  a  good 
popular  biography  from  the  Catholic  viewpoint;  P.  Orsi,  Cavour  and  the 
Making  of  Modern  Italy,  1810-1861  (1914);  for  letters  of  Cavour,  see  N. 
Bianchi  (editor).  La  politique  du  comte  Camille  de  Cavour  de  1852  d  1861, 
lettres  inedites  (1885). 

Garibaldi 

The  standard  books  on  Garibaldi  are  those  by  an  English  scholar,  G.  M. 
Trevelyan,  whose  work  is  characterized  by  thorough  scholarship  and  fine 
literary  style.  Garibaldi's  Defence  of  the  Roman  Republic  (1907),  Garibaldi 
and  the  Thousand  (1909),  and  Garibaldi  and  the  Making  of  Italy  (191 1). 

Mazzini 

Unfortunately  there  exists  no  biography  of  Mazzini  as  good  as  those  of 
Cavour  and  Garibaldi.  Bolton  King,  Joseph  Mazzini  (1902),  is  the  best; 
good  sketches  are  to  be  found  in  R.  S.  Holland,  Builders  of  United  Italy,  and 
in  W.  R.  Thayer,  Italica;  Mazzini's  Duties  of  Man  and  Essays  give  an  ex- 
cellent idea  of  his  ideals  and  temperament. 

Literature 

R.  Garnett,  History  of  Italian  Literature  (1898);  H.  Hauvette,  Liter- 
ature italienne  (1906);  L.  Collison-Morley,  Modern  Italian  Literature  (1912). 

CHAPTER  XI 

The  Third  French  Republic 
General 

J.  C.  Bracq,  France  under  the  Republic  (1910),  a  good  popular  account  of 
the  problems  of  the  Republic  by  an  ardent  Republican;  W.  L.  George, 
France  in  the  Twentieth  Century  (1909),  a  series  of  well-written  essays  by 
an  observing  journalist;  G.  G.  Berry,  France  since  Waterloo  (1909);  J.  E,  C. 
Bodley,  France  (ed.  1899),  a  well-known  but  over-estimated  work  by  an 
Englishman  who  is  hostile  to  the  parliamentary  system  in  France;  Gabriel 
Hanotaux,  Contemporary  France,  4  vols.,  trans,  from  the  French  by  J.  C. 
Tarver,  a  brilliant  narrative  of  the  years  1870-82  by  a  distinguished  French 
statesman,  contains  splendid  descriptions  of  Gambetta  and  Thiers,  trans- 
lation poor;  J.  Labusquiere,  La  troisieme  republique,  1871-IQ00  (1909), 
vol.  XII  of  Histoire  socialiste;  E.  Zevort,  Histoire  de  la  troisieme  republique, 
4  vols.  (1898-1901)  goes  to  1894;  G.  Weill,  Histoire  du  mouvement  social  en 
France,  1852-IQ10  (ed.  1911),  the  best  short  study  of  the  social  problems  of 
the  period;  A.  Rambaud,  Jules  Ferry  (1903),  a  biography  of  an  important 
Republican  statesman;  no  adequate  life  of  Gambetta  has  as  yet  appeared. 

Government  and  Parties 

F.  A.  Ogg,  The  Governments  of  Europe  (1913),  chs.  xv-xviii,  the  best  brief 
study  of  the  subject  in  English;  A.  L.  Lowell,  The  Governments  of  France, 
Italy,  and  Germany  (1915);  Raymond  Poincare,  How  France  Is  Governed, 
trans,  from  the  French  (1914),  a  simple,  clear  account  by  the  President 
of  France;    L.   Jacques,  Les  partis  politiques  sous  la  troisieme  republiqtie: 


xiv  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

doctrine  et  programme,  organisation  et  taciique  d'aprh  les  derniers  congrh 
(1913),  a  detailed  description  of  the  various  political  parties;  W.  Hasbach, 
Die  Moderne  Democratie  (1912);  on  the  question  of  electoral  reform  see  the 
excellent  article  by  J.  W.  Garner,  "Electoral  Reform  in  France"  {American 
Political  Science  Review,  November,  1913);  J.  T.  Shotwell,  "The  Political 
Capacity  of  the  French"  {Political  Science  Quarterly,  March,  1909),  a 
sympathetic  and  illuminating  study  of  French  political  ideals;  J.  Salwyn 
Schapiro,  "The  Drift  in  French  Politics"  {American  Political  Science  Re- 
view, August,  1913). 

Commune 

E.  Lepelletier,  Histoire  de  la  commune  de  1871,  2  vols.  (1911-12),  the 
best  treatment  of  a  much-disputed  subject;  M.  du  Camp,  Les  convulsions 
de  Paris,  4  vols.  (ed.  1881),  hostile  to  the  Commune;  sympathetic  are  L. 
Dubreuilh,  La  commune,  1871  (1908),  in  vol.  xi  of  Histoire  socialiste,  and 
P.  O.  Lissagaray,  History  of  the  Commune  of  187 1,  trans,  from  the  French  by 
Eleanor  M.  Aveling  (ed.  \i 


The  Dreyfus  Affair 

J.  Reinach,  Histoire  de  V affaire  Dreyfus,  7  vols.  ( 1 898-191 1),  a  detailed 
work  by  a  well-known  Dreyfusard;  see  article  "Dreyfus"  in  Jewish  En- 
cyclopedia; Paul  Desachy,  Bibliographie  de  I'affaire  Dreyfus  (1905);  Drey- 
fus himself  wrote  two  books,  both  translated  into  English,  Lettres  d'un 
innocent  (1898)  and  Cinq  annSes  de  ma  vie  (1901). 

The  Church  Question 

A.  Debidour,  Histoire  des  Rapports  de  VRglise  et  de  VS.iat  en  France, 
178Q-1870  (1898)  and  L'Rglise  catholique  et  I'Etat  sous  la  troisihme  Repub- 
lique,  2  vols.  (1909),  are  masterly  studies  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  France 
since  the  Revolution;  E.  Spuller,  U evolution  politique  et  social  de  Veglise 
(1893),  a  short  but  good  account;  A.  Galton,  Church  and  State  in  France, 
JSOO-igo7  (1907),  anti-clerical  in  tone;  excellent  short  studies  of  the  Separa- 
tion Law  are  P.  Sabatier,  Disestablishment  in  France  (1906)  and  O.  Guer- 
lac,  "Church  and  State  in  France  "  {Political  Science  Quarterly,  June,  1908); 
Aristide  Briand,  La  separation  des  cglises  et  de  Vetat  (1905),  an  official  report 
of  the  Law  made  to  the  Chamber  by  the  author  of  the  Law;  see  also  his 
La  separation  —  Discussion  de  la  lot  (1908);  on  the  Catholic  side,  E.  Lecannet, 
L'eglise  de  France  sous  la  troisieme  republique,  2  vols.  (1907-10),  Comte 
Albert  de  Mun,  Contra  la  Separation  (1906),  and  especially  the  article 
"Concordat"  in  the  Catholic  Encyclopedia;  G.  Odin  and  E.  Remaud,  La 
loi  du  Q  decembre  IQ05  concernant  la  separation  des  eglises  et  de  I'etat  (1906) 
contains  text  of  the  Law. 

Colonial  Expansion 

For  brief  survey  see  Histoire  genSrale,  vol.  xii,  ch.  xxii;  fimile  Levasseur, 
La  France  et  ses  colonies,  geographic  et  statistique,  3  vols.  (1890-93);  M.  Du- 
bois and  A.  Terrier,  Un  siecle  d' expansion  coloniale,  1800-IQOO  (ed.  1902); 
A.  Gaisman,  L'auvre  de  la  France  au  Tonkin  (1906);  R.  Devereux,  Aspects 
of  Algeria:  Historical,  Political,  Colonial  (1912);  V.  Piquet,  La  colonisation 
frangaise  dans  I'Afrique  du  nord:  Algerie —  Tunisie  —  Maroc  (1912). 

Social  and  Economic 

The  monumental  works  of  Levasseur  have  already  been  referred  to  under 
chapters  vi,  vili;  see  also  his  Questions  ouvrieros  et  industrielles  en  France 
sous  la  troisieme  republique  (1907);  for  a  brief  statement  of  economic  condi- 
tions under  the  Third  Republic,  see  Histoire  generate,  vol.  xii,  ch.  xxill 
and  F.  A.  Ogg,  Economic  Development  of  Modern  Europe  (1917),  pp.  187- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xv 

200,  212-18,  280-95,  396-405,  458-70,  623-29;  E,  Thery,  Les  Progrhs 
economiques  de  la  France  (1909);  A.  de  Lavergne  and  L.  Paul  Henry,  La 
Richesse  de  la  France  (1908);  on  the  land  problem,  J.  Dumas,  "Present 
State  of  the  Land  System  in  France"  (Economic  Journal,  March,  1909)  and 
Compere-Morel,  La  Question  agraire  et  le  Socialisme  en  France  (1912);  for 
social  legislation,  P.  Pic,  Traite  elementaire  de  legislation  indtisirielle:  les 
lots  otivrieres  (ed.  1912)  and  Les  assurances  sociales  en  France  et  d  I'etranger 
(1913)- 

Cultural 

A.  L.  Guerard,  French  Civilization  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  (1914),  a 
series  of  excellent  essays  on  such  topics  as  education,  religion,  labor,  and 
literature;  by  the  same  author,  French  Prophets  of  Yesterday;  a  study  of 
religious  thought  under  the  Second  Empire  (1913),  good  essays  on  Sainte- 
Beuve,  Taine,  and  Renan;  W.  C.  Brownell,  French  Traits  (ed.  1902),  a  pene- 
trating study  of  French  life  and  manners  by  a  distinguished  American 
literary  critic;  Barrett  Wendell,  The  France  of  To-Day  (1907),  an  interesting 
discussion  of  French  culture  and  ideals. 

For  references  on  socialism  and  syndicalism  in  France  see  bibliography 
under  chapter  xxiv;  for  those  on  foreign  policies,  chapter  xxix;  consult 
also  bibliography  under  chapters  vi,  viii. 

CHAPTER  XII 
The  German  Empire 

General 

There  are  many  excellent  books  on  the  various  aspects  of  the  German 
Empire.  The  best  study  of  the  German  Empire,  especially  on  its  social 
and  economic  aspects,  is  W.  H.  Dawson,  The  Evolution  of  Modern  Germany 
(1908);  a  very  good  general  treatment,  R.  H.  Fife,  The  German  Empire 
Between  Two  Wars  (1916);  B.  von  Biilow,  Imperial  Germany,  trans,  from  the 
German  by  Marie  A.  Lewenz  (1914),  a  well-written  defense  of  Germany's 
domestic  and  foreign  policies  by  the  distinguished  Chancellor;  J.  Ellis 
Barker,  Modern  Germany,  her  Political  and  Economic  Problems,  her  For- 
eign and  Domestic  Policy,  her  Ambitions,  atid  the  Causes  of  her  Success  (ed. 
19 1 5),  title  sufficiently  describes  the  book,  whose  object  is  to  persuade  Eng- 
land to  adopt  a  protective  tariff  against  Germany,  contains  good  chapters  on 
German  industrial  conditions;  H.  Lichtenberger,  Germany  and  its  Evolu- 
tion in  Modern  Times,  trans,  from  the  French  by  A.  M.  Ludovici  (1913),  em- 
phasizes the  religious  and  educational  aspects;  Karl  Lamprecht,  Deutsche 
Ceschichte  der  jilngsten  Vergangenheit  und  Gegenwart,  2  vols.  (1912-13),  a 
notable  work  by  a  distinguished  German  historian;  R.  M.  Berry,  Germany 
and  the  Germans  (1910),  an  excellent  handbook;  for  impressionistic  studies 
see  Price  Collier,  Germany  and  the  Germans  (1913),  G.  H.  Perris,  Germany 
and  the  German  Emperor  (1912),  and  W.  von  Schierbrand,  Germany  (1902); 
C.  Gauss,  The  German  Emperor  as  Shown  in  his  Public  Utterances  (19 15). 

Government  and  Parties 

The  great  authority  on  the  German  constitution  is  Paul  Laband,  whose 
books,  Das  Staatsrecht  des  deutschen  Reiches,  4  vols.  (ed.  1901),  and  Deutsches 
Reichsstaatsrecht  (ed.  1912),  are  the  standard  works  on  the  subject;  Fritz- 
Konrad  Kriiger,  Government  and  Politics  of  the  German  Empire  (19 15),  an 
excellent  handbook;  for  resumes  consult  A.  L.  Lowell,  The  Governments 
of  France,  Italy,  and  Germany  and  F.  A.  Ogg,  The  Governments  of  Europe, 
chs.  ix-xiv;  B.  E.  Howard,  The  German  Empire  (1906),  a  highly  detailed 
study  of  the  Imperial  structure;  a  similar  work  for  Prussia  is  H.  G.  James, 


xvi  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Principles  of  Prussian  Administration  (1913);  for  an  interpretation,  W.  W. 
Willoughby,  "The  Prussian  Theory  of  Monarchy"  {American  Political 
Science  Review,  November,  1917);  F.  Salomon,  Die  deutschen  Parieipro- 
gramme,  2  vols.  (ed.  1912),  contains  the  platforms  of  the  German  parties 
from  1845  to  1912;  O.  Stillich,  Die  politschen  Parteien  in  Deutschland:  eine 
wissenschaftliche  Darlegung  ihrer  Grundsdtze  und  Hirer  geschichtlichen  Ent- 
wickelung,  a  series  of  thorough  studies  of  German  political  parties  of  which 
only  two  volumes  have  so  far  appeared,  vol.  i,  Die  Konservaiiven  (1908), 
and  vol.  11,  Der  Liberalismus  (191 1). 

Social  and  Economic 

The  great  authority  on  social  and  economic  conditions  in  the  German 
Empire  is  W.  H.  Dawson,  whose  books  are,  Bismarck  and  State  Socialism 
(1891),  Protection  in  Germany:  A  History  of  German  Fiscal  Policy  during 
the  Nineteenth  Century  (1904),  The  German  Workman:  A  Study  in  National 
Efficiency  (1906),  The  Evolution  of  Modern  Germany  (1908),  Social  Insur- 
ance in  Germany,  1883-IQI1:  its  History,  Operation,  Residts,  and  a  Compari- 
son with  the  (British)  National  Insurance  Act,  igii  (1912),  and  Municipal  Life 
and  Government  in  Germany  (1914);  for  brief  treatment,  F.  A.  Ogg,  Economic 
Development  of  Modern  Europe  (1917),  pp.  218-36,  296-314,  405-13,  450-58, 
568-600;  good  popular  descriptions  of  German  social  legislation,  E.  Roberts, 
Monarchical  Socialism  in  Germany  (1913)  and  F.  C.  Howe,  Socialized  Ger- 
many (1915);  U.S.  Bureau  of  Labor  Bulletin,  vol.  xxiii,  contains  a  translation 
by  H.  J.  Harris  of  the  social  insurance  code  issued  in  191 1;  A.  Ashley,  The 
Social  Policy  of  Bismarck  (1912) ;  Ch.  Andler,  Les  Origines  du  Socialisme  d'etat 
en  Allemagne  (ed.  1911),  a  study  of  the  theoretical  bases  of  state  socialism; 
for  industrial  development,  see  books  of  Sombart  under  chapters  vii,  ix;  two 
authoritative  German  studies  are  Karl  Helfferich,  Germany's  Economic 
Progress  and  National  Wealth,  1888-IQ13,  and  Germany's  Economic  Forces, 
presented  by  the  Dresdener  Bank,  Berlin  (1913);  E.  D.  Howard,  The  Cause 
and  Extent  of  the  Recent  Industrial  Progress  of  Germany  (1907),  an  excellent 
summary;  A.  Shadwell,  Industrial  Efficiency:  a  Comparative  Study  of  In- 
dustrial Life  in  England,  Germany,  and  America  (1913);  T.  Veblen,  Imperial 
Germany  and  the  Industrial  Revolution  (1915),  a  penetrating  and  original 
study  of  the  union  in  Germany  of  the  dynastic  state  with  modern  industrial- 
ism. 

Colonial  Expansion 

The  most  important  book  on  the  relations  between  business  and  expan- 
sion is  Handels-und  Machtpolitik  (1900),  a  series  of  essays  in  favor  of  expan- 

■  sion  by  German  economists,  edited  by  Gustav  Schmoller;  A.  Zimmerman, 
Geschichte  der  deutschen  Kolonialpolitik  (1914);  K.  Hassert,  Deutschlands 
Kolonien:  Erwehungs  und  Entwickelungs  geschichte,  landes  und  wirtschaft- 
liche  Bedeutung  unserer  Schutzgebiete  (ed.  1910);  Evans  Lewin,  The  Ger- 
mans and  Africa,  their  aims  on  the  Dark  Continent  and  how  they  acquired  their 
African  colonies  (191 5). 

Special  Topics 

On  the  Kulturkampf:  G.  Goyau,  Bismarck  et  I'eglise:  le  Culturkampf,  1870- 
1887,  4  vols.  (1911-13),  for  the  clerical  side;  and  L.  Hahn,  Geschichte  des 
Kulturkampfes  in  Preussen  (1881),  for  the  anti-clerical  side.  On  Alsace- 
Lorraine:  C.  D.  Hazen,  Alsace-Lorraine  under  German  Ride  (1917),  the  best 
study  from  the  French  viewpoint;  B.  Weill,  Elsass-Lothringen  und  der  Krieg 
(1914),  the  best  from  the  German  viewpoint.  On  foreign  relations,  see  refer- 
ences in  the  bibliography  under  chapter  xxix;  on  socialism,  under  chapter 
XXIV.    Consult  also  bibliography  under  chapters  VI,  ix. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xvii 

Culture 

W.  P.  Paterson  (editor),  German  Culture:  the  Contribution  of  the  Ger- 
mans to  Knowledge,  Literature,  Art,  and  Life  (1915),  a  series  of  essays  by 
English  writers;  Georges  Bourdon,  The  German  E^iigma,  trans,  from  the 
French  by  B.  Marshall  (1914),  a  French  interpretation  of  German  character, 
ver>'  interesting;  John  Dewey,  German  Philosophy  and  Politics  (1915),  a 
highly  original  interpretation  of  German  ideals;  G.  S.  Fullerton,  Germany 
of  To-Day  (1915);  E.  Belfort  Bax,  German  Culture  Past  and  Present  (1915). 


CHAPTER  XIII 

Political  and  Social  Democracy  in  Great  Britain  (1867-1914) 

General 

There  are  no  general  histories  of  Great  Britain  dealing  with  the  period 
1867-1914.  For  general  histories  of  Great  Britain  during  the  nineteenth 
century,  see  bibliography  under  chapters  iv,  v. 

Biographies 

John  (Viscount)  Morley,  The  Life  of  William  Ewart  Gladstone,  3  vols, 
in  2  (ed.  191 1),  the  standard  biography  of  the  Liberal  leader  by  his  dis- 
tinguished disciple;  W.  F.  Monypenny  (continued  by  G.  E.  Buckle),  The  Life 
of  Benjamin  Disraeli,  Earl  of  Beaconsfield,  5  vols.  (1910-18),  the  standard 
biography  of  the  Conservative  leader;  Sir  Sidney  Lee,  Queen  Victoria:  a 
Biography  (1903);  G.  M.  Trevelyan,  The  Life  of  John  Bright  (1913),  a  nota- 
ble biography  distinguished  for  sound  scholarship  and  high  literary  merit; 
C.  W.  Boyd  (editor),  Speeches  of  Joseph  Chamberlain,  2  vols.  (19 14);  John 
(Viscount)  Morley,  Recollections  (1917),  being  the  memoirs  of  the  famous 
historian,  essayist,  and  statesman. 

Government 

A.  L.  Lowell,  The  Government  of  England,  2  vols.  (ed.  1912),  is  the  best  work 
on  the  subject,  treats  fully  all  aspects  of  the  British  system,  local,  national, 
and  imperial;  Walter  Bagehot,  The  English  Constitution  (ed.  191 1),  a  famous 
interpretation  of  British  political  customs,  now  old,  but  still  worth  reading; 
standard  treatises  are  A.  V.  Dicey,  I?itroduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Con- 
stitution (ed.  1915),  Sir  W.  Anson,  The  Law  and  Custom  of  the  Constitution, 
3  vols.'  (ed.  1907-09),  Sidney  Low,  The  Governance  of  England  (ed.  1914), 
and  Leonard  Courtney,  The  Working  Constitution  of  the  United  Kingdom 
(1901);  good  brief  treatments,  T.  F.  Moran,  The  Theory  and  Practice  of  the 
English  Government  (1903)  and  F.  A.  Ogg,  The  Governments  of  Europe, 
chs.  i-viii;  Sir  Courtney  Ilbert,  Parliament,  its  History,  Constitution,  and 
Practice  (1911),  an  excellent  little  handbook;  on  the  Parliament  Act  of 
1911  see  the  articles  of  A.  L.  P.  Dennis  in  the  American  Political  Science 
Review,  May  and  August,  1912;  for  constitutional  histories,  see  references 
to  the  bibliography  under  chapters  iv,  v. 

Political  Parties 

Illuminating  descriptions  of  the  English  political  parties  are  to  be  found 
in  Lowell's  work;  Lord  Hugh  Cecil,  Conservatism  (1912),  a  popular  account 
by  a  Conservative;  L.  T.  Hobhouse,  Liberalism  (191 1),  a  popular  account  by 
a  Liberal;  A.  W.  Humphrey,  A  History  of  Labour  Representation  (1912), 
a  popular  account  by  a  Laborite;  H.  Belloc  and  C.  Chesterton,  The  Party 
System  (191 1),  a  bitter  attack  on  the  methods  of  the  two  English  parties; 
M.  Ostrogorski,  Democracy  and  the  Organization  of  Political  Parties,  2  vols. 
(1902),  vol.  I,  England,  vol.  11,  America,  trans,  from  the  French  by  F.  Clarke, 


xviii  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

a  famous  work  by  a  Russian  scholar,  which  endeavors  to  show  the  inade- 
quacy of  political  parties  to  express  democracy;  J.  A.  Hobson,  The  Crisis  oj 
Liberalism  (1909),  by  a  well-known  economist  who  sympathizes  with  the 
radical  wing  of  the  Liberal  Party. 

Social  and  Industrial 

For  a  brief  account  of  social  and  industrial  England,  F.  A.  Ogg,  Economic 
Development  of  Modern  Europe  (19 17),  chs.  xii,  xvii,  xix,  and  pp.  601-23; 
Charles  Booth  (editor),  Life  and  Labour  of  the  People  in  London,  I'j  vols. 
(1892-1903),  an  "encyclopedia  of  poverty,"  consisting  of  detailed  studies  of 
the  social  and  economic  conditions  of  the  London  poor;  B.  S.  Rowntree, 
Poverty:  A  Study  of  Town  Life  (ed.  1902),  a  similar  study  though  on  a 
smaller  scale  for  the  city  of  York;  L.  G.  Chiozza-Money,  Riches  and  Pov- 
erty (1911),  a  popular  but  reliable  study  of  the  distribution  of  wealth  in  the 
United  Kingdom;  P.  Alden,  Democratic  England  (1912),  a  series  of  essays  on 
present-day  social  problems  by  a  Liberal;  W.  S.  Churchill,  Liberalism  and  the 
Social  Problem  (1909),  a  collection  of  speeches  favoring  radical  reforms  by 
the  Liberal  leader;  Carlton  Hayes,  British  Social  Politics  (1913),  a  well- 
selected  collection  of  extracts  from  speeches  delivered  in  Parliament  on  the 
recent  social  legislation,  as  well  as  a  reprint  of  these  laws;  E.  Guyot,  Le 
socialisme  et  devolution  de  V Angleterre  contemporaine,  1880-IQII  (1913),  an 
excellent  study  of  British  radical  politics;  Sidney  and  Beatrice  Webb,  The 
History  of  Trade  Unionism  (ed.  191 1)  and  Industrial  Democracy  (191 1), 
are  the  best  studies  of  the  history  and  ideals  of  the  trade  unions;  C.  M. 
Lloyd,  Trade  Unionism  (1915),  a  brief  account,  good  for  recent  events;  M.  F. 
Robinson,  The  Spirit  of  Association,  being  some  account  of  the  Gilds,  Friendly 
Societies,  Cooperative  Movemejit,  and  Trade  Unions  of  Great  Britain  (1913); 
B.  L.  Hutchins  and  A.  Harrison,  A  History  of  Factory  Legislation  (ed.  191 1); 
on  social  insurance,  L.  G.  Chiozza-Money,  Insurance  against  Poverty  (1912), 
A.  S.  C.  Carr,  W.  H.  Garnett,  and  J.  H.  Taylor,  National  Insurance  (ed. 
1913)1  and  an  article  in  Survey,  March  28,  1914;  on  industrial  conditions, 
A.  Shadwell,  Industrial  Efficiency;  a  Comparative  Study  of  Industrial  Life 
in  England,  Germany,  and  America  (1913),  W.  J.  Ashley,  British  Industries 
(ed.  1907),  W.  Cunningham,  The  Case  against  Free  Trade  (191 1),  and  Robert 
Giffen,  Economic  Inquiries  and  Studies,  2  vols.  (1904);  for  further  refer- 
ences to  social  and  economic  conditions  in  England,  see  bibliography  under 
chapters  iv,  v;  on  educational  progress,  G.  Balfour,  The  Educational  Systems 
of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  (ed.  1903). 

The  Land  Question 

The  best  study  of  the  land  question  in  Great  Britain  is  a  Parliamentary 
report  entitled  The  Land :  the  Report  of  the  Land  Enquiry  Committee,  vol.  i. 
Rural  (1913),  vol.  11,  Urban  (1914);  for  a  brief  account,  F.  A.  Ogg,  Economic 
Development  of  Modern  Europe  (191 7),  chs.  vi,  viii;  R.  E.  Prothero,  Eng- 
lish Farming  Past  and  Present  (19 12),  by  a  reorganized  authority  on  the 
subject,  conservative  in  tendency;  Jesse  Collings,  Land  Reform  (1906),  a 
plea  for  peasant  proprietorship;  by  the  same  author.  The  Colonization  of 
Rural  Britain :  a  Complete  Scheme  for  the  Regeneration  of  British  Rural 
Life,  2  vols.  (1914);  J.  L.  and  B.  Hammond,  The  Village  Labourer,  1760-1832 
(191 1),  the  best  study  of  the  enclosure  movement;  G.  Slater,  The  English 
Peasantry  and  the  Enclosure  of  the  Common  Fields  (1907),  another  good  study 
of  the  same  subject;  H.  Harben,  The  Rural  Problem  (1914),  an  excellent  short 
study;  B.  S.  Rowntree,  How  the  Labourer  Lives  :  A  Study  of  the  Rural  Labour 
Problem  (1913);  H.  Rider  Haggard,  Rural  England,  2  vols.  (1906);  C.  Turnor, 
Land  Problems  and  National  Welfare  (191 1);  G.  Cadbury  and  T.  Bryan, 
The  Land  and  the  Landless  (1908). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xix 

For  additional  references  see  bibliography  under  chapters  iv,  v,  for  refer- 
ences on  English  socialism  see  bibliography  under  chapter  XXiv;  for  those 
on  Woman  Suffrage,  chapter  xxv;  for  those  on  foreign  policies,  chapter  xxix. 

CHAPTER  XIV 

The  Irish  Question 

Nearly  all  the  books  written  on  Ireland  are  partisan,  often  bitterly  so. 
For  Ireland  in  the  eighteenth  century  consult  the  famous  work  of  W.  H. 
Lecky,  A  History  of  Ireland  in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  5  vols.  (ed.  1893); 
L.  Paul-Dubois,  Contemporary  Ireland,  trans,  from  the  French  (1908),  the 
best  work  in  Ireland  in  the  nineteenth  century,  emphasizes  the  social  and 
cultural  aspects;  Cambridge  Modern  History,  vol.  xii,  ch.  iv;  C.  Johnston  and 
C.  Spencer,  Ireland's  Story  (1905),  a  brief  general  history;  Alice  S.  Green, 
Irish  Nationality  (191 1),  a  handy  volume,  sympathetic  with  the  Irish;  W.  P. 
O'Brien,  Great  Famine  in  Ireland  and  a  Retrospect  of  the  Fifty  Years  1845- 
1895  (1896),  M.  Davitt,  The  Fall  of  Feudalism  in  Ireland,  or  the  Story  of 
the  Land  League  Revolution  (1904),  R.  B.  O'Brien,  Life  of  Charles  Stewart 
Parnell,  2  vols,  in  i  (1898),  and  E.  Childers,  The  Frame-Work  of  Home  Ride 
(1911)  are  sympathetic  with  the  Home  Rule  movement;  opposed  to  it. 
Sir  G.  Baden-Powell,  Truth  about  Home  Rule,  Papers  on  the  Irish  Question 
(1888)  and  S.  Rosenbaum  (editor),  Against  Home  Rule :  the  Case  for  the 
Union  (1912);  on  Gladstone  and  Home  Rule,  see  Morley's  Life  and  Lord 
Eversley,  Gladstone  and  Ireland:  The  Irish  Policy  of  Parliament  from  1850 
to  i8q4  (1912);  Sir  Horace  Plunkett,  Ireland  in  the  New  Century  (1904),  an 
excellent  description  of  the  cooperative  movement  in  Ireland  by  its  pro- 
moter; G.  E.  Russell,  Cooperation  and  Nationality  (1913),  an  interpretation  of 
the  cooperative  movement  by  the  Irish  poet-economist  /E;  James  Connolly, 
Labour  in  Ireland  (1917),  by  the  Irish  revolutionist  of  1917;  E.  Barker,  Ire- 
land in  the  Last  Fifty  Years,  1866-1916  (1917),  good  description  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  peasants. 

CHAPTER  XV 
The  British  Empire 
General 

W.  H.  Woodward,  A  Short  History  of  the  Exparision  of  the  British  Empire 
1500-1911  (ed.  1912)  and  H.  E.  Egerton,  A  Short  History  of  Briti^  Colonial 
Policy  (1897)  are  the  standard  brief  histories  of  the  Empire;  C.  P.  Lucas, 
A  Historical  Geography  of  the  British  Colonies,  6  vols,  in  12  (ed.  1916),  the 
standard  authority;  A.  J.  Herbertson  and  O.  J.  R.  Howarth  (editors),  The 
Oxford  Survey  of  the  British  Empire,  6  vols.  (1914),  mainly  descriptive; 
L.  Curtis  (editor).  The  Commonwealth  of  Nations  (1916);  Sir  Charles  Lucas, 
The  British  Empire  (1915);  A.  L.  Lowell,  The  Government  of  England  (ed. 
19 1 2),  vol.  II,  chs.  LIV-LVIII. 

Economic  Conditions 

W.  J.  Ashley  (editor),  British  Dominions :  Their  Present  Commercial  and 
Industrial  Conditions  (191 1);  C.  J.  Fuchs,  The  Trade  Policy  of  Great  Britain 
and  her  Colonies  since  i860,  trans,  from  the  German  by  C.  Archibald  (1905); 
G.  Drage,  The  Imperial  Organization  of  Trade  (191 1). 

Colonial  Problems 

Sir  Charles  Dilke,  Problems  of  Greater  Britain  (1890)  and  The  British 
Empire  (1899),  two  books  by  a  Liberal  statesman  who  made  the  Empire 
his  special  study;  R.  Jebb,  Studies  in  Colonial  Nationalism  (1905);  F.  J.  C 


XX  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Hearnshaw  (editor),  King's  College  Lectures  on  Colonial  Problems  (1913); 
Sir  Charles  Bruce,  The  Broad  Stone  of  Empire:  Problems  of  Crown  Colony 
Administration  (1910);  H.  E.  Egerton,  Federations  and  Unions  within  the 
British  Empire  (191 1);  special  works  on  Imperial  Federation,  A.  B.  Keith, 
Imperial  Unity  and  the  Dominions  (1916),  R.  Jebb,  The  Imperial  Conference, 

2  vols.  (191 1)  and  The  Britannic  Question:  a  Survey  of  Alternatives  (1913), 
P.  and  A.  Hurd,  The  New  Empire  Partnership  (1915),  T.  H.  Boggs,  "The 
British  Empire  and  Closer  Union"  {American  Political  Science  Review, 
November,  1916),  and  G.  B.  Adams,  "British  Imperial  Federation  After  the 
War"  {Yale  Review,  July,  19 16). 

India 

Sir  T.  W.  Holder ness,  Peoples  and  Problems  of  India  (19 12),  a  good  handy 
volume;  Cambridge  Modern  History,  vol.  xi,  ch.  xxvi,  vol.  xii,  ch.  xvi;  Sir 
J.  B.  Fuller,  The  Empire  of  India  (1913);  D.  C.  Boulger,  India  in  the  Nine- 
teenth Century  (1901);  The  Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India,  26  vols.  (ed.  1907- 
09),  a  survey  of  Indian  conditions  written  by  specialists;  L.  Eraser,  India 
under  Curzon  and  After  (191 1);  the  standard  work  on  the  Mutiny  is  Sir  J. 
W.  Kaye,  History  of  the  Sepoy  War,  1857-1858,  completed  by  G.  B.  Malleson, 

3  vols.  (1879-80);  on  government.  Sir  Courtney  Ilbert,  The  Government  of 
India  (ed.  1915)  and  Panchanandas  Mukherji  (editor),  Indian  Constitu- 
tional Documents,  1773-191 5  (19 15);  on  economic  conditions.  Sir  Theodore 
Morlson,  The  Economic  Transition  in  India  (191 1),  Romesh  Chunder  Dutt, 
The  Economic  History  of  India  under  Early  British  Rule,  from  the  Rise  of 
the  British  Power  in  1757  to  the  Accession  of  Queen  Victoria  in  1837  (ed. 
1906),  and  W.  Digby,  "Prosperous"  British  India:  a  Revelation  from  Official 
Records  (1901),  the  last  being  a  severe  criticism  of  British  rule  on  the  eco- 
nomic side;  the  ablest  opponent  of  British  rule  is  the  Indian  nationalist, 
Lajpat  Rai,  whose  books,  Young  India,  an  Interpretation  and  a  History  of 
the  Nationalist  Movement  from  Within  (1916)  and  England's  Debt  to  In- 
dia: a  Historical  Narrative  of  Britain's  Fiscal  Policy  in  India  (1917),  are 
severe  indictments  of  the  British  occupation. 

Egypt 

Earl  of  Cromer,  Modern  Egypt,  2  vols.  (1908),  the  standard  work  on  the 
history  and  problems  of  Egypt  by  the  famous  English  administrator  who 
ruled  Egypt  for  almost  a  generation;  E.  Dicey,  Story  of  the  Khedivate  (1902), 
a  good  popular  account;  G.  W.  Steevens,  With  Kitchener  to  Khartum  (ed. 
1898),  a^  vivid  description  by  the  famous  war  correspondent;  W.  S.  Blunt, 
Secret  History  of  the  English  Occupation  of  Egypt  (1907);  A.  E.  P.  B.  Welgall, 
A  History  of  Events  in  Egypt  from  1798  to  191 4  (19 15);  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  vol.  xii,  ch.  xv. 

Canada 

Good  short  histories.  Sir  J.  G.  Bourinot,  Canada  under  British  Rule,  1760- 
1900  (1900)  and  C.  G.  D.  Roberts,  History  of  Canada  (1897);  on  govern- 
ment, H.  E.  Egerton  and  W.  L.  Grant,  Canadian  Constitutional  Develop- 
ment, shown  by  Selected  Speeches  and  Despatches  (1907),  F.  Bradshaw,  Self- 
Government  in  Canada  and  How  it  was  Achieved:  the  Story  of  Lord  Durham's 
Report  (1903),  and  Sir  C.  P.  Lucas  (editor).  Lord  Durham's  Report  on  the 
Affairs  of  British  North  America,  3  vols.  (1912);  E.  S.  Montague  and  B. 
Herbert,  Canada  and  the  Empire:  an  Examination  of  Trade  Preferences 
(1904). 

Australasia 

E.  Jenks,  History  of  the  Australasian  Colonies  (1895)  and  J.  D.  Rogers, 
Australasia  (1907)   are  excellent  studies;  B.  R.  Wise,  The  Making  of  the 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xxi 

Australian  Commonwealth,  i88q-iqoo:  A  Stage  in  the  Growth  of  the  Empire 
(19 1 3);  H.  G.  Turner,  The  First  Decade  of  the  Australian  Commonwealth:  a 
Chronicle  of  Contemporary  Politics,  iqoi-iqio  (191  i);  interesting  studies  of 
the  social  experiments  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  H.  D.  Lloyd,  Newest 
England  (1900),  F.  Parsons,  The  Story  of  New  Zealand  (1904),  and  V.  S. 
Clark,  The  Labor  Movement  in  Australasia:  a  Study  in  Social  Democracy 
(1906). 

South  Africa 

Good  brief  accounts,  G.  M.  Theal,  South  Africa  (1900)  and  F.  R.  Cana, 
South  Africa  from  the  Great  Trek  to  the  Union  (1909);  James  (Viscount) 
Bryce,  Impressions  of  South  Africa  (1897),  a  study  of  problems  and  condi- 
tions prior  to  the  Boer  War;  on  the  Boer  War,  Sir  A.  Conan  Doyle,  The  War 
in  South  Africa,  its  Cause  and  Conduct  (1902),  pro-British,  and  J.  A.  Hobson, 
War  in  South  Africa,  its  Cause  and  its  Effects  (1900),  a  severe  criticism  of  the 
war  by  an  English  Liberal;  The  Memoirs  of  Paul  Kruger,  Four  Times  Presi- 
dent of  the  South  African  Reptiblic,  Told  by  Himself,  edited  by  A.  Schowalter 
and  trans,  by  A.  T.  de  Mattos  (1902);  Briton  and  Boer :  Both  sides  of  the 
South  African  Question  (1900),  a  collection  of  essays  by  eminent  writers; 
on  the  Union  of  South  Africa,  R.  H.  Brand,  The  Union  of  South  Africa 
(1909)  and  W.  B.  Worsfold,  The  Union  of  South  Africa  (1912). 


CHAPTER  XVr 

Austria-Hungary  since  1850 
General 

L.  Leger,  A  History  of  Austria-Hungary  from  the  Earliest  Time  to  the  Year 
i88q,  trans,  from  the  French  by  B.  Hill  (1889),  an  old  but  good  history; 
H.  W.  Steed,  The  Hapsburg  Monarchy  (ed.  1914),  an  interesting  discussion  of 
its  problems  by  a  capable  journalist;  G.  Drage,  Austria-Hungary  (1909), 
contains  important  information  regarding  political  and  economic  matters. 

Government 

F.  A.  Ogg,  The  Governments  of  Europe,  chs.  xxiv-xxvii;  A.  L.  Lowell, 
Governments  and  Parties  in  Continental  Europe  (1897),  vol.  11,  chs.  viii-x; 
A.  de  Bertha,  La  constitution  hongroise  (1898). 

Hungary 

C.  M.  Knatchbull-Hugessen,  The  Political  Evolution  of  the  Hungarian  Na- 
tion, vol.  II  (1908),  chs.  xvii-xx;  A.  de  Bertha,  La  Hongrie  Moderne,  184Q- 
igoi  (1901). 

Dualism 

L.  Eisenmann,  Le  Compromis  ausfro-hongrois  de  i86y,  etude  siir  le  dual- 
isme  (1904),  the  best  study  of  the  subject,  contains  good  historical  survey; 
R.  Sieghart,  Zolltrennung  und  Zolleinhcit :  die  Geschichte  der  oesterreichisch- 
ungarischeyt  Zwischenzoll-Linie  (191 5),  a  thorough  study  of  the  economic 
relations  between  Austria  and  Hungary. 

Race  Questions 

The  best  authority  in  English  on  the  race  problems  in  Southeastern  Europe 
is  R.  W.  Seton-Watson,  whose  books,  Racial  Problems  in  Hungary  (1908), 
The  Southern  Slav  Question  and  the  Habsburg  Monarchy  (191 1),  and  Ger- 
man, Slav,  and  Magyar  (1916),  are  well  written  and  reliable,  sympathetic 
with  the  Slavs;  B.  Auerbach,  Les  races  et  les  nationalitcs  en  Autriche-Hongrie 
(1898),  a  careful  study  of   the  racial  composition  of  the  Empire;  E.  Denis, 


xxii  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

La  Boheme  depuis  la  Montagne- Blanche,  2  vols.  (1903),  vol.  ll  gives  history 
of  Bohemia  during  the  nineteenth  century. 

For  references  to  the  foreign  policies  of  Austria-Hungary,  see  bibliography 
under  chapter  xxix;  and  for  those  to  the  Eastern  Question,  under  chapter 

XXVII. 

CHAPTER  XVn 
The  Kingdom  of  Italy 
General 

B.  King  and  T.  Okey,  Italy  To-day  (ed.  1909),  the  best  book  on  the  sub- 
ject, discusses  fully  the  social  and  political  problems  of  contemporary  Italy; 
W.  R.  Thayer,  Italica  (1908),  essays  on  Italy  since  1870  by  the  biographer 
of  Cavour;  Cinquanta  Anni  di  Storia  Italiana,  3  vols.  (191 1),  published  by 
the  Royal  Academy  of  Lincei,  contains  articles  on  many  phases  of  Italian 
life  during  the  period  1860-1910,  written  by  experts. 

Special  Topics 

On  Government,  F.  A.  Ogg,  The  Governments  of  Europe,  chs.  xix-xxi 
and  A.  L.  Lowell,  The  Governments  of  Frayice,  Italy,  and  Gertnany  (1915); 
on  economic  conditions,  E.  Lemonon,  L'ltalie  economique  et  sociale,  i86l~ 
igi2  (1913);  on  expansion,  W.  K.  Wallace,  Greater  Italy  (1917). 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
The  Iberian  Peninsula 

Spain 

M;  A.  S.  Hume,  Modern  Spain,  1 788-1 8g8  (1900),  a  good  sketch;  G.  Hub- 
bard, Histoire  contemporaine  de  VEspagne,  6  vols,  (i  869-1 883),  an  authori- 
tative work  covering  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century;  J.  L.  M.  Curry, 
Constitutional  Government  in  Spain  (1889);  Yves  Guyot,  L' evolution  politique 
et  sodale  de  VEspagne  (1899);  E.  H.  Strobel,  The  Spanish  Revolution,  1868- 
1875  (1898);  A.  Marvaud,  La  question  sociale  en  Espagne  (1910)  and  L'Es- 
pagne  au  XX^  siecle  (1913);  C.  Perkins,  "Social  and  Economic  Problems 
of  Modern  Spain"  {Political  Science  Quarterly,  March,  1912). 

Portugal 

G.  Diercks,  Das  moderne  Portugal  (1913);  A.  Marvaud,  Le  Portugal  et  ses 
colonies  (1912);  W.  Archer,  "The  Portuguese  Republic"  {Fortnightly, 
February,  191 1). 

CHAPTER  XIX 
The  Scandinavian  States 

General 

R.  N.  Bain,  Scandinavia,  a  Political  History  of  Denmark,  Norway,  and 
Sweden,  from  15 13  to  igoo  (1905);  P.  Drachman,  The  Industrial  Development 
and  Commercial  Policies  of  the  three  Scandinavian  Countries  (1915);  J.  Carl- 
sen,  H.  Olrik,  and  C.  N.  Starcke,  Le  Danemark,  etat  actual  de  sa  civilisation 
et  de  son  organisation  sociale  (1900);  K.  Gjerset,  History  of  the  Norwegian 
People,  2  vols.  (1915);  G.  Sundbarg  (editor),  Sweden,  its  People  and  Indus- 
tries (1904),  a  government  report;  on  the  controversy  over  the  union  see 
Fridtjof  Nansen,  Norway  and  the  Union  with  Sweden  (1905)  for  the  Nor- 
wegian side,  and  K.  Nordlund,  The  Swedish-Norwegian  Union  Crisis,  a  HiS' 
tory  with  Documents  (1905)  for  the  Swedish  side. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xxiii 

Literature 

H.  H.  Boyesen,  Essays  on  Scandinavian  Literature  (1895);  E.  Gosse,  Hen- 
rik  Ibsen  (1913);  Lind-af-Hageby,  August  Strindberg,  the  Spirit  of  Revolt 
(1913);  A.  Henderson,  European  Dramatists  (1913);  J.  G.  Hunecker,  Icono- 
clasts (1905). 

CHAPTER  XX 

Holland,  Belgium,  and  Switzerland 

Holland  and  Belgium 

P.  J.  Blok,  History  of  the  People  of  the  Netherlands,  vol.  v,  Eighteenth  and 
Nineteenth  Centuries,  trans,  from  the  Dutch  by  Ruth  Putnam  (1912),  the 
work  of  a  distinguished  Dutch  historian;  CHve  Day,  The  Policy  and  Ad- 
ministration of  the  Dutch  in  Java  (1904),  an  excellent  study  of  Dutch  colonial 
methods;  C.  Smythe,  The  Story  of  Belgium  (1900);  R.  C.  K.  Ensor,  Belgium 
(1900),  a  brief  study  from  the  Socialist  standpoint;  J.  de  C.  MacDonnell, 
Belgium,  her  Kings,  Kingdom,  and  People  (1914),  a  similar  volume  from  the 
Catholic  standpoint;  J.  Barthelemy,  L' Organisation  du  suffrage  et  V experi- 
ence beige  (1912),  the  best  study  of  Belgian  political  institutions;  Seebohm 
Rowntree,  Land  and  Labour:  Lessons  from  Belgium  (1910),  an  excellent 
study  of  social  conditions  by  the  well-known  English  sociologist;  L.  Bert- 
rand,  Histoire  de  la  democratic  et  du  socialisme  en  Belgique  depuis  i8jo,  2  vols. 
(1906-07),  a  study  of  contemporary  Belgian  problems  from  the  Socialist 
standpoint;  C.  Woeste,  Echos  des  luttes  com  temper  aines,  2  vols.  (1906),  a 
similar  study  from  the  Catholic  standpoint;  J.  Salwyn  Schapiro,  "The  Bel- 
gian Political  Situation"  {Proceedings  of  the  American  Political  Science 
Association,  December,  1912.) 

Switzerland 

P.  Seippel  (editor),  La  Suisse  au  dixneuvihme  sihle,  3  vols.  (1899-1901), 
an  authoritative  work  by  a  group  of  Swiss  writers;  W.  Oechsli,  Geschichte 
der  Schweiz  im  neunzehten  Jahrhundert,  a  work  begun  in  1903,  which  promises 
to  be  a  standard  history;  W.  D.  McCrackan,  Rise  of  the  Swiss  Republic  (ed. 
1901),  a  historical  outline,  mainly  political;  on  government,  J.  M.  Vincent, 
Government  in  Switzerland  (1900)  and  Ogg,  chs.  xxii-xxiii;  on  political 
and  social  reforms,  H.  D.  Lloyd,  A  Sovereign  People  :  A  Study  of  Swiss 
Democracy  (1907). 

CHAPTERS  XXI-XXin 

Russia 
General 

A.  Rambaud,  Histoire  de  la  Russie  depuis  les  origines  jusqu'd  nos  jours, 
an  old  standard  work  revised  and  completed  to  1913  by  E.  Haumant  (1914); 
there  is  an  English  translation  of  Rambaud  by  L.  B.  Long  with  additional 
chapters  covering  the  period  from  1877  to  1904  by  G.  Mercer  Adam  (1904); 
A.  Kornilov,  Modern  Russian  History,  trans,  from  the  Russian  by  A.  S. 
Kaun,  2  vols.  (191 7),  the  best  up-to-date  general  history,  liberal  in  tone; 
T.  Schiemann,  Geschichte  Russlands  unter  Kaiser  Nikolaus  I,  3  vols.  (1904- 
13),  the  greatest  German  authority  on  Russia,  conservative  in  viewpoint; 
H.  G.  Samson  von  Himmelstjerna,  Russia  under  Alexaiider  III  and  in  the 
Preceding  Period,  trans,  from  the  German  by  J.  Morrison  (1893). 

General  Conditions 

There  has  been  a  widespread  interest  in  Russia  because  of  the  unusual 
character  of  her  people  and  institutions.    Hence  many  %  olumes  have  been 


xxiv  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

written  describing  and  interpreting  Russia  to  the  world.  Anatole  Leroy- 
Beaulieu,  The  Empire  of  the  Tsars  and  the  Russians,  trans,  from  the  French 
by  Z.  A.  Ragozin,  3  vols.  (1893-96),  an  old  but  excellent  study  of  Russian 
institutions,  done  in  the  best  French  manner,  scholarly,  interesting,  and 
sympathetic,  especially  good  for  religious  conditions;  Sir  D.  M.  Wallace, 
Russia  (1908),  the  best  general  treatment  in  English,  has  the  advantage  of 
including  the  Revolution  of  1905;  excellent  short  descriptions  of  political 
and  cultural  conditions,  H.  W.  Williams,  Russia  of  the  Russians  (1914)  and 
Maurice  Baring,  The  Russian  People  (ed.  191 1);  G.  Alexinsky,  Modern 
Russia,  trans,  from  the  Russian  by  B.  Miall  (1913),  from  the  point  of  view 
of  a  Russian  Socialist,  good  for  Socialist  parties  in  the  Revolution  of  1905; 
M.  Kovalevsky,  Russiaji  Political  Institutions,  trans,  from  the  Russian 
(1902),  a  brief  but  authoritative  study  by  a  Russian  scholar;  A.  von  Hax- 
thausen,  Russian  Empire,  its  People,  Institutions,  and  Resources,  trans, 
from  the  German,  2  vols.  (1856),  a  famous  work  in  its  day,  its  description 
of  the  mir  greatly  influenced  Russian  opinion. 

Subject  Races 

V.  Berard,  The  Russian  Empire  and  Czarism,  trans,  from  the  French  by 
G.  Fox-Davies  and  G.  O.  Pope  (1905);  on  the  Poles,  Georg  Brandes,  Poland: 
a  Study  of  the  Land,  People,  and  Literature  (1903),  N.  Hill,  Poland  and 
the  Polish  Question  (19 15),  and  Cambridge  Modern  History,  vol.  x,  ch.  xiv; 
on  the  Jews,  Israel  Friedlaender,  The  Jews  of  Russia  and  Poland  (1915), 
L.  Wolf,  The  Legal  Suffering  of  the  Jews  in  Russia  (1912),  an  account  of  the 
anti-Jewish  laws,  I.  M.  Rubinow,  Economic  Condition  of  the  Jews  in  Russia 
(Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor,  September,  1907,  and  Samuel  Joseph, 
Jewish  Emigration  to  the  United  States  (1914);  on  the  Finns,  J.  R.  Fisher, 
Finland  and  the  Tsars,  i8og-i8gg  (1899). 

Economic  Conditions 

James  Mavor,  An  Economic  History  of  Russia,  2  vols.  (1914),  the  best 
treatment  of  the  subject,  contains  an  account  of  the  revolutionary  move- 
ment from  the  economic  side;  G.  Drage,  Russian  Affairs  (1904),  a  good 
brief  study;  M.  Kovalevsky,  Le  regime  economique  de  la  Russie  (1898);  on 
the  agrarian  question,  V.  G.  Simkhovitch,  "The  Agrarian  Movement  in 
Russia"  {Yale  Review,  May,  1907)  and  R.  T.  Ely,  "Russian  Land  Reform" 
{American  Economic  Review,  March,  1916). 

Revolutionary  Movement 

Peter  (Prince)  Kropotkin,  Memoirs  of  a  Revolutionist  (1899),  a  fascinating 
account  of  life  in  Russia  under  Alexander  II  by  the  famous  Russian  scientist 
and  revolutionist;  Sergius  Stepniak,  pseudonym  of  a  highly  intellectual 
terrorist,  gives  vivid  pictures  of  the  revolutionary  movement  in  the  eighties 
and  nineties  in  Underground  Russia  (1883)  and  Career  of  a  Nihilist  (1901); 
George  Kennan,  Siberia  and  the  Exile  System,  2  vols.  (1897),  an  account  by 
an  American  journalist  which  created  a  great  impression  at  the  time  of 
publication,  a  terrible  indictment  of  the  exile  system;  Leo  Deutsch,  Sixteen 
Years  in  Siberia  (1905),  memoirs  of  a  prominent  Russian  Socialist;  Paul 
Miliukov,  Russia  and  its  Crisis  (1905),  an  interpretation  by  the  famous 
leader  of  the  Russian  Liberals;  B.  Pares,  Russia  and  Reform  (1907),  by  an 
authority  on  Russian  affairs;  William  English  Walling,  Russia's  Message 
(1908),  an  interpretation  by  an  American  Socialist,  especially  good  for  the 
peasants'  part  in  the  Revolution;  M.  Kovalevsky,  La  crise  russe :  notes  et 
impressions  d'un  temoiti  (1906),  the  views  of  the  eminent  Russian  scholar; 
L.  Kulczycki,  Geschichte  der  russischen  Revolution,  trans,  from  the  Polish  into 
German  (1910-14),  the  best  and  most  scholarly  treatment  from  the  revolu- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xxv 

tionary  point  of  view,  three  volumes  have  so  far  appeared  dealing  with  the 
period  1825-1900;  E.  A.  Goidenweiser,  "The  Russian  Duma"  (Political  Sci- 
ence Quarterly,  September,  191 4),  a  description  of  the  electoral  law  for  the 
third  Duma;  M.  J.  Olgin,  The  Soul  of  the  Russian  Revolution  (1918),  an  an- 
alysis of  the  revolutionary  movements  of  1905  and  1917. 
Cultural 

Peter  (Prince)  Kropotkin,  Russian  Literature,  Ideals,  and  Realities  (1915); 
L.  Wiener,  An  Interpretation  of  the  Russiayi  People  (1915);  Stephen  Graham, 
Undiscovered  Russia  (1914);  K.  P.  Pobedonostsev,  Reflections  of  a  Russian 
Statesman,  trans,  from  the  French  by  R.  C.  Long  (1898),  an  able  defense 
of  absolutism  and  Orthodoxy  by  the  famous  Procurator  of  the  Holy  Synod; 
A.  Bruckner,  A  Literary  History  of  Russia,  trans,  from  the  German  by  H. 
Havelock  (1908);  W.  Lyon  Phelps,  Essays  on  Russian  Novelists  (ed.  1916); 
Maurice  Baring,  Landmarks  in  Rtissian  Literature  (1910). 

For  references  to  expansion  see  bibliography  under  chapter  XXVlli;  for 
those  to  foreign  affairs,  under  chapter  xxix. 

CHAPTER  XXIV 

Revolution.\ry  L.\bor  Movements 

Socialism:  Sources 

Karl  Marx,  Capital:  a  Critique  of  Political  Economy,  trans,  from  the 
German,  3  vols.,  vol.  i,  by  S.  Moore,  vol.  11,  by  E.  B.  Aveling,  vol.  ill,  by  E. 
Untermann  (1907-09),  see  p.  578;  G.  Deville,  The  People's  Marx,  a  Popular 
Epitome  of  Karl  Marx's  Capital,  trans,  from  the  French  by  R.  R.  La  Monte 
(1900);  Friedrich  Engels,  Socialism:  Utopian  and  Scientific,  trans,  from  the 
German  by  E.  Aveling  (ed.  1911),  a  criticism  of  utopianism  by  the  co- 
worker of  Marx;  The  Communist  Manifesto  (see  p.  578),  trans,  from  the  Ger- 
man in  every  European  language  and  in  many  cheap  editions;  Ferdinand 
Lassalle,  Reden  und  Schriften,  3  vols,  a  collection  of  his  speeches  and  writings 
issued  in  1892-95  and  edited  by  Eduard  Bernstein;  Eduard  Bernstein, 
Ferdinatid  Lassalle  as  a  Social  Reformer,  trans,  from  the  German  by  E.  M. 
Aveling  (1893);  good  source  books,  R.  C.  K.  Ensor,  Modern  Socialism,  as  set 
forth  by  Socialists  in  their  Speeches,  Writings,  and  Programmes  (ed.  1910), 
Jane  T.  Stoddart,  The  New  Socialism,  and  Impartial  Inqiiiry  (1909),  and 
The  Socialism  of  To-Day  (1916),  platforms  and  other  important  documents 
of  the  Socialist  parties  in  the  world,  edited  by  William  English  Walling, 
J.  G.  Phelps  Stokes,  and  others. 

Socialism:  Expositions  by  Soci.a.lists 

John  Spargo,  an  able  American  Socialist  writer.  Socialism:  a  Summary 
and  Interpretation  of  Socialist  Principles  (ed.  1910),  moderate  and  fair,  and 
Karl  Marx,  his  Life  and  Work  (1910);  J.  Ramsay  MacDonald,  leader  of 
the  English  Labor  Party,  The  Socialist  Movement  (191 1),  Socialism  and 
Government,  2  vols.  (1909),  and  Socialism  and  Society  (1905);  Karl  Kautsky, 
leading  German  exponent  of  Marxism,  The  Social  Revolution,  trans,  from 
the  German  by  J.  B.  Askew  (1907),  The  Class  Struggle,  trans,  by  W.  E. 
Bohn  (1910),  and  Ethics  and  the  Materialist  Conception  of  History,  trans, 
from  the  German  by  J.  B.  Askew  (1907);  Eduard  Bernstein,  leading  ex- 
ponent of  revisionism.  Evolutionary  Socialism:  a  Criticism  and  an  Affirma- 
tion, trans,  from  the  German  by  E.  C.  Harvey  (1909);  William  English 
Walling,  a  leading  American  Socialist  writer.  Socialism  as  it  is :  a  Survey 
of  the  World-Wide  Revolutionary  Movement  (1912);  Edmond  Kelly,  Twen- 
tieth Century  Socialism  (1910);  Morris  Hillquitt,  the  leader  of  the  Ameri- 
can Socialists,  Socialism  in  Theory  and  Practice  (1909);  L.  B.  Boudin,  The 


xxvi  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Theoretical  System  of  Karl  Marx  in  the  Light  of  Recent  Criticism  (1907): 
Fabian  Essays  in  Socialism  (1909),  a  collection  of  essays  by  prominent  Eng- 
lish Socialists,  see  p.  593;  Compere-Morel  (editor),  Encyclopedie  socialiste, 
8  vols.  (1912-13),  covers  every  phase  of  the  Socialist  movement,  especially 
good  for  France. 

Socialism  :  Criticism  by  Anti-Socialists 

O.  D.  Skelton,  Socialism:  A  Critical  Analysis  (191 1),  a  brief  but  excel- 
lent study,  one  of  the  best  replies  to  socialism;  A.  Schafifle,  The  Quintes- 
sence of  Socialism,  trans,  from  the  German  by  B.  Bosanquet  (1880);  Paul 
Leroy-Beaulieu,  Collectivism,  abridged  trans,  by  Sir  A.  Clay  (1908);  W.  H. 
Mallock,  A  Critical  Examination  of  Socialism  (1907);  J.  A.  Ryan,  Distri- 
butive Justice  (1916)  and  Henry  C.  Day,  S.J.,  Catholic  Democracy :  Indi- 
vidualism and  Socialism  (1914),  criticisms  from  the  Roman  Catholic  stand- 
point; V.  G.  Simkhovitch,  Marxistn  versus  Socialism  (1913);  the  London 
Contemporary  Review,  August,  1906,  contains  the  report  of  a  famous 
debate  on  socialism  in  the  French  Chamber  between  the  Socialist,  Jaures, 
and  the  Radical,  Clemenceau. 

Socialism:  History 

J.  Rae,  Contemporary  Socialism  (ed.  1908),  the  best  general  history  of  the 
movement,  written  by  a  non-Socialist,  but  fair  in  its  treatment;  T.  Kirkup, 
A  History  of  Socialism,  revised  and  largely  rewritten  by  E.  R.  Pease  (1913), 
an  excellent  small  volume  sympathetic  with  socialism;  W.  Sombart,  Social- 
ism and  the  Socialist  Movement,  trans,  by  M.  Epstein  (1909),  a  sympathetic 
description  by  a  non-Socialist;  R.  T.  Ely,  French  and  German  Socialism  in 
Modern  Times  (1898),  good  for  descriptions  of  the  Utopians;  J.  Longuet, 
Le  Mouvetnent  socialiste  international  (1913),  by  a  prominent  French  Socialist; 
Le  parti  socialiste  en  France  (19 12),  vol.  ii  of  Encyclopedie  socialiste;  Franz 
Mehring,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Sozialdemokratie  (1904),  the  standard 
work  on  German  socialism,  written  by  a  Socialist;  August  Bebel,  My  Life, 
trans,  from  the  German  (1912),  the  autobiography  of  the  famous  German 
Socialist;  Carlton  J.  H.  Hayes,  "The  History  of  German  Socialism  Recon- 
sidered" {American  Historical  Review,  October,  1917),  a  valuable  study; 
F.  J.  Shaw,  The  Socialist  Movement  in  England  (1908);  M.  Beer,  Geschichte 
des  Sozialismus  in  England  (1913);  S.  P.  Orth,  Socialism  and  Democracy  in 
Europe  (1913)  and  Robert  Hunter,  Socialists  at  Work  (1908),  excellent  popu- 
lar descriptions  of  the  European  Socialist  parties  and  leaders,  Orth's  book 
contains  reprints  of  important  Socialist  documents. 

Anarchism 

P.  J.  Proudhon,  What  is  Property?  trans,  from  the  French  by  B.  R. 
Tucker,  2  vols.  (1902),  see  p.  598;  Paul  Eltzbacher,  Anarchism  (1908),  con- 
sists mainly  of  extracts  from  the  writings  of  prominent  anarchists;  E.  V. 
Zenker,  Anarchism :  a  Criticism  and  History  of  the  Anarchist  Theory,  trans, 
from  the  German  (1898);  Benjamin  R.  Tucker,  Instead  of  a  Book  (1897), 
an  exposition  of  anarchism  by  an  American  anarchist. 

Syndicalism 

Georges  Sorel,  Reflections  on  Violence,  trans,  from  the  French  by  T.  E. 
Hulme  (1916),  see  p.  602;  Louis  Levine,  The  Labor  Movement  in  France 
(1912),  the  best  study  of  syndicalist  ideals  and  of  the  movement  in  France; 
Hubert  Lagardelle,  Le  Socialisme  Ouvrier  (191 1),  by  a  prominent  French 
syndicalist;  Robert  Hunter,  Violence  and  the  Labor  Movement  (1914),  by 
a  Socialist  opposed  to  syndicalism.  A.  R.  Orage  (editor),  National  Guilds; 
an  Inquiry  into  the  Wage  System  and  the  Way  Out  (19 14),  advocates  a  scheme, 
guild  socialism,  in  which  each  trade  and  profession  constitutes  an  industrial 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xxvii 

unit,  a  "guild,"  wherein  wealth  is  produced  and  profits  are  shared;  the 
common  interests  of  the  guilds  are  directed  by  a  political  state,  hence  the 
scheme  is  a  combination  of  syndicalism  and  socialism. 

CHAPTER  XXV 

The  Woman's  Movement 
General 

W.  L.  Blease,  The  Emancipation  of  English  Women  (19 lo),  a  narrative  of 
the  struggles  for  equality  of  the  English  women  by  a  sympathizer;  Kaethe 
Schirmacher,  The  Modern  Woman's  Rights  Movement  (1912),  a  description  of 
the  movement  in  all  countries;  E.  R.  Hecker,  Short  History  of  Woman's 
Rights  (1910);  Lily  Braun,  Die  Frauenfrage :  ihre  geschichtliche  Entwick- 
lung  und  wirtschaftliche  Seite  (1910);  Gaston  Richard,  La  Femme  dans 
I'histoire  (1909). 

Feminism 

Charlotte  P.  Gilman,  Women  and  Economics  (ed.  1910),  a  plea  for  cooper- 
ative housekeeping  and  the  economic  independence  of  women  by  the  lead- 
ing American  feminist;  Ellen  Key,  Love  and  Marriage,  trans,  from  the  Swed- 
ish by  A.  G.  Chater  (1912)  and  The  Woman  Movement,  trans,  from  the 
Swedish  by  M.  B.  Borthwick  (1912),  two  well-known  books  by  the  leading 
feminist  of  Europe;  W.  L.  George,  Women  and  To-morrow  (1913),  a  plea 
for  a  radical  change  in  the  position  of  woman  in  society;  Olive  Schreiner, 
Women  and  Labour  (191 1),  an  eloquent  defense  of  woman's  contribution  to 
civilization;  Mary  Austin,  Love  ayid  the  Soul  Maker  (19 14),  by  a  prominent 
American  writer;  "Feminism  and  Woman  Suffrage"  {Annals  of  the  Ameri- 
can Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science,  November,  1914);  Mrs.  C.  G. 
Hartley,  The  Truth  about  Woman  (1914);  B.  L.  Hutchins,  Women  in  Modern 
Industry  (19 15). 

English  Suffrage  Movement 

Mary  Wollstonecraft,  A  Vindication  of  the  Rights  of  Women  (ed.  1891), 
see  p.  605;  John  Stuart  Mill,  Subjection  of  Women  (ed.  191 1),  see  p.  607; 
E.  R.  Turner,  "The  Women's  Suffrage  Movement  in  England"  {Ameri- 
can Political  Science  Review,  November,  1913);  Emmeline  Pankhurst,  The 
Suffragette:  The  History  of  the  Women's  Militant  Suffrage  Movement  (1912), 
by  the  famous  "suffragette";  A.  V.  Dicey,  Letters  to  a  Friend  on  Votes  for 
Women  (1909),  by  an  anti-suffragist;  J.  Salwyn  Schapiro,  "Aspects  of 
the  English  Suffrage  Movement"  {Forum,  March,  1914);  A.  E.  Metcalfe, 
Woman's  Effort:  a  Chronicle  of  British  Women's  Fifty  Years'  Struggle  for 
Citizenship  {1865-IQ14)  (1917). 

Woman's  Movement  in  other  Countries 

Katherine  Anthony,  Feminism  in  Germany  and  Scandinavia  (1915);  "The 
Woman's  Movement  in  Germany"  {New  Statesman,  November  29,  1913); 
J.  Castberg,  "Legal  Position  of  Women  in  Norway"  {Nineteenth  Century, 
February,  1912);  F.  Buisson,  Le  Vote  des  femmes  (1911);  C.  Dawbarn, 
"The  French  Women  and  the  Vote"  {Fortnightly  Review,  August,  1911). 

CHAPTER  XXVI 

Science 
General 

Robinson  and  Beard,  vol.  11,  pp.  405-22,  an  excellent  resume ;  Cambridge 
Modern  History,  vol.  xii,  ch.  xxiv;  Histoire  gencrale,  vol.  x,  ch.  xx,  vol.  xi, 
ch.  XXV,  vol.    XII,  ch.  xvii;   W.  T.  Sedgwick  and   H.  W.  Tyler,  A  Short 


xxviii  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

History  of  Science  (1917);  H.  S.  Williams,  A  History  of  Science,  10  vols. 
(1904-10);  W.  Libby,  An  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Science  (1917); 
J.  T.  Merz,  A  History  of  European  Thought  in  the  Nineteenth  Century,  4  vols. 
(1896-1914),  contains  valuable  chapters  on  scientific  progress;  J.  A.  Thomson, 
Introduction  to  Science  (191 1);  Alfred  Russel  Wallace,  The  Wonderful  Cen- 
tury :  its  Successes  and  its  Failures  (1898) ;  Alfred  Russel  Wallace  (and  others), 
The  Progress  of  the  Century  (1901);  E.  Ray  Lankester,  The  Kingdom  of  Man 
(1907). 

Special  Sciences 

Consult  the  works  of  famous  scientists  such  as  Darwin,  Huxley,  Tyndal, 
Spencer,  Haeckel,  Pasteur,  and  Lyell.  Sir  T.  E.  Thorpe,  Essays  in  His- 
torical Chemistry  (1911);  W.  A.  Locy,  Biology  and  its  Makers  (ed.  1915); 
A.  Geikie,  The  Founders  of  Geology  (1905). 


CHAPTER  XXVII 
The  Near  Eastern  Question 

General 

E.  Driault,  La  Question  d'Orient  depuis  ses  origines  jusqu'd,  la  Grande 
Guerre  (ed.  1917),  the  standard  work  on  the  Near  Eastern  Question  in  all 
its  aspects;  W.  Miller,  The  Ottoman  Empire,  iSoi-igij  (1913),  the  best  gen- 
eral history  of  the  subject  in  English,  contains  good  accounts  of  the  in- 
dividual states;  S.  P.  Duggan,  The  Eastern  Question;  A  Study  in  Diplomacy 
(1902),  a  brief  but  excellent  treatment  by  an  American  authority  on  the 
subject;  L.  Villari  (editor),  The  Balkan  Question:  the  Present  Condition  of 
the  Balkans  and  of  European  Responsibilities  (1905),  essays  by  scholars  of 
many  nations;  Lord  Courtney  (editor).  Nationalism  in  the  Near  East  (191 5), 
essays  on  the  ambitions  and  rivalries  of  the  Balkan  States;  R.  W.  Seton- 
Watson,  The  Rise  of  Nationality  in  the  Balkans  (1917);  A.  H.  E.  Taylor, 
The  Future  of  the  Southern  Slavs  (1917);  H.  N.  Brailsford,  Macedonia:  Its 
Races  and  their  Future  (1906);  N.  Forbes  (and  others),  The  Balkans:  A  His- 
tory of  Bulgaria,  Serbia,  Greece,  Roumania,  Ttirkey  (1915);  J.  H.  Rose,  The 
Development  of  the  European  Nations,  iSyo-igoo,  vol.  I,  ch.  vii-x. 

Turkey 

S.  Lane-Poole,  The  Story  of  Turkey  (1897),  a  clearly  written  as  well  as  a 
reliable  summary  of  Turkish  history;  N.  Jorga,  Geschichte  des  osmanischen 
Reiches,  vol.  v  (1913),  considered  the  standard  work  on  Turkey;  T.  G. 
Djuvara,  Cent  projets  de  partage  de  la  Turquie,  1281-1913  (1914),  written  by 
a  Rumanian  diplomat,  contains  recent  treaties;  on  the  Turkish  Revolution, 
C.  R.  Buxton,  Turkey  in  Revolution  (1909)  and  R.  Pinon,  U Europe  et  la 
jeune  Turquie:  les  aspects  nouveaux  de  la  question  d' Orient  (1911);  Sir  E. 
Pears,  Turkey  and  its  People  (ed.  1912),  an  intimate  study  by  an  English- 
man  long  resident  in  Turkey. 

The  Christian  States 

W.  Miller,  The  Balkans:  Roumania,  Bulgaria,  Servia,  and  Montenegro 
(ed.  1908),  by  the  well-known  authority  on  the  subject;  L.  Leger,  Serbes, 
Croates  et  Bulgares;  etudes  historiques,  politiques,  et  litteraire  (1913);  on 
Greece,  L.  Sergent,  Greece  in  the  Nineteenth  Century:  A  Record  of  Hellenic 
Emancipation  and  Progress,  1821-1897  (1897)  and  P.  F._  Martin,  Greece 
of  the  Twentieth  Century  (1913);  on  Bulgaria,  Edward  Dicey,  The  Peas- 
ant State:  an  Account  of  Bulgaria  in  1894  (1894)  and  G.  Songeon,  His- 
toire  de  la  Bulgarie  depuis  les  origines  jusqu'd.  nos  jours,  485-1913  (i9i3)> 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xxix 

on  Rumania,  N.  Jorga,  Geschichte  des  rumdnischen  Volkes  in  Rahmen  seiner 
Stattsbildungen,  2  vols.  (1905)  and  O.  Brilliant,  Roumania  (1915);  on 
Serbia,  W.  M.  Petrovitch,  Serbia,  her  People,  History,  and  Aspirations 
(1915)  and  Prince  and  Princess  Lazarovich-Hrebelianovitch,  The  Servian 
People;  their  Past  Glory  and  their  Destiny,  2  vols.  (1910);  on  Montenegro, 
F.  S.  Stevenson,  A  History  of  Montenegro  (1912). 

Austria  and  the  Balkans 

T.  von  Sosnosky,  Die  Balkanpolitik  Oesterreich-Ungarns  seit  1866,  2  vols. 
(1913-14),  pro-Austrian;  G.  M.  Trevelyan,  The  Servians  and  Austria 
(1914),  anti-Austrian;  R.  W.  Seton-Watson,  The  Southern  Slav  Question 
and  the  Habsburg  Monarchy  (191 1),  sympathetic  with  the  Slavs. 

Special 

Sir  Thomas  Barclay,  The  Turco-Italian  War  and  its  Problems  (1912),  by  a 
noted  English  diplomat;  J.  G.  Schurman,  The  Balkan  Wars,  1912-ipij 
(1914),  the  best  short  history;  Report  of  the  Internatiotial  Commission  to 
inquire  into  the  Causes  and  Conduct  of  the  Balkan  Wars  (1914),  by  the  Carne- 
gie Endowment  for  International  Peace;  "Balkan  Treaties,  1912-1913" 
{American  Journal  of  International  Law,  vol.  viii,  no.  i,  supplement);  the 
problems  arising  from  the  Balkan  Wars  are  treated  with  knowledge  and  in- 
sight by  S.  P.  Duggan  in  his  articles  in  the  Political  Science  Quarterly,  March 
and  December,  1913. 

CHAPTER  XXVIII 

The  Expansion  of  Europe 
General 

Excellent  summaries  are  to  be  found  in  Hayes,  vol.  11,  chs.  xxvii-xxviii, 
and  in  Robinson  and  Beard,  vol.  11,  ch.  xxx;  A.  G.  Keller,  Colonization :  a 
Study  of  the  Fotmding  of  New  Societies  (1908),  a  sociological  treatise;  Paul 
Leroy-Beaulieu,  De  la  colonisation  chez  les  peuples  modernes,  2  vols.  (ed. 
1908),  the  best  French  work  on  the  subject;  A.  Zimmermann,  Die  euro- 
pdischen  Kolonien,  5  vols,  (i  896-1 903),  a  detailed  study  of  European  ex- 
pansion, contains  good  maps;  H.  C.  Morris,  The  History  of  Colonization, 
2  vols.  (1908) ;  J.  W.  Root,  Colonial  Tariffs  (1906),  good  for  economic  condi- 
tions; on  colonial  government,  P.  S.  Reinsch,  Colonial  Government  (1902) 
and  Colonial  Administration  (1904);  J.  A.  Hobson,  Imperialism:  a  Study 
(1902),  a  criticism  of  expansion,  mainly  on  economic  grounds,  by  an  anti- 
imperialist;  on  the  missionary  movement,  J.  S.  Dennis,  Christian  Missions 
and  Social  Progress,  3  vols,  (i 897-1906)  and  R.  E.  Spear,  Missions  and 
Modern  History  :  a  Study  of  the  Missionary  Aspects  of  some  Great  Movements 
of  the  Nineteenth  Century,  2  vols.  (1904) ;  for  Catholic  missions  consult  articles 
in  the  Catholic  Encyclopedia. 

The  Far  East 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  vol.  xi,  ch.  xxviii,  vol.  xii,  chs.  xvii-xxix; 
Histoire  generale,  vol.  x,  chs.  xxvii-xxviii,  vol.  xi,  ch.  xx,  vol.  xii,  chs. 
xxiv-xxv;  Sir  R.  K.  Douglas,  Europe  and  the  Far  East,  i5o6-igi2  (ed. 
1913),  thebest  short  account;  E.  'Dr'ia.ult,  La  question  d' extreme  Orient  (1908), 
an  excellent  study  by  a  recognized  French  authority;  P.  S.  Reinsch,  World 
Politics  at  the  End  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  (1900)  and  Intellectual  and 
Political  Currents  in  the  Far  East  (191 1),  two  admirable  short  studies  on 
social,  economic,  and  cultural  conditions  in  China  and  Japan;  T.  F.  Mil- 
lard, America  and  the  Far  Easterti  Question  (1909),  an  explanation  of  Amer- 
ica's interest  in  China;  S.  K.  Hornbeck,  Contemporary  Politics  in  the  Far 
East  (1916),  an  important  contribution  by  a  close  observer. 


XXX  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

China 

H.  A.  Giles,  China  and  the  Chinese  (1902),  The  Cimlization  of  China  (191 1), 
and  China  and  the  Manchus  (1912),  are  excellent  introductory  studies  of 
Chinese  problems;  Sir  R.  K.  Douglas,  The  Story  of  China  (1901),  a  handy 
outline;  H.  Cordier,  Histoire  des  relations  de  la  Chine  avec  les  puissances  occi' 
dentales,  3  vols.  (1901-02),  the  standard  French  work;  P,  H.  Clements,  An 
Outline  of  the  Politics  and  Diplomacy  of  China  and  the  Powers,  i8g4-igo2 
(1915),  a  good  account  of  the  international  problems  arising  from  the  Boxer 
movement;  on  the  Revolution,  P.  H.  Kent,  The  Passing  of  the  Manchus 
(1912). 

Japan 

F.  Brinkley  and  Baron  Kikuchi,  A  History  of  the  Japanese  People  from  the 
Earliest  Times  to  the  End  of  the  Meiji  Era  (19 15),  the  best  general  history 
in  English;  W.  W.  McLaren,  A  Political  History  of  Japan  (1916);  R.  P. 
Porter,  Japan  (1918);  W.  E.  Griffis,  The  Mikado's  Empire  (ed.  1903),  a 
good  popular  description;  Count  Okuma  (editor).  Fifty  Years  of  New  Japan, 
trans,  from  the  Japanese  by  M.  B.  Huish,  2  vols.  (1909),  a  series  of  studies 
by  Japanese  writers;  J.  H.  Longford,  The  Evolution  of  New  Japaii  (1913); 
Marquis  de  La  Mazeliere,Le  Japan:  Histoire  et  civilisation,  5  vols.  (1907-10); 
on  government,  T.  lyenaga.  The  Constitutional  Development  of  Japan,  1853- 
188 1  (1891),  T.  GoUier,  Essai  sur  les  institutions  politiques  du  Japon  (1903), 
and  Japanese  Government  Documents,  1 867-1 88g  (1914),  published  by  the 
Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  documents  illustrative  of  the  transition  period; 
K.  K.  Kawakami,  Japan  in  World  Politics  (1917),  a  defense  of  her  policies 
by  a  Japanese. 

The  Russo-Japanese  War 

K.  Asakawa,  The  Russo-Japanese  Conflict:  Its  Causes  and  Issues  (1904), 
favorable  to  Japan;  A.  N.  Kuropatkin,  The  Russian  Army  and  the  Jap- 
anese War,  partially  translated  from  the  Russian  by  A.  B.  Lindsay,  2  vols. 
(1909),  a  defense  of  Russia  by  the  Russian  commander-in-chief;  A.  S. 
Hershey,  The  International  Law  and  Diplomacy  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War 
(1906). 

Expansion  of  Russia 

J.  H.  Rose,  The  Development  of  the  European  Nations,  1870-IQ00,  vol.  11, 
chs.  II,  III,  ix;  F.  H.  Skrine,  The  Expansion  of  Russia  (ed.  1913),  the  best 
brief  treatment;  Alfred  Rambaud,  The  Expansion  of  Russia:  Problems  of  the 
East  and  Problems  of  the  Far  East  (ed.  1904);  C.  F.  Wright,  Asiatic  Russia, 
2  vols.  (1902),  an  authoritative  survey  of  conditions,  political,  economic, 
and  racial;  Armin  Vambery,  Western  Culture  in  Eastern  Lands:  a  Compari- 
son of  the  Methods  adopted  by  England  and  Russia  in  the  Middle  East  (1906), 
by  a  famous  traveler  and  Orientalist,  favorable  to  England. 

Persia 

P.  M.  Sykes,  A  History  of  Persia,  2  vols.  (19 15),  especially  good  for  modern 
conditions;  W.  M.  Shuster,  The  Strangling  of  Persia:  a  Record  of  European 
Diplomacy  and  Oriental  Intrigue  (1912),  a  severe  indictment  of  Russia's  and 
England's  policies  in  Persia  by  the  American  financial  adviser  to  the  Per- 
sian Parliament;  E.  G.  Browne,  The  Persian  Revolution  of  igos-igog  (1910). 

Africa 

J.  H.  Rose,  The  Development  of  the  European  Nations,  1870-igoo,  vol.  11, 
chs.  iv-viii;  Sir  Edward  Hertslet,  The  Map  of  Africa  by  Treaty,  3  vols. 
(ed.  1909),  an  indispensable  source,  contains  all  impgrtant  treaties  relative 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xxxi 

to  the  partition  of  Africa;  Sir  H.  H.  Johnston,  The  Opening  Up  of  Africa 
(191 1)  and  A  History  of  the  Colonization  of  Africa  by  Alien  Races  (ed.  1913), 
excellent  studies  by  a  competent  authority,  sympathetic  with  the  natives; 
J.  S.  Keltic,  The  Partition  of  Africa  (1895);  David  Livingstone,  Missionary 
Travels  and  Researches  in  South  Africa  (ed.  i860)  and  Last  Journals  in 
Central  Africa  from  1865  to  his  Death,  edited  by  H.  Waller  (1875);  H.  H. 
Johnston,  Livingstone  and  the  Exploration  of  Central  Africa  (1897);  Sir 
H.  M.  Stanley,  How  I  found  Livingstone:  Travels  and  Adventures  in  Central 
Africa  (1872),  Through  the  Dark  Continent,  or  the  Sources  of  the  Nile,  2  vols. 
(1878),  In  Darkest  Africa  (ed.  1897),  and  Co7igo  ajid  the  Founding  of  its  Free 
State,  2  vols.  (1885);  N.  D.  Harris,  Intervention  and  Colonization  in  Africa 
(1914);  H.  A.  Gibbons,  The  New  Map  of  Africa  (1916). 

For  references  to  the  expansion  of  England  see  bibliography  under  chapter 
XV ;  for  France,  under  chapter  xi;  for  Germany,  under  chapter  xii. 

CHAPTER  XXIX 

International  Relations  (1870-1914) 
General 

C.  Seymour.  The  Diplomatic  Background  of  the  War,  1870-IQ14  (1916), 
an  excellent  summary,  clearly  written,  impartial;  L.  H.  Holt  and  A.  W. 
Chilton,  The  History  of  Europe  from  1862  to  IQ14  (1917),  mainly  diplomatic 
and  military;  J.  H.  Rose,  The  Development  of  the  European  Nations,  1870- 
1900,  2  vols.  (1905),  mainly  on  international  affairs  and  expansion;  H.  A. 
Gibbons,  The  New  Map  of  Europe  (19 15),  a  suggestive  review  of  inter- 
national policies  since  the  Balkan  Wars;  A.  Deh\Aour,  Histoire  diplomatique 
de  I'Europe  depuis  le  Congres  de  Berlin  jusqii'd  nos  jours  (1917),  by  a  well- 
known  authority;  Arthur  Bollard,  The  Diplomacy  of  the  Great  War  (1916), 
a  readable  discussion  of  international  problems  since  1878;  W.  M.  Fuller- 
ton,  Problems  of  Power  (ed.  1915),  a  discussion  of  international  problems  from 
1870  to  191 1 ;  Walter  Lippmann,  The  Stakes  of  Diplomacy  (1915),  a  well- 
written,  suggestive  discussion  of  the  interaction  of  business  and  imperial- 
ism in  modern  diplomacy;  H.  N.  Brailsford,  The  War  of  Steel  and  Gold 
(1914),  a  study  from  a  similar  point  of  view  by  an  anti-imperialist;  Sir 
Harry  Johnston,  Common  Sense  in  Foreign  Policy  (1913);  P.  Albin,  Les 
grands  traites  politiques :  receuil  des  principaux  textes  diplomatiques  depuis 
1815  jusqu'd.  nos  jours  (ed.  191 1),  collection  of  texts  of  important  treaties. 

German  Foreign  Policies 

Ernst  (Count)  zu  Reventlow,  Deiitschlands  auswdrtige  Politik,  1888-1913 
(1914),  a  thorough  study  by  a  Pan-German  writer  of  wide  influence  in  Ger- 
many; T.  Schiemann,  Deutschland  und  die  grosse  politik,  anno  IQ01-IQ14 
(1902-15),  written  by  the  foreign  editor  of  the  influential  Pan-German  Kreiiz- 
zeitung ;  P.  Rohrbach,  German  World  Policies,  trans,  from  the  German  by 
E.  von  Mach  (1915)  and  Germany's  Isolation:  an  Exposition  of  the  Eco- 
nomic Causes  of  the  War,  trans,  from  the  German  by  P.  H.  Phillipson  (19 15), 
two  little  books  widely  read  in  Germany;  G.  W.  Prothero,  German  Policy  be- 
fore the  War  (1916),  an  English  view;  A.  C.  Coolidge,  The  Origins  of  the 
Triple  Alliance  (1917),  by  a  close  student  of  European  diplomacy;  F.  Nau- 
mann.  Central  Europe,  trans,  from  the  German  by  C.  M.  Meredith  (1917),  a 
plea  for  an  economic  union  of  Germany  and  Austria;  M.  Jastrow,  The 
War  and  the  Bagdad  Railway  (1918),  an  analysis  of  Germany's  exploita- 
tion of  Turkey;  Andre  Cheradame,  The  Pangerman  Plot  Unmasked,  (1917), 
the  best  study  of  Pan-Germanism  from  the  anti-German  point  of  view; 
Herman    Bernstein    (editor),    The    Willy-Nicky  Papers  (1917),  containing 


xxxii  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

secret  correspondence  between  the  German  Emperor  and  the  Tsar;  Munroe 
Smith,  Militansm  and  Statescraft  (1918),  an  illuminating  study  of  German 
ideals  and  policies.  For  further  references  consult  bibliography  under  chap- 
ter XII. 

England's  Foreign  Policies 

Bernadotte  Everly  Schmitt,  England  and  Germany,  1^40-1914  (1916),  an 
excellent  study  of  England's  foreign  policies,  particularly  for  the  period 
after  1870,  defends  England  as  against  Germany;  Gilbert  Murray,  The 
Foreign  Policy  of  Sir  Edward  Grey,  IQ06-IQ15  (191 5),  a  defense  of  the  Eng- 
lish Foreign  Minister;  G.  H.  Ferris,  Our  Foreign  Policy  and  Sir  Edward 
Grey's  Failure  (1912),  an  attack  on  the  English  Foreign  Minister;  G.  L. 
Beer,  The  English-Speaking  Peoples,  their  Future  Relations  and  Joint  Inter- 
national Obligations  (19 17),  a  plea  for  closer  Anglo-American  cooperation 
by  a  recognized  authority  on  British  colonial  affairs. 

France's  Foreign  Policies 

Andre  Tardieu,  France  and  the  Alliances:  the  Struggle  for  the  Balance  of 
Power  (1908),  by  a  well-known  French  writer  on  diplomacy;  R.  Pinon, 
France  et  Allemagjie,  1870-IQ13  (ed.  1913);  G.  Hanotaux,  La  politique  de 
I'equilibre,  igoj-  igii  (1912). 

Militarism 

F.  von  Bernhardi,  Germany  and  the  Next  War,  trans,  from  the  German  by 
A.  H.  Powles  (1912),  a  plea  for  war  as  a  "biological  necessity"  by  a  German 
military  philosopher;  J.  A.  Cramb,  The  Origins  and  Destiny  of  Imperial 
Britain  and  Nineteenth- Century  Europe  (ed.  1915),  a  chauvinistic  plea  for 
British  imperialism;  A.  T.  Mahan,  Armaments  and  Arbitration :  or  the  Place 
of  Force  in  the  International  Relations  of  States  (19 12),  a  criticism  of  pacifism 
by  the  distinguished  writer  on  naval  affairs;  C.  von  der  Goltz,  A  Natiofi  in 
Arms,  condensed  and  translated  from  the  German  by  F.  A.  Ashworth  (1915), 
an  authoritative  statement  of  the  German  military  system;  E.  F.  Henderson, 
Germany's  Fighting  Machine  (1914),  by  a  German  sympathizer;  A.  S.  Hurd 
and  H.  Castle,  German  Sea  Power,  its  Rise,  Progress,  and  Economic  Basis 
(1913),  a  good  account  from  the  English  viewpoint;  J.  Leyland,  The  Royal 
Navy:  its  Influence  in  English  History  and  in  the  Growth  of  the  Empire  (19 14). 

Pacifism 

Norman  Angell,  The  Great  Illusion  (ed.  1914),  a  highly  original  study  of 
the  effects  of  war,  see  p.  697;  by  the  same  author.  Foundations  of  Inter- 
national Polity  (1914);  I.  S.  Bloch,  The  Future  of  War  in  its  Technical,  Eco- 
nomic, and  Political  Relations:  Is  War  now  Impossible?  trans,  from  the 
Russian  by  R.  C.  Long  (ed.  1902),  see  p.  697;  E.  B.  Krehbiel,  Nationalism, 
War,  and  Society  (1916),  an  excellent  syllabus  of  international  relations  and 
of  the  peace  movement;  D.  S.  Jordan,  War  and  Waste:  a  Series  of  Discussions 
of  War  and  War  Accessories  (1913),  a  plea  for  universal  peace  by  a  prominent 
American  pacifist;  Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  International  Mind:  an  Argu- 
ment for  the  Judicial  Settlement  of  International  Disputes  (191 3),  a  logical 
and  illuminating  plea  for  international  arbitration;  B.  A.  W.  Russell, 
Justice  in  War-Time  (1916),  a  criticism  of  diplomacy  from  the  point  of  view 
of  an  English  pacifist;  J.  C.  Faries,  The  Rise  of  Internationalism  (1915), 
a  compilation  of  the  various  international  unions,  agreements,  and  socie- 
ties; on  the  "Hague  Peace  Conferences,"  J.  B.  Scott,  The  Hague  Peace  Con- 
ferences of  i8qq  and  1907,  2  vols.  (1909),  W.  I.  Hull,  The  Two  Hague  Peace 
Conferences  and  their  Contributions  to  International  Law  (1908),  J.  W.  Foster, 
Arbitration  and  The  Hague  Court  (1904)1  and  G.  G.  Wilson  (editor),  The 
Hague  Arbitration  Cases  (1915). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xxxiii 

CHAPTER  XXX 
The  World  War 
Sources 

The  various  diplomatic  papers  issued  by  the  nations  known  as  the 
White  Book,  Yellow  Book,  Orange  Book,  etc.,  are  published  by  the  "Ameri- 
can Association  for  International  Conciliation";  Collected  Diplomatic  Docu- 
ments Relating  to  the  Outbreak  of  the  European  War,  published  by  Harrison 
and  Sons,  London;  The  London  Times  "Documentary  History  of  the  War"; 
J.  B.  Scott,  Diplomatic  Documents  relating  to  the  Outbreak  of  the  European 
War  (1916);  E.  C.  Stowell,  The  Diplomacy  of  the  War  of  1914;  E.  R.  O.  von 
Mach,  Official  Diplomatic  Documents  Relating  to  the  Outbreak  of  the  Euro- 
pean War  (1916),  withdrawn  from  circulation  by  the  publishers  (Macmil- 
lans)  owing  to  editorial  bias  in  favor  of  Germany;  President  Woodrow 
Wilson's  addresses  and  papers,  published  by  the  Committee  on  Public 
Information,  Washington,  D.C.;  Documents  Relating  to  France  and  Certain 
War  Issues  in  History  Teachers'  Magazine,  June,  1918;  The  Background  of 
the  War  in  World  Peace  Foundation,  series,  April,  1918. 

Current  Histories 

The  best  and  most  reliable  is  The  International  Yearbook,  1914  ff. ; 
J.  Buchan,  Nelson's  History  of  the  War  (1915  ff.),  the  best  English  serial  his- 
tory; Guerre  de  191 4:  documents  officielles,  textes  legislatifs  et  reglementaires 
(19 14  ff.),  official  publication,  the  best  French  serial  history;  C.  H.  Baer, 
Der  Volkerkrieg,  eine  Chrotiik  der  Ereignisse  seit  dem  i  Jtdi  1914  (1915  ff.), 
the  best  German  serial  history.  Some  of  the  newspapers  have  published 
current  histories  of  the  war,  the  best  of  which  are  those  issued  by  the  Man- 
chester Guardian,  the  New  York  Times,  and  the  London  Times;  The  New 
Europe,  a  noteworthy  weekly  publication,  started  in  England  during  the  war, 
discusses  the  issues  from  a  progressive  viewpoint. 

General 

Needless  to  say,  nearly  all  the  histories  of  the  World  War  are  partisan, 
many  of  them  bitterly  so.  The  best  brief  treatment,  accurate  and  fairly 
impartial,  is  that  in  The  New  International  Encyclopedia,  article,  "War  in 
Europe";  The  New  International  Year  Book,  for  1914  and  succeeding  years, 
contains  summaries  of  the  events;  S.  B.  Harding,  A  Syllabus  of  the  Great 
War  (1918),  an  exhaustive  syllabus  covering  every  phase,  published  by  the 
History  Teachers'  Magazine;  good  summaries,  O.  P.  Chitwood,  The  Imme- 
diate Causes  of  the  Great  War  (1917)  and  S.  S.  Scheip  and  A.  Bingham  (edi- 
tors). Handbook  of  the  European  War,  2  vols.  (1914-16);  G.  H.  Allen,  H. 
C.  Whitehead,  and  F.  E.  Chadwick,  The  Great  War  (1915-16),  vols,  i-iii, 
good,  clear  account  for  general  reader;  Yves  Guyot,  The  Causes  and  Conse- 
quences of  the  War,  trans,  from  the  French  by  F.  A.  Holt  (1916),  a  good 
analysis,  economic,  political,  and  historical,  from  the  French  viewpoint; 
Modern  Germany  in  Relation  to  the  Great  War,  by  various  German  writers, 
trans,  by  W.  W.  Whitelock  (1916),  the  best  from  the  German  viewpoint, 
chapters  written  by  well-known  German  historians  and  economists,  such 
as  Oncken,  Schumacher,  and  Hintze;  from  the  British  viewpoint  J.  Holland 
Rose,  The  Origins  of  the  War,  i87i-if>i4  (1914)  and  E.  P.  Barker  and  other 
members  of  the  Oxford  Faculty  of  Modern  History,  Why  We  are  at  War: 
Great  Britain's  Case  (1914);  The  War  of  Democracy :  the  Allies'  Statement 
(1917);  W.  S.  Davis,  The  Roots  of  the  War  (1918);  L.  Stoddard  and  G.  Frank, 
Stakes  of  the  War  (1918). 


xxxiv  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Military 

F.  H.  Simonds,  The  Great  War  (1914  ff.),  a  lucid  explanation  of  the  cam- 
paigns by  an  exceptionally  able  journalist  and  student;  A.  M.  Murray, 
The  Fortnightly  History  of  the  War,  by  the  military  expert  of  the  London 
monthly,  The  Fortnightly;  P.  Azan,  The  War  of  Positions  (1917)  and  The 
Warfare  of  To-day  (191 8),  clear  explanations  of  the  strategy  of  the  World 
War;  D.  W.  Johnson,  Topography  and  Strategy  in  the  War  (1917),  valuable 
for  an  understanding  of  the  war  areas;  H.  Barbusse,  Under  Fire,  trans. 
from  the  French  by  F.  VVray  (1917),  a  vivid  picture  of  life  at  the  front; 
C.  R.  Gibson,  War  Inventions  and  How  They  Were  Invented  (19 17),  useful 
for  knowledge  of  war  machinery. 

Special 

On  the  neutrality  of  Belgium,  C.  de  Visscher,  Belgium's  Case:  a  Juridical 
Enquiry,  trans,  from  the  French  by  E.  F.  Jourdain  (1916),  a  concise,  clear 
presentation  of  the  case;  R.  W.  Seton-Watson  (and  others).  The  War  and 
Democracy  (1914),  an  interesting  review  of  nineteenth-century  history  by 
competent  English  writers;  on  nationality  and  the  World  War,  A.  J.  Toyn- 
bee.  Nationality  and  tiie  War  (191 5)  and  L.  Dominian,  The  Frontiers  of 
Language  and  Nationality  in  Europe  (1917);  on  socialism  and  the  World 
War,  W.  E.  Walling,  The  Socialists  and  the  War  (1915)  and  L.  B.  Boudin, 
Socialism  and  the  War  (1917);  The  Problems  and  Lessons  of  the  War,  Clark 
University  Addresses  (1915),  essays  covering  many  aspects  of  the  World 
War. 

Problems  of  Peace 

The  organization  of  the  world  into  a  League  of  Nations  has  been  a  topic 
for  general  discussion  since  the  outbreak  of  the  World  War.  Various  plans 
and  suggestions  are  to  be  found  in  J.  A.  Hobson,  Towards  International 
Govertiment  (1915),  Norman  Angell,  America  and  the  Neiv  World  State  (1915), 
H.  N.  Brailsford,  A  League  of  Nations  (1917),  L.  S.  Wolf,  The  Framework 
of  a  Lasting  Peace  (1917),  R.  C.  Minor,  A  Republic  of  Nations  (1918),  H.  M. 
Kallen,  The  Structure  of  Lasting  Peace  (1918),  E.  Barker,  A  Confederation 
of  the  Nations  (1918),  T.  Marburg,  League  of  Nations  (1917-18),  and  in  the 
statement  of  the  League  of  Free  Nations  Association  published  in  the  New 
Republic,  November  30,  191 8.  Distinguished  writers  have  written  philo- 
sophic studies  of  the  War  and  of  the  future  state  of  the  world.  Among  the 
most  notable  are  W.  H.  Dawson,  Problems  of  the  Peace  (1917),  J.  A.  Hobson, 
Democracy  After  the  War  (19 17),  G.  Lowes  Dickinson,  The  Choice  Before  Us 
(1917),  T.  Veblen,  An  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  of  Peace  (1917),  and  A.  Zim- 
mern,  Nationality  and  Government  (19 18). 

Current  Publications 
Annuals 

The  New  International  Year  Book  (1907  ff.),  edited  by  F.  M.  Colby,  a 
survey  of  the  year's  events;  The  American  Year  Book:  a  Record  of  Events  and 
Progress  (1910  ff.),  edited  by  S.  N.  D.  North,  mainly  of  American  affairs; 
Record  of  Political  Events  (1916  ff.),  summary  published  by  the  Political 
Science  Quarterly  as  a  supplement;  The  Annual  Register,  an  English  pub- 
lication since  1758,  a  resxime  of  the  year's  events,  mainly  British;  Uannee 
politique,  a  similar  publication  in  French  from  1874  to  1905,  continued  as 
La  vie  politique  dans  les  deux  mondes,  edited  by  A.  Viallate;  Europdischer 
Geschichtskalendar  (1861  ff.),  a  similar  work  in  German;  The  Statesman's 
Year  Book  (1864  ff.),  English  publication,  descriptive  and  statistical  an- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xxxv 

nual  of  all  the  countries  of  the  world,  very  reliable;  HazeWs  Annual  (1886  fT.) 
and  Joseph  Whitaker's  Almanack  (1868  ff.)  contain  miscellaneous  informa- 
tion, mainly  British;  The  Year  Book  of  Social  Progress  (1912  ff.),  an  Eng- 
lish publication  dealing  with  social  legislation  and  social  reform;  The  British 
and  Foreign  State  Papers  (18 12  flf.),  valuable  source  for  international  relations. 

American  Current  Publications 

Political  Science  Quarterly,  American  Political  Science  Review,  Current 
Events,  Review  of  Reviews,  North  American  Review,  New  Republic,  Inde- 
pendent, Survey,  and  Nation. 

British 

Weekly  edition  of  the  London  Times,  Nation,  Spectator,  New  Statesman, 
Tablet,  New  Age,  Fortnightly,  Contemporary,  Nineteenth  Century  and  After, 
Edinburgh  Review,  Dublin  Review,  Quarterly  Review  and  The  Round  Table. 

French 

Weekly  edition  of  the  Journal  des  debats.  Revue  politique  et  parlementaire, 
Le  Correspondent,  Revue  de  Paris,  L' Opinion,  La  Grande  Revue,  La  Revue, 
and  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes. 

German 

Weekly  edition  of  the  Frankfurter  Zeitung,  Echo,  Zukunft,  Neue  Zcit, 
Neue  Rundschau,  Allgemeine  Zietung,  Zeitschrift  fur  Politik,  and  Preussische 
Jahrbucher. 


INDEX 


Abdul  Hamid  II,  of  Turkey,  633,  641,  642- 

643 
Aberdeen,  Lord,  73 
Absolutism,  see  Divine  Right 
Abyssinia,  454,  679 
Act  of  Union,  385 
Adowa,  battle  of,  454,  679 
Adrianople,  Treaty  of,  628 
Aehrenthal,  Baron  von,  437,  706 
Afghanistan,  401,  673 
Africa,  454,  471;   exploration  of,  675-678; 

partition  of,  678-681 
Agadir  incident,  701 

Agriculture,  old  methods  of,  52-53;  revolu- 
tion in,   53-56;   scientific,  301,   614-615; 

British,  350-355,  359-36o;   Danish,  474; 

French,  247-248;  German,  301-302,  310; 

Irish,  388-391;  Italian,  448;  Russian,  537- 

539.  567-568 
Ahmed  Mirza,  674 
Airplanes,  34,  724 
Aisne,  battle  of  the,  766 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  Congress  of,  21 
Alabama  Claims,  74,  333 
Albania,  623-624,  641,  645,  648-649,  686 
Albert  I,  of  Belgium,  494,  716 
Albert,  of  Saxe-Coburg,  67 
Alexander,  of  Bulgaria,  635,  636 
Alexander,  of  Greece,  735 
Alexander  I,  of  Russia,  23,  461,  501-504 
Alexander  II,  of  Russia,  507-520,  532,  633 
Alexander  III,  of  Russia,  524-528,  546 
Alexander,  of  Serbia,  639-640,  706 
Algeciras  Congress,  701 
Algeria,  240,  681 
Algiers,  see  Algeria 
Allemane,  591 
Allenby,  General,  771 
Alma,  battle  of,  630 
Alphonso  XII,  of  Spain,  464 
Alphonso  XIII,  of  Spain,  .164,  465 
Alsace-Lorraine,  193,  289,  299-300,  302,  316- 

317.655 
Amadeo,  Prince,  463 
Ampere,  615 
Amundsen,  620 
Anaesthesia,  618 
Anam,  240,  660 

Anarchism,  452,  586,  594,  597-598 
Ancien  regime,  1-6,  10,  89 
Andersen,  Hans  Christian,  478 
Andrassy,  Count,  426 
Angell,  Norpian,  697-698 
Anglican  Church,  48,  333,  339,  340-341,  342, 

388 
Annunzio,  Gabriele  d',  457-458 
Anti-clericalism,  156,  159,  207,  210,  232,  240, 

257-258,  285,  290-291,  292,  432,  434,  466, 

470-471.  490 
Anti-Corn  Law  League,  70 
Anti-Mihtarism,   269,   292,   698,   710.     {See 

also  Militarism) 


Anti-Semitism,  see  Jews 

Antisepsis,  618-619 

Arabia,  645 

Arabi  Pasha,  405 

Arago,  615 

Arch,  Joseph,  346 

Arkwright,  29 

Armenians,  530,  555,  624,  641 

Armies,  see  Militarism 

Arndt,  126,  128,  136 

Arnold,  Matthew,  373 

Arriaga,  470 

Arrondissemenls.  235 

Artois,  Count  of,  94.  {See  also  Charles  X,  of 
France) 

Aspromonte,  battle  of,  219 

Asquith,  357,  358,  360,  363,  396,  756 

Associations  cultuelles,  261,  262,  263 

Association  Law,  259-260 

Assuan  dam,  406 

Atlantic  cable,  33 

Atomic  theor>-,  614 

Atrocities,  German,  727,  735 

Ansgleich,  see  Compromise  of  1867 

Australia,  411-412,  422 

Australian  ballot,  334 

Austria,  and  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  18;  and 
Prussia,  122-123;  revolution  of  1848  in, 
131-135;  reaction  in,  138;  and  the  Crimean 
War,  630;  and  Italy,  199,  201;  union  with 
Hungary,  425-427;  race  problems  in,  427- 
431;  government  of,  431;  pohtical  hjstory 
of  (1867-1914),  431-437 

Austria-Hungary,  Dual  Monarchy  of,  425- 
427;  and  the  Balkans,  685,  706-708;  and 
Germany,  685,  686;  and  Russia,  684-685; 
and  Turkey,  635,  645,  649;  and  the  World 
War,  710-712 

Austro-Sardinian  War,  155,  162,  212-214, 
425 

Avogadro,  614 

Azev,  548-549 

Badeni,  434 

Bagdad  Railway,  311,  642,  702-705 

Bakewell,  54 

Bakunin,  519,  586,  597,  598 

Balaklava,  battle  of,  630 

Balfour,  Arthur  James,  336,  337-338,  394 

Balkans,  races  in,  621-624;  religions  in,  624- 
626;  rivalries  in  the,  705-708.  {See  also 
Turkey,  and  the  other  Balkan  states) 

Balkan  Wars  (1912-13),  646-649 

Baltic  provinces,  527-528,  530,  555,  566,  748 

Baluchistan,  401,  673 

Balzac,  113-114 

Bashi-Bazouks,  632 

Bausin,  158 

Bazaine,  General,  185,  191,  192,  193 

Beaconsfield,  Earl  of,  see  Disraeli 

Beatty,  Admiral,  738 

Bebel,  588,  589,  592,  595 


XXXVlll 


INDEX 


Behring,  Doctor,  617 

Beiliss  case,  536 

Belfort,  239 

Belgium,  17,  iS;  independence  of,  484-486; 
489-494;  neutrality  of,  181,  187,  191,485- 
486;  violation  of  neutrality  of,  714-717, 
727 

Bell,  A.  G.,  33 

Benedetti,  188 

Benedict  XV,  Pope,  752 

Bentham,  43,  63 

Berchtold,  71 

Berlin,  Congress  of,  334,  437,  634-635,  645, 
684 

Bernadotte,  see  Charles  XIV,  of  Sweden 

Bernstein,  Eduard,  590 

Bernstorff,  742 

Bert,  229,  240 

Berzilius,  614 

Bessarabia,  18,  635,  764 

Bessemer  process,  32 

Bethmann-HoUweg,  318-319,  714,  716,  759 

Beust,  426 

Biarritz,  interview  of,  162-163 

Bieberstein,  642 

Billot,  General,  250,  252 

Biology,  8,  612-63 

Bismarck,  162,  172-179,  288-297,  309,  634, 
635,  684,  685,  687-688.  (See  also  Prussia; 
and  Germany) 

Bjornson,  475,  481 

Black  Hundreds,  549,  563 

Blanc,  Louis,  100,  103,  104,  266 

Blanqui,  225 

Bloc  (in  France),  235,  256,  258,  264 

Bloch,  697 

Block,  Blue-Black,  319,  320 

Bobrikov,  547 

Boers,  see  Transvaal 

Boer  War,  338,  416-417,  421,  689 

Bogrov,  564 

Bohemia,  133,  134,  182,  427,  432-433,  434, 
435,  436 

Boisdeffre,  General,  250 

Bolo  Pasha,  763 

Bolsheviki,  744,  745-747 

"Bomba,"  King,  see  Ferdinand  II,  of  the  Two 
Sicilies 

Bonaparte,  see  Napoleon  I;  Napoleon  III 

Bonar  Law,  Andrew,  338, 757 

Bordeaux  Assembly,  193 

Borden,  Sir  Robert,  410 

Borneo,  407 

Borny,  battle  of,  192 

Bosnia-Herzegovina,  437,  632,  634,  640, 645, 
706 

Botany  Bay,  411 

Botha,  General,  417,  737 

Boulanger,  General,  242-243 

Bourbon,  House  of,  French,  94-96,  220,  229- 
230;  Italian,  199;  Spanish,  459,  460 

Bourgeoisie,  6,  16,  28,  37,  579-582,  587-588, 
602,  682-683;  Belgian,  491;  British,  52, 
57,  61-62,  78,  85,  328,  331,  356;  French, 
90-91,  93,  98-99,  114,  149,  228,  231, 
238,  246,  26^;  German,  138,  283,  284-285, 
29s,  306-307,  319-320;  Italian,  208,  444, 
445-  452 ;_  Russian,  544,  567,  745,  746.  {See 
also  Capitalism;  Industrial  Development; 
Industrial  Revolution) 

Boxers,  662 


Boyne,  battle  of  the,  384,  387 

Bradlaugh,  340 

Braga,  470 

Braganza,  House  of,  470 

Brandes,  482-483 

Brazil,  468 

Breshkovsky,  Katherine,  563 

Brest-Litovsk,  Treaty  of,  746-748 

Briand,  256,  261,  262,  263,  270,  763 

Bright,  John,  52,  65,  66,  70,  74,  331,  334,  336, 

394 
British  Empire,  see  Table  of  Contents,  ch. 

XV;  and  the  World  War,  755 
British  North  America  Act,  410 
Broglie,  Duke  de,  231,  233 
Brougham,  Lord,  64 
Brousse,  591 
Browning,  372-373 
Brusilov,  General,  733 
Bucharest,  Treaty  of,  648 
Buddhists,  403 

Budget,  the  Lloyd  George,  358-360 
Buffon,  612 
Buisson,  240 
Bulgaria,  333,  623,  632,  633,  634,  635-637, 

646,  647,  648-649,  717 
Billow,  Bernhard  von,  311,  314,  318 
Bund  der  Landwirte,  310 
Bureaucracy,    French,    236;    German,    283; 

Russian,  541. 
Burmah,  401 
Burns,  John,  346,  357 
Burscltenschajten,  21,  124-125 
Butler,  Samuel,  376-377 
Byng,  General,  764 
Byron,  Lord,  83,  202,  628 

Cable,  Atlantic,  33 

Caillaux,  763 

Cambodia,  240 

Camorra,  444,  445 

Campbell-Bannerman,  351,  357,  362 

Campos,  Marshal,  464 

Canada,  407-410,  422 

CanaJejas,  466 

Canovas,  464,  465 

Cape  Colony,  see  South  Africa 

Cape  of  Good  Hope,  see  South  Africa 

Capital,  export  of,  653-655 

Capitahsm,  571-572;  579-582.  {See  also 
Bourgeoisie) 

Capitalists,  see  Bourgeoisie 

Capitulations,  644 

Carbonari,  Italian,  21,  105,  199-201;  Span- 
ish, 460;  Portuguese,  469 

Carducci,  456-457 

Carlists,  462,  463,  464 

Carlos,  King  of  Portugal,  469-470 

Carlsbad  decrees,  126,  129 

Carlyle,  Thomas,  86-87 

Carmen  Sylva  {pseud,  of  Elizabeth),  of 
Rumania,  637  » 

Carnegie,  697 

Carnot,  Sadi,  241,  243 

Carson,  Sir  Edward,  395,  398 

Cartwright,  30 

Casement,  Sir  Roger,  756 

Casimir-Pdrier,  243 

Castelar,  463-464 

Catholic  Church  and  ancien  rigime,  3-4; 
French  Revolution  and  the,  10;  liberalism 


INDEX 


XXXIX 


in  the,  153-154,  iS5,  457;  Napoleon  and 
the,  13;  and  socialism,  585-586;  uJtra- 
montanism  in  the,  153-154,  i55;  the  Vati- 
can Council  and,  290;  Voltaire  and,  7; 
in  Austria,  430,  432,  434;  in  Belgium,  485, 
490-491;  in  France,  90,  153-156,  231-232, 
238,  251,  257-260;  in  Great  Britain,  49, 
60,  78-79,  80-81,  340,  387-388;  in  Ger- 
many, 284,  285,  290-291;  in  Ireland,  384- 
385,  387-388,  398;  in  Italy,  195-196,  199, 
219,  443-444,  446-448, 453 ;  in  Japan,  665 ; 
in  the  Near  East,  644;  in  the  Netherlands, 
487;  in  Portugal,  469,  470-471;  in  Russia, 
506,  515;  in  Spain,  460,  462,  463,  465-466; 
in  Switzerland,  495. 

Cattle  breeding,  improvement  of,  in,  54 

Caucasus,  530,  555,  562,  566,  748. 

Cavaignac,  104,  105,  253 

Cavendish,  Lord,  392 

Cavour,  207-215 

Censorship,  in  Austria,  123;  in  Great  Britain, 
51;  in  France,  loo-ioi,  146-147;  in  Ger- 
many, 126;  in  Italy,  198;  in  Prussia,  169, 
178;  in  Russia,  505,  527,  547-548 

Ceylon,  18,  407 

Chamberlain,  Joseph,  336,  337,  370,  415,  421, 
692 

Chambord,  Comte  de,  220,  229,  230 

Charles  Albert,  of  Sardinia,  205,  206 

Charles  Felix,  of  Sardinia,  201 

Charles  X,  of  France,  95-97 

Charles  I,  of  Rumania,  632,  637 

Charles  XIII,  of  Sweden,  474 

Charles  XIV,  of  Sweden,  18,  474,  475 

Charles  XV,  of  Sweden,  4  75 

Chartism,  71-72,  344 

Chateaubriand,  23 

Chemistry,  8,  614-615 

Chevaher,  152,  574 

Children,  employment  of,  39, 49-50.  (See  also 
Social  legislation;  Factory  legislation) 

China,  civilization  of,  657;  government  of, 
657-658;  Europeans  and,  658-660;  and 
Japan,  660-661,  668,  671;  dismemberment 
of,  661;  railways  in,  661-662;  Boxers  and, 
662 ;  awakening  of,  662-663 ;  revolution  in, 
663-664;  and  Russia,  682 

Chino- Japanese  War,  660-661,  668 

Chiozza-Money,  356 

Chosen,  see  Korea 

Christian  IX,  of  Denmark,  473 

Christianity  and  peace,  697 

Christians,  oppression  of,  by  Turks,  624-625, 
644 

Chrisdna,  Regent  of  Spain,  462-463 

Church  of  England,  see  Anglican  Church 

Church  of  Rome,  see  Catholic  Church 

Church,  States  of  the,  19 

Churches,  national,  3-4;  see  Anglican 
Church;  Catholic  Church 

Churchill,  Lord  Randolph,  336 

Churchill,  Winston,  357 

Cities,  growth  of,  in  Great  Britain,  34-35; 
in  Germany,  299 

Civil  constitution  of  the  clergy,  10 

Classical  School  (in  literature),  no,  455- 
456 

Clemenceau,  229,  256,  263,  270,  271,  763 

Clericalism,  see  Catholic  Church 

Clerk-Maxwell,  616 

Clennont  (steamboat),  32 


Clive,  400 

Cobbett,  58,  66 

Cobden,  70,  77,  152,  331 

Cochin-China,  240 

Coleridge,  83 

Colonies,  see  Imperialism 

Combes,  256,  259,  271 

Combination  Laws,  British,  343,  344,  345; 
French,  266,  267 

Commune,  the,  222-226,  591 

Communication,  revolution  in,  33-34,  651 

Communist  Manifesto,  578,  579-582 

Compact  of  Bordeaux,  221 

Compromise  of  1867,  426,  438 

Comte,  574 

Concert  of  Europe,  693-695 

Concordat,  258,  261 

Confederation,  German,  18-19,  183 

Confederation,  North  German,  184 

Confederation,  South  German,  184,  187 

Congo  Free  State,  494,  677-678 

Congregations,  see  Orders,  religious 

Connolly,  James,  756 

Conscription,  see  Militarism 

Conservation  of  energy,  616 

Constant,  Baron  de,  698 

Constantine,  of  Greece,  717,  734,  735 

Constantinople,  Treaty  of,  648 

Consulate,  the,  13 

Continental  System,  14 

Convention,  the,  11-12 

Cooperative  movement,  391,  448,  474,  544 

Corn  Laws,  68-71 

Cossacks,  553,  554,  565 

Council  of  Workingmen's  Delegates,  553,567 

Council  of  Workingmen's  and  Soldiers'  Dele- 
gates, 743 

Coup  d'etat  (1799),  13;  (1851),  107-108 

Courland,  530 

Couza,  632 

Crete,  639,  645,  647 

Creuzot,  Le,  244 

Crimea,  529 

Crimean  War,  73,  187,  211,  507,  629-631 

Criminal  Code,  British,  51 

Crispi,  451-452,  454 

Croats,  134,  427,  428,  437,  438 

Cromer,  Lord,  406 

Crompton,  29 

Crown  colonies,  407 

Cuba,  464,  465 

Curie,  610,  615 

Curzon,  Lord,  757 

Custozza,  battle  of,  206 

Cyprus,  407,  634 

Cyrenaica,  455,  645,  680 

Czechs,  see  Bohemia 

Czernin,  746 

Dahlman,  136,  171 

Daimios,  665,  666 

Dalai  Lama,  658 

Dalhousie,  Lord,  401 

Dalton,  614 

Danish  War  of  1864,  473 

Danish  West  Indies,  474 

Dante,  influence  of,  202,  455 

Danton,  12 

Darwin,  52,  374,  612-613 

Daudet,  274 

Davitt,  390,  393 


xl 


INDEX 


Davy,  615 

Deak,  131,  425,  426 

Decembrist  Conspiracy,  504 

Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man,  10 

Delbriick,  287 

Delcasse,  691,  700 

Democracy,  the  French  Revolution  and,  15- 
16;  the  Industrial  Revolution  and,  41; 
literature  and,  16,  86;  in  the  nineteenth 
century,  719-720;  in  Austria,  435;  in  Bel- 
gium, 493;  in  China,  663-664;  in  Den- 
mark, 473;  in  France,  8-13,  89-91,  97-99, 
105,  112-113,  IIS.  159-160,  227-233, 
255-256;  in  Germany,  117-118,  123-125, 
135-137.  169-170,  175,  318-321.  720,755; 
in  Great  Britain,  61-62,  73,  75-76,  86- 
87,  "5.  334-335.  355,  363-364,  757:  in 
Greece,  638;  in  Hungary,  132-133;  in  Italy, 
199,  202-204,  209;  in  Japan,  667;  in  the 
Netherlands,  487;  in  Norway,  475,  477; 
in  Persia,  673-674;  in  Portugal,  469-470; 
in  Russia,  516-520,  ch.  xxiii,  720,  742- 
748;  in  Spain,  460-461,  463-464;  in 
Sweden,  475,  476;  in  Switzerland,  496;  in 
Turkey,  642-645 

Denmark,  18,  180,  472-474,  609 

Departements,  9,  234,  242 

Depretis,  451 

Derby,  Earl  of,  67,  71,  72-73,  75 

Dernburg,  313 

Dervishes,  406 

De  Wet,  General,  417 

Diamond  Jubilee,  420 

Dickens,  87 

Diderot,  8 

Directory,  12-13 

Disraeli,  Benjamin  (Earl  of  Beaconsfield), 
71.  72,  75.  330-331.  333.  334,  404.  4i9. 
634,  635 

Dissenters,  British,  49,  78,  340-341,  342; 
Russian,  506,  537,  541 

Divine  Rig'ht,  2-3,  22,  24,  95,  121,  229,  308- 
309,  S05,  524 

Dobrudja,  635,  764 

Dollinger,  291 

Domestic  system,  26-28 

Dostoievsky,  521-522 

Doupanloup,  Bishop,  154 

Dowager  Empress,  of  China,  660,  662,  663 

Draga,  Queen,  640 

Drang  nach  Osten,  437,  685 

Dreikaiserbimd,  684,  685 

Dreyfus  Affair,  248-256,  274,  276,  592 

Dreyfus,  Alfred,  see  Dreyfus  Affair 

Droysen,  136,  171 

Drumont,  249 

Dual  Alliance,  239,  686-687 

Dual  Control,  405 

Dual  Monarchy,  see  Austria-Hungary 

Dualism,  439 

Dufaure,  233 

Duffy,  Charles  Gavan,  392 

Dukhobors,  537 

Duma,  Russian,  559-564 

Dumas,  Alexandre,  112 

Dumas  j^/5,  Alexandre,  168 

Dupin,  Aurore,  see  Sand,  George 

Dupleix,  400 

Durazzo,  647 

Durham,  Lord,  408-409 

Duruy,  156 


East  India  Company,  British,  400,  402 
French,  400 

Education,  4;  in  Belgium,  490-491 ;  in  France 
240-241,  259-260;  in  Great  Britain,  50-51, 
64,  332-333,  338,  341-342;  in  Italy,  445: 
in  the  Netherlands,  487;  in  Portugal,  471; 
in  Russia,  514,  527,  533-534;  in  Spain,  467 

Edward  VII,  of  Great  Britain,  691 

Egypt,  102,  ^3,2,,  404-407,  680 

Eisenachers,  588 

Elba,  15 

Elder  Statesmen,  667 

Elgin,  Lord,  410 

Eliot,  George,  88 

Emancipation  Act,  Russian,  528,  538 

Emigration,  Italian,  446;  German,  307;  Jew- 
ish, 535 

Emigres,  10,  11,  96 

Ems  dispatch,  189-190 

Enclosure,  acts  of,  55 

Engels,  578 

England,  see  Great  Britain 

Entente  cordiale.  312,  680,  691,  701 

Episcopal  Church,  see  Anglican  Church 

Erfurt  Program,  588-589 

Eritrea,  454 

Espartero,  463 

Estates  General,  9 

Esterhazy,  Major,  250,  252,  253,  254 

Esthonia,  520 

Eugenie,  Empress,  148,  164,  189 

Evans,  Mary  Ann,  see  Eliot,  George 

Evolution,  thiiory  of,  612-613 

Expansion,  see  Imperialism 

Expedition  of  the  Thousand,  216-217 

Exploration,  619-620.    {See  also  Africa) 

Exposition,  Crystal  Palace,  78;  Paris,  153, 
239 

Fabian  Society,  593 

Factory    legislation,    English,    65-66,    364; 

French,  264-265 
Factory  system,  36-37,  39,  49-50 
Falloux  Law,  155,  221,  240 
Faraday,  616 

Far  East,  sec  China;  Japan 
Fashoda  Affair,  680,  691 
Faure,  243,  252,  254 
Favre,  164 

February  Patent,  425,  426 
Feminism,  see  Woman 
Fenianism,  392 

Ferdinand,  of  Austria,  132,  133,  134 
Ferdinand,  of  Bulgaria,  636,  637,  645,  717 
Ferdinand  I,  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  198,  200 
Ferdinand  II,  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  205,  206 
Ferdinand  VII,  of  Spain,  459-460,  461,  462 
Ferrer,  466 
Ferri,  594 

Ferry,  164,  229,  240-241 
Ferry  Laws,  241 
Feudalism,  5,  9,  16,  24,  120 
Fichte,  126 
Field,  C.  W.,  33 
Finland,  18,  503,  527,  530,  546-54?,  554-555, 

560,  563,  610,  743,  748 
Fiske,  613 

Flanders,  battle  of,  765 
Flaubert,  167 
Flemings,  489-490 
Fleur-de-Iys,  229,  230 


INDEX 


xli 


Foch,  General,  727,  765,  767 

Fogazzarro,  457 

Formosa,  661 

Fourier,  575 

France,  Anatole,  275-276 

France,  and  the  French  Revolution,  8-13; 
and  the  First  Empire,  14-15;  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  and,  119-120;  (1815-1850), 
89-114;  (185C-1870),  145-168;  (1870- 
1914),  220-276  (see  Table  of  Contents, 
chs.  VI,  ^^^,  and  xi);  and  Africa,  680- 
681;  and  China,  660,  661;  and  Eg>'pt,  405; 
and  the  Near  East,  628,  630,  643,  644; 
international  relations  of,  since  1870,  see 
ch.  xxix;  and  the  Woman's  Movement, 
610;  and  the  World  War,  714,  763 

Francis  Ferdinand,  archduke,  710 

Francis  Joseph,  of  Austria,  134,  426,  439 

Francis  II,  of  the  Two  Sicihes,  216,  217 

Franco,  469,  470 

Franco-Prussian  War,  184-194 

Frankfort  Assembly.  135-137 

Frankfort  Diet,  19,  121,  126,  176,  184 

Frankfort,  Treaty  of,  193,  221 

Frederick,  of  Augustenburg,  180 

Frederick  VII,  of  Denmark,  472 

Frederick  VIII,  of  Denmark,  476 

Frederick  III,  of  Germanj%  308 

Frederick  William  III,  of  Prussia,  120,  126, 
128 

Frederick  WilHam  IV,  of  Prussia,  128,  129, 
136-137-  172 

Free  trade,  70-71,  152,  328,  371,  422,  488 

French,  Sir  John,  725 

French  Empire,  first,  14-15;  second,  145-165 

French  Repubhc,  first,  11-13;  second,  103- 
iio;  third,  see  ch.  xi 

French  Revolution,  8-13;  heritage  of,  15-16; 
influence  of,  89;  and  Italy,  197;  and  uto- 
pianism,  573-574;  and  the  Woman's  Move- 
ment, 6c5;  and  nationahsm,  16,  719;  and 
democracy,  720 

Frere-Orban,  490 

Freycinet,  229 

Fried,  698 

Fulton,  32 

Galicia,  428 

Gambetta,  158-159,  164,  192,  193,  227-233 

Gapon,  Father,  553-554 

Garibaldi,  205,  214,  215-218,  219 

Gas,  use  of,  in  war,  724 

Gastein,  Treaty  of,  180,  1 81-182 

Gautier,  112 

Gay-Lussac,  614 

General  Strike,  syndicalism  and  the,  601;  in 
Belgium,  491,  493;  in  France,  269-270;  in 
Great  Britain,  348-349;  in  Itah',  454;  in 
Ireland,  349;  in  Portugal,  471;  in  Russia, 
555-557;  in  Sweden,  477 

Geneva  Convention,  694 

Geolog>%  611-612 

George  IV,  of  Great  Britain,  59 

George  V,  of  Great  Britain,  340,  363,  397 

George  I,  of  Greece,  638 

Georgians,  530,  555 

Gerard,  742 

Germ  theor>%  617 

German  Confederation,  19,  120-123 

Germans,  Austrian,  427,  430,  431-432,  433- 
434,  435;  in  Russia,  530,  541 


Germany,  the  Congress  of  Vienna  and,  18- 
19;  (1815-1850),  115-144;  (1S50-1870), 
169-194;  (1870-1914),  277-323  {see  Table 
of  Contents,  chs.  vii,  rx,  and  xu);  and 
Africa,  679;  and  China,  661;  and  the  Near 
East,  635,  642,  702,  705-708;  international 
relations  of,  since  1870,  see  ch.  xxix;  and 
the  Woman's  Movement,  610;  and  democ- 
racy, 720;  and  the  World  War,  712-716, 
758-762 

Ger\inus,  136 

Gioberti,  204 

Giolitti,  453 

Gladstone,  52,  73,  74,  75,  206,  328-330,  333, 
334,  335,  33(>,  39C,  394-395,  4o6,  407,  63? 

Goethe,  8 

Goltz,  General  von  der,  642 

Goodnow.  Professor,  663 

Gordon,  General  ("Chinese"),  335,  406,  660 

Goremykin,  560,  569 

Gortchakov,  634 

Gotha  Program,  588 

Gramont,  Duke  de.  163,  188,  189 

Grattan,  385 

Gravellote,  battle  of,  192 

Great  Britain,  Napoleon  I  and,  14;  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  and,  18;  and  the  Industrial 
Revolution,  25-44;  Old  England,  45-56; 
(1815-1867),  57-88;  (1867-1914),  324- 
381  (see  Table  of  Contents,  chs.  m,  rv,  v, 
and  xiii) ;  and  Africa,  678;  and  China,  659, 
661;  international  relations  of,  since  1870, 
see  ch.  xxix;  and  Japan,  670-671;  and  the 
Near  East,  626-627, 641-642,  644, 645;  and 
Persia,  674;  and  the  Woman's  Movement, 
607-609;  and  the  World  War,  714-717, 
755-758.  Consult  also  British  Empire; 
Ireland 

Great  Russians,  529 

Great  Trek,  413 

Great  Western  (steamboat),  32 

Greco-Turkish  War  (1897),  639 

Greece,  623,  627-629,  638-639,  646,  648,  717 

Greek  Church,  624 

Greeks,  see  Greece 

Greely,  620 

Gregoire,  Abbe,  95 

Grevy,  233,  241 

Grey,  Earl,  60 

Grey,  Sir  Edward,  357,  647,  692,  713,  714, 
715 

Grimm,  128,  136,  142 

Guesde,  591-592,  596,  763 

Guilds,  5-6  , 

Guizot,  101-103 

Gustavus  IV,  of  Sweden,  474 

Gustavus  V,  of  Sweden,  476,  477 

Haakon  VII,  of  Norway,  476 
Haeckel,  613 

Hague  Peace  Conferences,  698-699 
Haig,  General.  734 
Hamilton,  Sir  Ian,  730 
Hanotaux,  690 
Hanover,  182,  184 
Hansahiaid,  319 

Hapsburg,  House  of,  see  Austria;  Austria- 
Hungary;  Hungary;  also  199 
Harcourt,  Sir  William,  337 
Hardenberg,  17,  120 
Hardie,  Keir,  348,  593,  594 


xlil 


INDEX 


Hardy,  Thomas,  376 

Hargreaves,  29 

Harris,  Townscnd,  665 

Hausser,  171 

Haussmann,  Baron,  150 

Hedervary,  439 

Hedin,  Sven,  619 

Hedjaz,  704 

Hegel,  139-140,  577 

Heine,  116,  142-144 

Helgoland,  18,  313 

Hellenes,  see  Greece 

Helmholtz,  616 

Henderson,  Arthur,  757 

Henry,  Colonel,  250,  253 

Hermannstadt,  battle  of,  735 

Hertling,  Count  von,  759,  760 

Hertz,  616 

Herzegovina,  see  Bosnia-Herzegovina 

Herzen,  517,  539,  541 

Herzl,  536 

Hesse,  182 

Hesse-Cassel,  184 

Hetairia  Philike,  628 

Hill,  Rowland,  64 

Hindenburg,  General  von,  728,  734,  735 

Historians,  German,  139-142,  170-172 

Hohenzollern,  House  of,  see  Prussia;  Ger- 
many 

HohenzoUern-Sigmaringen,  Prince  of,  463 

Holland,  see  Netherlands 

Holy  Alliance,  21,  22-24,  462,  501 

Holy  Roman  Empire,  14,  18,  424 

Holy  Synod,  525,  536 

Home  Rule,  Irish,  392-398 

House  of  Lords  Question,  324,  326,  360-364 

Hudson  Bay  Company,  410 

Hughes,  Thomas,  81 

Hugo,  Victor,  11  r,  165 

Humbert  I,  of  Italy,  451,  452 

Humboldt,  17,  619 

Hungary  (1815-1867),  131-135,  425-427; 
(1867-1914),  437-441 

Huskisson,  69 

Huxley,  52,  374,  613 

Hyndman,  593 

Ibsen,  478-481 

Ignatiev,  Count,  526,  533 

Illyria,  18,  428 

Imperial  conferences,  British,  421-422 

Imperial  federation,  British,  418-423 

Imperialism,  influence  of,  in  EngHsh  litera- 
ture, 377;  causes  for  the  new,  650-657;  re- 
sults of,  682-683;  and  national  rivalries, 
720-721;  Austrian,  436-437,  634;  Belgian, 
494;  British,  331,  333,  337,  418-423.  674, 
678  {see  also  ch.  xv);  Danish,  474;  Dutch, 
488-489;  French,  105-106,  239-240,  680- 
681;  German,  311-313,  321,  679,  702-704; 
Italian,  454-455,  679-680;  Japanese,  667- 
668,  671;  Portuguese,  471,  680;  Russian, 
671-674;  Spanish,  465,  680;  see  ch.  xxviii 

Imperial  preference,  422 

India,  74,  400-404,  642,  673,  692 

Individualism,  see  Laissez  /aire 

Indo-China,  660 

Industrial  Development,  Austrian,  436;  Bel- 
gian, 493;  British,  76-78,  3'^7-37i;  Dutch, 
488;  French,  151-153,  244-247;  general, 
650-652;  German,  297-306;  Italian,  448- 


449;  Japanese,  667;  Russian,  542-544; 
Swedish,  476-477;  Swiss,  497-498.  {See 
also  Industrial  Revolution) 

Industrial  Revolution,  see  Table  of  Contents, 
ch.  Ill;  and  democracy,  41;  and  inter- 
nationalism, 42;  and  the  laboring  classes, 
38-40,  571;  and  nationalism,  41,  719;  and 
woman,  606-607;  the  new,  650-652,  653; 
in  France,  91793;  in  Germany,  297-307; 
in  Great  Britain,  sec  ch.  iii;  in  Japan,  667 

Industrial  unionism,  268-270,  349-350,  6o(>- 
601 

Initiative  and  Referendum,  496 

Inkermann,  battle  of,  630 

Inquisition,  198 

Intellectual  progress,  7-8,  44 

Intellectuals,  British,  593 ;  French,  91 ,  147-148, 
251;  German,  139-142;  Irish,  398;  Italian, 
203,594;  Russian,  517,  539-540,547-548 

Intelligentsia,  see  Intellectuals,  Russian 

International,  the,  586-597,  684 

International  relations,  see  ch.  xxix 

Internationalism,  42,  497,  581-582,  695,  710; 
see  also  socialism;  anarchism;  syndicalism 

Intervention,  right  of,  21 

Inventions,  mechanical,  28-34,  650-651 

Ireland,  early  history  of,  382-384;  anti-Irish 
legislation,  384-385;  parties  in,  386;  races 
in,  386-387;  Catholic  emancipation,  79, 
387-388;  agrarian  question  in,  70-71,  388- 
391;  Home  Rule  for,  392-398;  and  the 
World  War,  756 

Isabella  II,  of  Spain,  188,  462,  463 

Islam,  see  Mohammedanism 

Ismail  I,  of  Egypt,  404 

Istria,  428,  429 

Italia  irredenta,  428-429,  436,  455,  686,  731 

Italians,  Austrian,  428 

Italo-Turkish  War,  595,  645,  679-680 

Italy,  the  Congress  of  Vienna  and,  19;  (1815- 
1870),  195-219;  (1870-1914),  442-458 
{see  Table  of  Contents,  chs.  x  and  xvii); 
and  Africa,  679;  international  relations  of, 
since  1870,  685,  686,  692;  and  France,  197; 
and  the  World  War,  730-731 

Jacobi,  Doctor,  130 

Jacobins,  12 

Jagow,  713 

Jahn,  126,  128 

Jains,  the,  403 

Jamaica,  407 

Jameson  Raid,  308,  416 

Japan,  characteristics  of,  664;  coming  of  the 
Europeans  to,  665 ;  transformation  of,  665- 
667;  and  modern  industry,  667;  ambitions 
of,  667-668;  war  of,  with  Russia,  550,  668- 
670;  and  China,  660-661,  671;  and  Great 
Britain,  670-671;  and  Russia,  671;  and  the 
United  States,  671;  and  the  World  War, 
717 

Jaures,  251,  264,  591,  592,  595,  596,  763 

Java,  489 

Jecker,  156 

Jellachich,  134 

Jellicoe,  Admiral,  738 

Jesuits,  see  Orders,  religious 

Jewish  Emancipation,  see  Jews,  in  Great 
Britain 

Jews,  in  Austria,  427,  428,  434,  435-436;  in 
Great  Britain,  49,   79;   in  France,  249, 


INDEX • 


xliii 


261;  in  Hungary,  438;  in  Rumania,  637; 
in  Russia,  506,  527,  529,  530,  531-536,  549- 
550,  555,  563,  744;  in  Spain,  466;  in  Tur- 
key, 624,  644 

Jofifre,  General,  726,  733 

John  VI,  of  Portugal,  468 

Joule,  616 

Jugo-Slavs,  see  Slavs,  Southern 

July  Ordinances,  96,  97 

July  Revolution,  97 

"June  Days,"  1C4,  105,  109,  266 

Junkers,  284,  287,  306-307,  721 

Jutland,  battle  of,  738-739 

Kara  George,  629 

Karamzin,  525 

Katkov,  524,  525 

Kay,  29 

Keats,  83 

Keble,  80 

Kelvin,  Lord,  616 

Kerensky,  743,  745-746 

Ketteler,  Bishop,  585 

Khartum,  battle  of,  335,  405,  406 

Khuen-Hedervary,  440 

Kiamil  Pasha,  645 

Kiao-chau,  661,  717,  736 

Kiel  Canal,  180,  313 

Kiel,  Treaty  of,  472,  474 

Kingsley,  81,  585 

Kipling,  378-379,  420,  692 

Kirk-Kilisseh,  battle  of,  646 

Kishinev,  massacre  of,  549-550 

Kitchener,  General,  406,  417 

Kluck,  General  von,  726 

Koch,  Doctor,  617 

Kokovtsov,  564 

Koniggratz,  see  Sadowa,  battle  of 

Korea,  660,  669,  670,  672 

Kornilov,  General,  745 

Kossuth,  Francis,  439,  440 

Kossuth,  Louis,  131-132,  134,  135,  426 

Kotzebue,  125,  503 

Koweit,  704 

Kriidener,  Madame  de,  23,  501 

Kruger,  Paul,  308,  415,  689 

Krupp,  300 

Kiihlmann,  746 

Ktdtitr,  deutsche,  321-323 

Kullurkampf,  289-292 

Kurds,  641 

Kuroki,  General,  669 

Kuropatkin,  General,  668,  669 

Labor    Party,    English,   347-348,    593-594, 

597 
Labriola,  594 
Lacordaire,  154 
Lafayette,  97 
Laharpe,  501 

Laibach,  Congress  of,  21,  200,  504 
Laissez  faire,  42,  65,  66,  294,  306,  356-357, 

58s,  593 
Lamarck,  8,  612 
Lamartine,  103,  113 
Lamb,  Charles,  85 
Lamennais,  Abbe,  154-155,  585 
Land  Acts,  Irish,  390-391,  395 
Land  League,  Irish,  390 
Landlordism,  Irish,  389-390 
Land  Question,  see  Agriculture 


Lansdowne,  Lord,  704 

Language  struggles,  in  Austria,  429,  433, 
434;  in  Belgium,  490;  in  Bohemia,  434-435; 
in  Germany,  314,  315,  316-317;  in  Hun- 
gary, 438,  439;  in  Russia,  506,  514,  527- 
528 

Lansing,  742 

Larkin,  James,  349 

Lassallc,  Ferdinand,  587-588 

Lauenberg,  duchy  of,  180 

Laurier,  Sir  Wilfrid,  410 

Lavoisier,  8,  614 

Lazare,  251 

Lazzaroni,  444 

Ledru-Rollin,  105 

Left  Center  Party,  227 

Legislative  Assembly,  10,  11 

Legitimacy,  principle  of,  17-18 

Legitimists,  220,  227 

Leipzig,  battle  of,  15 

Lenine,  746 

Leo  XIII,  Pope,  258,  260,  292,  585 

Leopards,  456 

Leopold  I,  of  Belgium,  485 

Leopold  II,  of  Belgium,  490,  494,  6. 7 

Lesseps,  Ferdinand  de,  241,  574 

Lessing,  8,  118 

Liao-tung,  661,  668,  670,  672 

Liberal  Catholics,  see  Catholic  Church 

Liberal  Empire,  156-160 

Liberalism,  20-21;  Austrian,  431-432;  Bel- 
gium, 490,  491,  493;  British,  67,  328,  354, 
362;  Dutch,  487;  French,  109,  156,  157, 
238;  German,  169-170,  178,  284-285,  290, 
320;  Italian,  198,  209,  443,  451;  Portu- 
guese, 468;  Russian,  504,  537,  551 ;  Spanish, 
459,  460,  461,  462,  464;  Swedish,  477; 
Swiss,  495;  Turkish,  644.  {Sec  also 
Democracy) 

Libya,  455,  680 

Liebig,  614-615 

Liebknecht,  Karl,  596,  758 

Liebknecht,  Wilhelm,  588 

Li  Hung  Chang,  660 

List,  Frederick,  127 

Lister,  Lord,  618 

Literature,  English,  81-88,  372-381;  French, 
110-114,  165-168,  272-276;  German,  142- 
144;  Italian,  455-458;  Russian,  520-523; 
Scandinavian,  478-483 

Lithuania,  506,  529.  530,  748 

Little  Russians,  see  Ukrainians 

Livingstone,  677 

Livonia,  530 

Li  Yuan-hung,  664 

Lloyd  George.  David,  352,  357-358,  359- 
360,  753,  756-758 

Lombardy,  214 

Lombardy-Venetia,  18,  133,  134,  199 

London  Convention,  414 

London,  Treaty  of,  647 

Lords,  House  of,  326,  360-364 

Loris-Melikov,  508,  520,  526 

Loubet,  254,  260,  691 

Louis  XVI,  of  France,  10,  11,  12 

Louis  XVIII,  of  France,  94-95 

Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  see  Napoleon  III 

Louis  Philippe,  97-103,  106,  239 

Lowe,  332 

Lower  Canada,  see  Quebec 

Lucger,  Karl,  436 


xliv 


INDEX 


Lule  Burgas,  battle  of,  646 
Lusitania,  sinking  of  tfie,  740-741 
Luxemburg,  grand  duchy  of,  494,  715 
Luzzatti,  446 
Lvov,  Prince,  743 
Lyell,  612 

Macaulay,  Lord,  86 

Macaulay,  Zachary,  62 

McDonald,  J.  Ramsay,  347,  594 

Macdonald,  Sir  John,  410 

Macedonia,  633,  634,  641,  645,  646,  648 

Machinery,  nature  of,  28;  influence  of,  34; 

labor  saving  of,  40.    (See  also  Inventions) 
Mackensen,  General,  729,  730,  733 
MacMahon,  Marshal,  185,  191, 192,  227,  230, 

231,  232-233,  234 
Madagascar,  240 
Mafia,  444 

Magenta,  battle  of,  213 
Magyars,  see  Hungary 
Mahdi,  405 

Mahratta  Confederacy,  401 
Maistre,  Joseph  de,  23 
Majuba  Hill,  battle  of,  335,  414 
Malta,  18,  407 
Malthus,  43,  65 
Manchester  School,  7-8,  43,  332,  418-419. 

(See  also  Laissez  /aire) 
Manchuria,  668,  670,  672 
Manchus,  658,  660,  663 
Mandarins,  658 
Manin,  205,  214 
Manor,  see  feudalism 
Manuel  II,  of  Portugal,  470 
Manzoni,  456 
Marchand,  Captain,  680 
Marches,  the,  217 
Marconi,  651 
Maria,  of  Portugal,  468 
Marie  Antoinette,  of  France,  12 
Marne,  battle  of,  726-727 
Mars-la-Tour,  battle  of,  192 
Marx,  Karl,  577-578,  586,  598,  599,  602 
Marxism,  see  Socialism,  Marxian 
Massacre  of  the  Boulevards,  108 
Maude,  General,  736 
Maupassant,  273 
Maurice,  F.  D.,  81 
Maximilian,  of  Mexico,  157 
Mayer,  616 
May     Laws     (anti-Catholic),     see    Kultur- 

kampf 
May  Laws  (anti-Jewish),  see  Jews,  in  Russia 
Mazzini,  202-204,  205,  210,  214 
Meagher,  392 

Medicine,  progress  of,  617-618 
Mehemet  Ali,  102,  404 
Melbourne,  Lord,  67-68 
Meline,  252 
Mendeleef,  615 
Mendizrabel,  463 
Menelek,  454,  679 
Mensheviki,  744 
Mentana,  battle  of,  219 
Mercantilism,  418,  654 
Merchant  marine,  see  Shipping 
Merchants,  see  Bourgeoisie 
Mercier,  General,  252 
Meredith,  375 
Merry  del  Val,  Cardinal,  260 


Mesopotamia,  642,  702 

Melschnikofif,  617 

Metternich,  Prince,  17,  20-22,  132 

Mctternich  system,  123,  131,  142 

Mexican  Expedition,  156-157 

Michaelis,  George,  759 

Michelet,  148 

Middle  Class,  see  Bourgeoisie 

Miguel,  Dom,  468 

Milan,  of  Serbia,  639 

Militarism,  origin  of  conscription,  172-174; 
general  adoption  of  conscription,  695-696; 
increase  of  armament,  708;  comparison  of 
armies  and  navies,  722-723;  Austrian,  436; 
Belgian,  494;  British,  358,  399-400,  423, 
689-690;  Dutch,  488;  French,  160-162, 
164,  222,  251,  271-272;  German,  285-287, 
312-313,  320-321,596,  689-690,721-722; 
Swedish,  477;  Swiss,  496-497 

Miliuk6v,  547,  557,  743,  745 

Miliutin,  508,  525 

Mill,  James,  43 

Mill,  John  Stuart,  39,  43,  52,  332,  607 

Millerand,  256,  264,  591,  592 

Milner,  Lord,  416,  757 

Minghetti,  450 

Mir,  512-513,  526,  560,  567-568 

Mirabeau,  9 

Missions,  Christian,  655-656,  676,  682 

Mitchel,  392 

Modena,  19,  199,  201,  215 

Mohammed  Ahmed,  see  Mahdi 

Mohammed  V,  of  Turkey,  643 

Mohammedanism,  402,  529,  624-625,  644, 
675 

Moldavia,  630,  631,  632 

Molokanye,  537 

Moltke,  General  von,  173,  182,  185,  187-188, 
189,  190,  191,  272,  286 

Mommsen,  141-142 

Monroe  Doctrine,  157,  462 

Montalembert,  154 

Montenegro,  633,  634,  640,  646,  717 

Montesquieu,  7 

Monumcnta  Gerniania  Historica,  140 

Morley,  Lord,  357,  403 

Morny,  Duke  de,  149,  157 

Morocco,  311,  321,  466,  646,  68t,  692,  700- 
702 

Morris,  William,  593 

Morse,  S.  F.  B.,  33 

Mukden,  battle  of,  551,  669 

Mun,  Count  de,  257,  262 

Municipal  reform,  English,  62 

Muromtzev,  559 

Musset,  Alfred  de,  112 

Mutiny,  Indian,  401-402 

Nansen,  620 

Nanshan,  battle  of,  669 

Naples,  see  Two  Sicilies,  kingdom  of  the 

Napoleon  I,  12-15;  and  Italy,  197 

Napoleon  III,  105-106,  iii,  145-149,  169, 
181,  184,  185,  189,  197,  207,  211,  212,  219, 
246.    {See  also  France,  145-165) 

Nai:)oleonic  Code,  113,  610 

Napoleonic  legend,  90,  106 

Nassau,  184 

Natal,  413 

National  Assembly,  9,  II 

National  Guard,  223 


INDEX 


xlv 


Nationalism,  Napoleon  I  and,  15:  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  and,  17-18;  the  French 
Revolution  and,  16,  719;  the  Industrial 
Revolution  and,  41,  719;  Mazzini  and, 
203-204;  socialism  and,  584,  596-597; 
modern,  160,  185,  718-719;  Alsatian,  316- 
317;  Austrian,  433-435;  in  Austria,  428- 
431,  435;  Belgian,  485-486;  Boer,  413-415; 
Bohemian,  133-134,  427,  432-435;  Bulga- 
rian, 636;  Chinese,  662-664;  Danish,  314, 
473;  Dutch,  488;  Egyptian,  405-507;  Eng- 
lish, 73-74,  115;  Finnish,  554;  French,  102, 
115,  160-161,  162;  German,  115-117,  123- 
125,  128,  135-137.  169,  171-172,  175-176, 
186,  2S9,  321,  473;  Greek,  623,  627-628, 
638-639;  Hungarian,  132-133.  425-427. 
438,  439-441;  Indian,  402-404;  Irish,  386, 
391,  392-398;  Italian,  195,  199,  202,  219, 
428,  455,  686,  731;  Japanese,  666-667; 
Jewish,  536;  Norwegian,  475-476,  481; 
Persian,  673-674:  Polish,  314-316,  428, 
506,  514-515.554;  Rumanian,  623,  637; 
Russian,  505,  526,  566;  in  Russia,  554- 
555,  566;  Serbian,  623,  629;  Slavic,  South 
Slavic,  and  Jugo-Slavic,  134-135,  428, 433, 
649,  707,  711;  Swiss,  494-495;  Turkish,- 
642-645 

National  Workshops,  99-100,  104 

Naturalistic  School  (in  literature),  273 

Navarino,  battle  of,  628 

Navies,  see  MiHtarism 

Navigation  Laws,  68,  69-70 

Navy  Law,  German,  312-313 

Near  Eastern  Question,  see  Table  of  Con- 
tents, ch.  xxvii 

Netherlands,  Austrian,  see  Belgium 

Netherlands,  the,  17,  484-489,  659 

Newcomen,  31 

Newman,  Cardinal,  80 

New  Zealand,  412,  422 

Nice,  211,  215 

Nicholas,  Grand  Duke,  736 

Nicholas,  of  Montenegro,  640 

Nicholas  I,  of  Russia,  135, 162,  504-507,  510, 
628,  629 

Nicholas  II,  of  Russia,  531,  546,  698,  699, 
743.    {See  also  ch.  xxiii) 

Nightingale,  Florence,  631 

NihiHsm,  516-518,  521,  526 

Nivelle,  General,  733 

Nobel,  Alfred,  697 

Nogi,  General,  669 

Nonconformists,  see  Dissenters 

Norway,  18,  474-476,  477-478,  609 

Novara,  battle  of,  206 

Novi  Bazaar,  634,  648 

Oastler,  66 

Obrenovitch,  Milosch,  629 

O'Brien.  William  Smith,  392 

O'Connell,  Daniel,  79,  387 

O'Connor,  Feargus,  72 

October,  Manifesto  of,  by  the  Tsar,  556,  566 

Octobrists,  557,  560,  561,  564 

Oersted,  615 

OflBcial  candidates,  145-146,  156,  232 

Oise,  battle  of  the,  766 

Oku,  General,  669 

Old  BeHevers,  526,  537 

Old  Catholics,  291 

OUivier,  Emile,  157,  160,  189,  190 


Ollivier,  Sidney,  593 

Olmiitz,  humiliation  of,  138,  174,  175,  181, 

183 
OmduFman,  battle  of,  406 
Ontario,  408 
Opium  War,  659 

Orange,  House  of,  see  Netherlands 
Orange  Free  State,  413,  416,  417 
Orders,  religious,  155,  198,210,258-260,290, 

384,  460,  466,  471 
Orleanists,  220,  227 
Orleans,  Duke  of,  see  Louis  Philippe 
Orsini,  212 
Orthodox  Church,  430,  505-506,  525,  532, 

536-537 
Osbourne  Judgment,  348 
Oscar  II,  of  Sweden,  475 
Osman  Pasha,  633 
Otto  I,  of  Greece,  628,  638 
Ottoman  Empire,  see  Turkey 
Owen,  Robert,  58,  66,  344,  575-576 
Oxford  Movement,  80-81 
Oyama,  Marshal,  669 

Pacifism,  see  Peace  Movement 

Painleve,  763 

Pale,  Enghsh,  382,  383;  Jewish,  532,  535,  566 

Palestine,  536,  629 

Palmerston,  Lord,  67,  73,  214 

Panama  Canal,  652 

Panama  scandal,  241-242 

Pan-Germans,  284 

Pan-Hellenism,  see  Greece 

Pankhurst,  Emmeline,  608 

Pan-Slavism,  133,  134,  441,  526,  627,  633, 
685,  686,  707-708 

Papacy,  see  Catholic  Church 

Papal  Guarantees,  Law  of,  446-447 

Papal  Infalhbility,  290 

Papal  States,  201 

Paris,  Comte  de,  220,  230 

Paris,  Congress  of,  211,  631,  693 

Paris,  Declaration  of,  693-694 

Paris,  rebuilding  of,  150;  exposition  of,  153; 
siege  of,  193 

Parliament  Act  (191 1),  363 

Parma,  19,  199,  201,  215 

Parnell,  390,  393,  394 

Peace  Conferences,  see  Hague  Peace  Con- 
ferences 

Peace  Movement,  693-699 

Peace  Proposals  (World  War),  Russian,  744; 
German,  748,  753-755;  Papal,  752;  Ameri- 
can, 752;  British,  753 

Pearse,  756 

Peary,  620 

Peasantry,  see  Agriculture 

Pedro,  Dom,  468 

Peel,  Sir  Robert,  67,  68,  71,  329,  330 

Pelloutier,  268 

Penny  Post,  64 

Perry,  Commodore,  665 

Persia,  673-674 

Peter,  of  Serbia,  640,  706 

Peterioo  Massacre,  59 

Phoenix  Park  murders,  392 

Physics,  progress  of,  615-616 

Picardy,  battle  of,  765 

Picquart,  Colonel,  249-250,  252,  253,  255 

Piedmont,  see  Sardinia 

Pitt,  William,  385 


xlvl 


INDEX 


Pius  IX,  Pope,  153,  204-205,  207,  218,  290, 
292,  432,  447 

Pius  X,  Pope,  260,  262,  453,  471 

Place,  Francis,  58,  434 

Plassey,  battle  of,  400 

Plehve,  548,  549-550 

Plekhanov,  557 

Plevna,  siege  of,  633 

Plombieres,  interview   at,  212 

Plunkett,  Sir  Horace,  391 

Pobiedonostsev,  525,  526 

Pogroms,  549-550,  560,  563.  {See  also  Jews, 
in  Russia) 

Poincar^,  271 

Poles,  Austrian,  427, 428;  Prussian,  314-316; 
Russian,  181,  502-503,  506-507,  514-515, 
528,  529,  530-531,  554,  560,  562,  743,  748 

Poles,  discovery  of  the,  619-620 

Polignac,  96 

Poor  'Law,  English,  50,  63 

Port  Arthur,  551,  668,  669,  672 

Portsmouth,  peace  of,  670 

Portugal,  467-471,  659,  680,  734 

Possibilists,  591 

Prague,  Treaty  of,  183 

Prague,  university  of,  433 

Press,  British,  51,  86;  French,  96,  100,  146- 
147,  157;  German,  169,  178,  186 

Prim,  General,  463 

Primogeniture,  96,  248,  350 

Prisoner  of  the  Vatican,  447-448 

Prison  reform,  English,  52,  63 

Proletariat,  sec  Working  class 

Proportional  Representation,  270-271,  397, 
492-493 

Protection,  in  Germany,  126-128,  304-305, 
310;  in  Great  Britain,  68-71,  73,  327,  370- 
371,  422-423,  721;  in  France,  152-153, 
246;  in  Italy,  449 

Proudhon,  597-598 

Prussia,  expansion  of,  119;  French  Revolu- 
tion and,  11;  Napoleon  I  and,  15,  119-120; 
regeneration  of,  11,  120;  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  and,  19;  the  German  Confedera- 
tion and,  122;  the  Zolhcrein  and,  127;  revo- 
lution of  1848  in,  128-130;  reaction  in, 
130,  138,  169-170;  patriotic  historians  of, 
177-179;  Seven  Weeks'  War,  179-184; 
Franco-Prussian  War,  184-194;  privileges 
of,  in  German  Empire,  280;  government 
of,  280-281 .  {See  also  Bismarck;  Germany) 

Punjab,  401 

Quadrilateral,  213 
Quadruple  Alliance,  20 
Quanta  Ciira,  290 
Quebec,  408 
Quebec  Art,  407-408 
Quincy,  Thomas  de,  85 
Quinet,  148 
Quirinal,  448 

Radetzky,  General,  133,  134,  206 

Radicals,  British,  58;  French,  90-91,  238, 
271;  German,  130.    (5ec  Liberalism) 

Rallies,  258 

Railways,  backward  countries  and,  702;  na- 
tionalism and,  41,  289,  719;  trunk,  650- 
651;  Chinese,  661-662;  British,  76-77; 
French,  92-93,  151-152,  245;  German,  305, 
723;  Russian,  543;  Turkish,  702-705 


Rand,  the,  414 

Ranke,  Ludwig  von,  140 

Rasputin,  743 

Realistic  School  (in  literature),  167,  273 

Red  Cross,  631,  694 

Red  Sunday, 553-554 

Redmodid,  391,  395,  398,  756 

Reform  banquets,  102-103 

Reform  Bill  (1832),  57-62;  (1867),  75,  345; 

(1884),  334;  (1918),  757 
Reformists,  see  Socialism,  and  revisionism 
Reign  of  Terror,  12 
Reinsurance  Treaty  (Germany  and  Russia), 

312,  685 
Reis,  33 
ReHgious  equality,  78-80,  338-341,  3S7-388, 

644,  744 
Religious  revival,  and  Restoration,  22-23 
Renan,  148,  166-167 
Republicanism,  in  China,  663-664;  in  France, 

11-13,  91,  96,  97,  103-108,  109,  149,  156, 

158-159,  160,  164,  ch.  xi;  in  Italy,  195, 

203-204,  205,  207,  214,  215,  216,  443;  in 

Portugal,   468,   470-471;   in   Spain,   463- 

464;  in  Switzerland,  494-498 
Restoration,  in  Europe,  17-24;  failure  of,  24 

in  France,  94-97;  in  Germany,  12c- 122 

in  Italy,  198-199;  in  Portugal,  467-468 

in  Spain,  459-460 
Revanche,  242,  595 

Revisionism,  see  Socialism,  and  revisionism 
Revolution,    agricultural,    see    Agriculture, 

revolution  in 
Revolution,  Chinese,  663-664 
Revolution,  French,  see  French  Revolution 
Revolution,  Industrial,  see  Industrial  Revo- 
lution 
Revolution,     Intellectual,     see    Intellectual 

Revolution 
Revolution  of  1820,  in  Italy,  200-201;  in 

Spain,  460-461 
Revolution  of  1830,  in  Belgium,  485-486    in 

Italy.  201 ;  in  France,  59,  67-97 
Revolution  of  1848,  in  Central  Europe,  128- 

138;  in  France,  102-103;  in  Holland,  486- 

487;  in  Italy,  205-207 
Revolution,  Persian,  673-674 
Revolution,  Portuguese,  470 
Revolution,  Russian  (1905),  ch.  xxiii;  (1917), 

742-752 
Revolution,  Spanish,  463-464 
Revolution,  Turkish,  643-646 
Revolutionary  Movement,  Russian,  516-520 
Rhodes,  Cecil,  407,  415,  416 
Rhodesia,  407 
Ribot,  763 
Ricardo,  43,  65 
Ricasoli,  218,  450 
Riksakt  of  1815,  474 
Risorgimento,  202,  208,  455;  see  ch.  x. 
Ritual  murder  case,  546 
Rivet  Law,  227 
Roberts,  General,  417 
Robespierre,  12 
Rochefort,  158,  243 
Rodjestvensky,  Admiral,  669 
Rogier,  490 
Romagna,  215 
Roman  Question,  218 
Roman  RcpubHc,  205,  207 
Romanov,  House  of,  see  Russia 


INDEX 


xlvii 


Romantic  School  (in  literature),  in  England, 
So,  82;  in  France,  110-112,  165 

Rome,  uprising  in,  205;  capture  of,  219 

Romilly,  Sir  Samuel,  63 

Rontgen,  619 

Roon,  Albrecht  von,  172,  188,  189 

Roosevelt,  President,  670',  699 

Rosebery,  Lord,  336,  362 

Rossi,  205 

Rotativism,  464-465,  468-469,  470 

Rousseau,  7 

Rouvier,  261 

Rumania,  623,  632,  633,  637-638,  648,  717, 
764 

Rumanians,  in  Hungary,  438;  in  Russia,  530 

Rumelia,  633,  634,  636 

Rumford,  Count,  616 

Ruskin,  374-375 

Russell,  Lord  John,  60,  67,  71,  74,  75 

Russia,  Napoleon  and,  15;  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  and,  18;  (1815-1881),  499-523; 
at  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  524- 
545;  the  Revolution  of  1905,  546-569  {see 
Table  of  Contents,  chs.  xxi,  xxii,  and 
xxiii) ;  and  China,  660,  661 ;  expansion  of, 
671-674;  international  relations  of,  see 
ch.  xxix;  and  Japan,  550,  560,  668-670, 
671;  and  the  Near  East,  333,  515,  627, 
632-635,  641,  649,  706;  and  Persia,  674; 
and  Revolution  of  1848, 135;  and  the  World 
War,  712-714,  742-752 

Russian  Revolution,  see  Revolution,  Russian 

Russo-Japanese  War,  550,  560,  668-670 

Russo-Turkish  War  (1828),  628;  (1877- 
1878),  333,  515,  632-635 

Ruthenians,  427,  428,  437. .  (See  also  Ukrai- 
nians) 

Sabotage,  601 

Sadowa,  battle  of,  163,  182 

Sagasta,  464 

Saint-Just,  12 

Saint-Simon,  150,  574-575 

Sainte-Beuve,  165-166 

Sakhalin,  670 

Salisbury,  Lord,  313.  335,  336,  337,  394,  406, 

63s,  690 
Saloniki,  437,  647,  648 
Samurai,  667 
Sand,  George,  113 
San  River,  battle  of,  729 
San  Stefano,  Treaty  of,  633-634 
Sarajevo,  murder  at,  710 
Sardina,   19,   201,  205-206,  207.     {See  also 

Italy) 
Savannah  (steamboat),  32 
Savoff,  General,  646 

Savoy,  211,  215.    (See  also  Sardinia;  Italy) 
Savoy,  House  of,  see  Sardinia;  Italy 
Saxony,  19,  182 
Sazonov,  713,  714 
Scheer,  Admiral,  738 
Scheurer-Kestner,  252 
Schleswig-Holstein,  162,  179-180,  181,  183, 

314,  473 
Schmoller,  Professor,  585 
Schurz,  Carl,  130 
Science,  611-620    {see   Table  of    Contents, 

ch.  xxvi);  and  agriculture,  301,  614-615; 

and  literature,  86;  and  v.'ar,  696 
Scott,  Captain  R.  F.,  620 


Scott,  Sir  Walter,  84-85 

ScriUin  de  lisle,  235,  242,  243 

Scutari,  647,  649 

Sebastopol,  siege  of,  507,  630 

Sects,  religious,  see  Dissenters 

Sedan,  battle  of,  192 

Seize  Mai,  232 

Sella,  450 

Sembat,  763 

Senegal,  240 

Separation  Law,  French,  260-263;  Portu- 
guese, 470-471 

Sepoys,  401 

September  Act,  French,  230 

September  Laws,  100 

Serbia  (Serbs),  427,  428,  437,  623,  629,  633, 
634,  639-640,  646,  648,  706-707;  and  the 
World  War,  710-712,  717,  733-734 

Serfdom,  in  Europe,  5;  in  Prussia,  120;  in 
Russia,  502,  507-513 

Sergius,  Grand  Duke,  549,  552 

Seven  Weeks'  War,  163,  179-184,  426 

Shackleton,  Sir  Ernest  Henry,  620 

Shaftesbury,  Lord,  65 

Shaw,  George  Bernard,  356,  376,  378,  379- 

380.  5Q3 

Shelley,  82 

Shevket  Pasha.  643 

Shimonoseki,  Treaty  of,  661 

Shipping,  British,  77,  368;  French,  93,  152, 
245;  German,  300;  Italian,  449;  Nor- 
wegian, 478 

Shogun,  665-666 

Shuster,  W.  jNIorgan,  674 

Siberia,  506,  527,  529,  539,  563 

Siccardi  Laws,  210 

Sicilian  Expedition,  216-217 

Sicily,  19.  (See  also  Two  Sicilies,  kingdom 
of  the) 

Siemans-Martin  process,  see  Steel,  process  of 
making 

Sigel,  Franz,  130 

Sikhs,  401,  403 

Simon,  Jules,  109,  148,  231 

Sinn  Fein,  398 

Sipiagin,  548,  549 

Six  Acts,  59 

Slave-trade,  676 

Slavery,  abohtion  of,  by  Great  Britain,  62 

Slavophilism,  525,  526 

Slavs,  Austrian,  440,  427-431,  433;  Balkan, 
623;  German,  314-316;  Hungarian,  437; 
Russian,  529;  Southern,  134-135,  427,  428, 
433,  707,  711 

Slovaks,  427 

Slovenes,  427,  433 

Smith,  Adam,  8,  43,  68-69 

Smith,  Sydney,  387 

Smuts,  General,  737 

Snowden,  594 

Socialism,  revolutionary,  570;  indictment  of 
present  society,  570-572;  character  and 
aims  of,  572-573;  Utopian,  573-577; 
Marxian,  577-582;  criticism  of,  583-586; 
international,  586-587;  in  Austria,  435, 
594;  in  Belgium,  491;  in  France,  103,  149, 
226,  238-239,  251,  264,  272,  591-593.  (See 
also  June  Days  and  Commune);  in  Ger- 
many, 292-293,  310,  319,  588-591,  596;  in 
Great  Britain,  593-594.  (See  also  Labor 
Party,  English) ;  in  Hungary,  441 ;  in  Italy. 


xh 


INDEX 


444,  45^,  453-454,  594-595;  in  the  Nether- 
lands, 487;  in  Russia,  557-559,  560,  561, 
563,  744-745;  in  Sweden,  477;  and  Ca- 
tholicism, 585-586;  and  English  literature, 
377-378;  and  internationalism,  581-582, 
710;  and  militarism.  595-596;  and  revision- 
ism, 590-591;  and  war,  596-597;  and  the 
World  War,  596-597,710,758-759,761-762 

Socialism,  Christian,  81,435-436,  585-588 

Socialism,  Orthodox  (scientific),  see  Social- 
ism, Marxian 

Socialism,  state,  584-585.  {See  also  Social 
legislation) 

Social  legislation,  in  Australia,  412;  in 
Belgium,  491;  in  France,  149-150,  264- 
266;  in  Germany,  293-297;  in  Great 
Britain,  355-356,  364-367;  in  Italy,  449- 
450;  in  New  Zealand,  412.  {See  also  Fac- 
tory legislation) 

Solferino,  battle  of,  213 

Somme,  battle  of  the,  734 

Sonderbund,  495 

Sorel,  602 

South  Africa,  18,  413-417,  676,  736-737 

South  African  Union,  417 

Soviets,  744 

Spain,  Napoleon  I  and,  15;  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  and,  18;  restoration  in,  459-460; 
revolutionary  movement  in,  460-462; 
dynastic  struggles  in,  462-464;  political 
history  of  (1885-1914),  464-467;  Africa 
and,  680 

Spanish-American  War,  465 

Spec,  Admiral,  738 

Spencer,  Herbert,  613 

Stambulov,  636 

Stanley,  677 

Steam-engine,  invention  of,  31 

Steam  navigation,  32-33,  651.  {See  also 
Shipping) 

Steel,  process  of  making,  31-32,  244,  300, 
652 

Stein,  Baron  vom,  17,  120 

Steinmetz,  General,  191 

Stephenson,  George,  33 

Stepniak,  518,  519 

Ste'.enson,  Robert  Louis,  376 

St.  Helena,  15 

Stoessel,  General,  669 

Stolypin,  561,  563,  564,  569 

Strike,  general,  see  General  Strike 

Strindberg,  481-482 

Stunc'.ists,  537 

Sturdee,  Admiral,  738 

Submarines,  725,  739,  740-742 

Sudan,  405,  406,  680 

Suez  Canal,  333,  404,  642,  652,  673,  700 

Suffrage,  English  theory  of,  47  (see  Democ- 
racy); woman,  see  Won:  an  Suffrage 

Suffragettes,  608-609 

Sun  Yat-sen,  663 

Surgery,  618-619 

Suttee,  403 

Sviatopolk-Mirski,  Prince,  551-552 

Sweden,  18,  474-477,  609 

Swedes,  in  Finland,  530 

Switzerland,  18,  494-498 

Sybel,  Heinrich  von,  171 

Syllabus  of  Modern  Errors,  290 

Syndicalism,  268-270,  272,  453,  454,  599- 
602,  710 


Taaffe,  Count,  433 

Taff  Vale  Decision,  346-347 

Taine,  166 

Taiping  Rebellion,  660 

"Tanks,"  724;  battle  of  the,  764 

Tannenberg,  battle  of,  728 

Tariff,  see  Protection 

Tariff  Reform,  see  Protection,  in  England 

Tartars,  529 

Tcheidze,  743 

Tchernesevsky,  517 

Telegraph,  sec  Communication 

Telephone,  see  Communication 

Tennyson,  372 

Terror,  Reign  of,  12 

Terrorism,  Russian,  518-520,  524,  542,  552 

559 
Thackeray,  88 
Thcssaly,  638 

Thibault,  see  France,  Anatole 
Thiers,  loi,  157,  193,  220-222,  227 
Third  Section,  Russian,  505,  519,  542 
Thomas  process,  see  Steel,  process  of  mak 

ing 
Thompson,  Benjamin,  see  Rumford,  Count 
Thorbecke,  486,  487 
Thrace,  646,  648 

Three  Emperors'  League,  see  Dreikaiserbund 
Three-class  system,  Prussian,  130,  280-281, 

319-320 
Tibet,  619 

Tientsin,  Treaty  of,  659 
Tirpitz,  Admiral  von,  313 
Tisza,  Count,  439,  440 
Todleben,  General,  631,  633 
Togo,  Admiral,  669 
Tolstoy,  Count  Dmitri,  526 
Tolstoy,  Count  Leo,  522-523,  698 
Tonkin,  240,  660 
Tory  democracy,  331 
Townshend,  General,  367 
Townshend,  Viscount,  54 
Tractarians  see  Oxford  Movement 
Trade  unions,  British,  342-350;  French,  99. 

266-270;  Italian,  454;  Russian,  553 
Trans-Siberian  Railway,  543,  668,  672,  687 
Transportation,  revolution  in,  sec  Railways; 

Steam  navigation 
Transvaal,  see  South  Africa 
Treitschke,  Heinrich  von,  171-172 
Trentino,  see  Italia  irredenta 
Trepov,  General,  519,  552,  556 
Trieste,  sec  Italia  irredenta 
Trinidad,  18 
Triple  Alliance,  239,  289,  312,  435,  684-686, 

692,  707 
Triple  Entente,  692-693 
Tripoli,  455,  645,  680 
Tripolitan  War,  see  Italo-Turkish  War 
Troppau,  Congress  of,  21,  200,  504 
Trotzky,  746-748 
Tsushima,  battle  of,  551,  670 
Tull,  Jethro,  53 
Tunis,  240,  681 
Turgeniev,  516,  521 
Turkey,  Egypt  and,  102,  404;  expansion  of, 

621;  races  in,  621-624;  rehgions  in,  624- 

625;  government  of,  625-626;  and  Europe, 

626,  641,  645-646,  694;  and  Russia,  515, 
626-627,  629-635,  641;  and  Great  Britain, 

627,  635,  641,  704-705;  Armenian  massa- 


INDEX 


xlix 


cres  in,  641;  and  Germany,  635,  642,  702- 
705;  revolution  of  "Young  Turks"  in,  455, 
642-643;  and  France,  644;  liberal  era  in, 
644-645;  and  Austria,  634,  645,  706;  and 
Italy,  595,  645,  679-680;  and  Balkan  Wars, 
646-649;  and  the  World  War,  717-718;  for 
relations  of,  with  Balkan  States,  see  Al- 
bania; Bulgaria;  Greece;  Montenegro; 
Rumania;  Serbia 

Tuscany,  19,  199,  215 

Two  Sicilies,  kingdom  of  the,  19,  198,  200, 
216-217 

U-Boat,  see  Submarines 

Uitlanders,  see  South  Africa 

Ukraine,  428,  529,  745,  746-747,  748 

Ulster,  383,  385,  386,  390,  395-398 

Ultramontanes,  see  Catholic  Church 

Ultras,  95 

Umbria,  217 

Uniate  Church,  430,  506 

Union  and  Progress,  Committee  of,  643 

United  Irishmen,  385 

United  States,  and  Cuba,  465;  Great  Britain, 
74  and  Japan,  671;  and  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, 462;  and  the  World  War,  739-742 

Upper  Canada,  see  Ontario 

Utopianism,  573-577,  582 

Vail,  33 

Vasa,  House  of,  474 

Vatican,  see  Catholic  Church 

Vatican  Council,  290 

Venetia,  181,  183,  219 

Venezuela  Afiair,  338 

Venizelos,  639,  646,  717,  734,  735 

Verdun,  239;  battle  of,  732-733 

Verlaine,  274-275 

Verona,  Congress  of,  461 

Veuillot,  155 

Viborg  Manifesto,  561 

Victor  Emmanuel  I,  of  Sardinia,  198,  201 

Victor  Emmanuel  II,  of  Italy,  206,  208,  217, 

218,451 
Victor  Emmanuel  III,  of  Italy,  453 
Vic'oria,  Queen,  67,  333,  402,  420 
Victorian  Age  (in  literature),  85-86 
Vienna,  Congress  of,  17-20,  484,  693 
Vigny,  Alfred  de,  112 
Villafranca,  peace  of,  213 
Viviani,  256,  763 
Vlachs,  623 
Vladivostok,  672 
Voltaire,  7 
Volturno,  battle  of,  217 

Wagner,  Professor,  585 
Waldeck-Rousseau,  229,  254,  256,  258,  259, 

267,  592 
Wallace,  Alfred  Russel,  613 
Wallachia,  630,  631,  632 
Walloons,  490 
Warfare,   new    methods  of,    182,  695-696, 

724-725 
Warren,  618 

Warsaw,  grand  duchy  of,  18 
Wartburg  festival,  125 
Waterloo,  battle  of,  IS 
Watt,  31 

Webb,  Sidney  and  Beatrice,  356,  593 
Wekerle,  440 


Wellington,  Duke  of,  17,  59,  60,  72,  79 

Wells,  H.  G.,  378,  380-381,  593 

Welipolilik,  688 

Weyler,  General,  465 

Whi  thread,  51 

White  Russians,  529 

Whitney,  Eli,  30 

Wilberforce,  62 

Wilhelmina,  of  the  Netherlands,  488 

William,  of  Albania,  649 

William  I,  of  Germany  (and  Prussia),  172, 
188,  189,  194,  308 

William  II,  of  Germany,  308-314,  642,  687, 
688,  700,  706,  707 

William  IV,  of  Great  Britain,  59,  67 

William  I,  of  the  Netherlands,  484,  485, 
486 

William  II,  of  the  Netherlands,  486 

William  III,  of  the  Netherlands,  487,  488 

\\ilson.  President,  739-742,  752,  754,  755 

\\indischgraetz,  133,  134 

Windthorst,  291 

Wireless  telegraphy,  see  Communication, 
revolution  in 

Wiseman,  Cardinal,  80,  81 

Witte,  Count,  543,  556,  650 

Wohler,  614 

Wollstonecraft,  Mary,  605-606 

Woman,  position  of,  603-604;  and  education, 
604-605;  man's  attitude  toward,  605;  the 
French  Revolution  and,  605-606;  the  In- 
dustrial Revolution  and,  606-607 ;  progress 
of,  in  France,  610;  in  Germany,  610;  in 
Great  Britain,  609;  suffrage  in  Australia, 
412;  in  Finland,  555,  610;  in  Great  Brit- 
ain, 335,  607-609,  757;  in  New  Zealand, 
412;  in  Scandinavia,  473,  476,  477,  609-- 
610 

Woman  Suffrage,  see  Woman,  suffrage  in  the 
various  countries 

Women,  employment  of,  39,  49-50,  605. 
(See  also  Social  legislation;  Factory  legis- 
lation) 

Wordsworth,  84 

Working  class,  origin  of,  38;  condition  of, 
38-40;  and  the  World  War,  709-710;  Bel- 
gian, 491,  492;  British,  49-51,  58,  61,  65- 
66,  71-72,  75-76,  328,  331,  342-350;  355- 
357,  367;  French,  91,  93,  97,  98,  99-iGO, 
103-105,  109,  150,  222,  228,  264,  266-270; 
German,  285,  294-295.  306;  Italian,  445- 
446,  449,  452,  454;  Russian,  544-545,  553, 
555,  558-559,  562,  567, -743,  744,  745; 
Spanish,  467;  Swedish,  477.  {See  also 
Anarchism;  Factory  legislation;  SociaUsm; 
Social  legislation;  Syndicalism;  Trade 
Unions) 

World  War,  709-774  see  Table  of  Contents, 
ch.  XXX 

Worth,  battle  of,  192 

Xavicr,  St.  Francis,  665 
X-ray,  619 

Yalu,  battle  of  the,  669 

Yellow  Peril,  670 

Yeomanry,  English,  54-55 

Young,  Arthur,  54 

Younghusband,  619 

Young  China,  663 

Young  Germany,  123-126,  142 


1 


Young  Ireland,  392 
Young  Ital\',  201-205 
Young  Tur'kej',  642-646 
Yuan-shi-kai,  664 

Zabern  Affair,  317 
Zapadniki,  526 
Zasulitch,  Vera,  519 


INDEX 


Zemstvos,  513-514,  S27,  540,  546,  547,  cfi 

^  555.  556,  743  0-+/,  0:5  . 

Zeppelins,  724-725 

Zhukovsky,  508 

Zionism,  536 

Zola,  252-253,  255,  273-274 

z,ollverein,  126-128 

Zurich,  Treaty  of,  214 


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